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History of Peru |
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Peruportal |
The industries of the economy of Peru arose in response to the country's rich natural resources. During the regime of the Inca Empire, the economy was centrally planned, and labour was mandatory. Spanish explorers held the Incan system in much regard. [1]
Today, Peru has important mineral resources, which are found throughout its mountainous and coastal regions. The country is the world's second-largest producer of silver and copper. [2] From 2016 to 2017, mining output increased, helping Peru attain one of the highest GDP growth rates in Latin America. [3] Peru's prominent industries include mining, farming, fishing, and agriculture. [1]
The Incan economy was centered around the ayllu , a local group composed of neighboring families in the same village. Every ayllu specialized in a certain industry, such as agriculture, pottery, clothing, or jewellery. People did collective community work in a system known as the minka , which involved construction, cleaning, or attending to other needs of the society at large. Since there was no official currency, taxes were collected in the form of crops, cattle, and labor.
While the Spanish Empire ruled the region, Peru's economy was dominated by minerals. The enslavement of indigenous peoples provided the initial labor force. Peru's precious mineral resources and large indigenous population placed it at the core of the South American colonies. According to Palmer,[ who? ] Peru could be ranked second on a scale that compares the degree to which colonies were exploited.[ clarification needed ] [4] Minerals from Peru and other South American colonies along with textiles and sugar were exported back to Europe.
After the War of the Spanish Succession in the early 18th century, Spain began to lose its monopoly in colonial trade. In the mid-18th century, liberal factions began to appear within the colonial elite; they questioned the legitimacy of Spanish rule in the Americas. Called "Creole patriots", the factions were originally marginalized to the periphery of the empire in places such as Venezuela; consequently, they experienced expanded trade opportunities. They provided the necessary conditions for successful economic development, however, during the late colonial period. [4] The introduction of free trade led to explosive growth throughout the empire; by the end of the century, Spain received ten times more imports.[ clarification needed ] Despite the overall growth of the colonies, Peru's economy stagnated in the period that lasted about 150 years after the Peruvian War of Independence. The regional socioeconomic hierarchy inverted itself because core territories where liberals were absent experienced much lower levels of economic development. Author James Mahoney writes:
[R]egional specialists have argued that underdevelopment throughout [areas such as Peru] can be traced to colonial patterns of economic dependence, Hispanic culture, and inefficient markets and economic arrangements. [4]
The Spanish crown, attempting to protect its colonial possessions and reverse its faltering role in colonial trade, implemented liberal reforms, hastening the removal of trade restrictions and weakening colonial monopolies. These actions continued the decay of the core regions, leaving them more exposed to the uncertainties of the free market. By the mid-19th century, the reversal of the socioeconomic hierarchy was complete. Peru has never recovered supremacy similar to that of the Viceroyalty era. [4]
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After the country gained its independence, Peru embarked on a railroad building program. Entrepreneur Henry Meiggs built a standard gauge line from Callao, a seaside city, across the Andes to the Huancayo in the highlands. Aiming for Cusco in the Andes, he built the line but also bankrupted the country.
In 1879, Peru entered the War of the Pacific, which lasted until 1884. Bolivia invoked its alliance with Peru against Chile. The Peruvian government tried to mediate the dispute by sending a diplomatic team to negotiate with the Chilean government, but the committee concluded that war was inevitable. Chile declared war on April 5, 1879. Almost five years of war ended with the loss of Tarapacá Province, and the provinces in the Atacama region of Tacna and Arica. Originally, Chile committed to a referendum for the cities of Arica and Tacna to be held years later to self-determine their national affiliation. However, Chile refused to apply the Treaty, and both countries could not determine the statutory framework. The USA decided that the plebiscite was impossible to take; direct negotiations between the parties led to the treaty Treaty of Lima in 1929, where Peru ceded Arica to Chile and Tacna remained in Peru. Tacna officially returned to Peru on August 29, 1929. The territorial loss, extensive looting of Peruvian cities by Chilean troops, and other effects of the war led to tense diplomatic relations between the two countries, which have not since fully subsided.
After the War of the Pacific, the Peruvian government initiated social and economic reforms to recover from the damage of the war. The country finally attained political stability in the early 20th century.
Before the start of World War I, Peru had enjoyed years of economic growth bolstered by sugar, mining and cotton exports. With the start of the war Peru's export economy was severely impacted by disruption in international markets. [5]
On October 29, 1948, General Manuel A. Odría became the new president after a military coup. Due to a thriving economy, Odría implemented expensive, populist social reconstruction, whose programs included housing projects, hospitals, and schools. His government was dictatorial, however, and civil rights were severely restricted. Corruption was rampant throughout his regime.
Various military juntas continued to rule Peru over the next three decades. The economic policies of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s were based on the substitution of imports and had little effect on the size of the economy. General Francisco Morales Bermúdez replaced leftist General Juan Velasco Alvarado in 1975, citing Velasco's economic mismanagement among other reasons. The regime of Bermúdez was a more conservative period, beginning the task of restoring the country's economy.
In 1980, after many years of military rule, Fernando Belaúnde Terry was elected president. After a strong beginning, his popularity eroded under the stress of inflation, economic hardship, and terrorism. The government's attempt to liberalize the economy failed, partly because of the Latin American debt crisis. Per-capita income declined, and Peru's foreign debt grew. Violence by leftist insurgents, notably Shining Path, rose steadily during the internal conflict in Peru. The first large insurgent activities began the day before Belaúnde's election. Belaúnde continued many of the projects that were planned during his 1963–1968 term, including the completion of the Carretera Marginal de la Selva, a roadway linking Chiclayo on the Pacific coast with the then-isolated northern regions of Amazonas and San Martín.
Over time, the economic problems left behind by the various junta governments persisted. The El Niño weather phenomenon from 1982 to 1983 further eroded the economy, causing widespread flooding in some parts of the country and severe droughts in others, and decimating the schools of ocean fish that were one of the country's major resources.
Belaúnde's successor, Alan García, was elected to office in 1985. His administration applied heterodox policies through the expansion of public expenditure and limitations on external debt payments. [6] With a parliamentary majority for the first time in the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance's history, García's administration showed economic promise, much as Belaúnde's had. However, despite his initial popularity, García's term in office was marked by bouts of hyperinflation, which reached 7,649% in 1990 and had a cumulative total of 2,200,200% over his five-year term, and profoundly destabilized the Peruvian economy. As a result of chronic inflation, the Peruvian currency, the sol, was replaced by the inti in mid-1985, which itself was replaced by the nuevo sol in July 1991; the new currency had an equivalent value of one billion old soles. During García's administration, the per-capita annual income of Peruvians fell to $720, which was below 1960 levels, and Peru's GDP dropped by 20%. By the end of his term, the national reserves cumulatively were $900 million in debt. [7]
García's term was also characterized by heavy increases in poverty. According to studies by the National Institute of Statistics and Informatics and the United Nations Development Programme, at the start of García's presidency, 41.6% of Peruvians lived in poverty. By 1991, this figure had increased to 55%. García also attempted to nationalize the banking and insurance industries. He angered the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the international financial community by unilaterally declaring a limit on debt repayment equal to 10% of the gross national product, thereby isolating Peru from international financial markets. One of his projects, a multimillion-dollar metro for Lima, was not completed until 2011 because its construction was paralyzed for over 20 years until it was resumed in 2010.
Critics of García's presidency claim that his many poor decisions in office created an environment that led to the rise of the authoritarian leader Alberto Fujimori, who came to power in 1990. Fujimori implemented drastic measures that caused inflation to drop from 7,650% in 1990 to 139% in 1991. Faced with opposition to his efforts, he dissolved Congress in the auto-golpe (self-coup) of April 5, 1992. He then revised the constitution and called for new congressional elections. Undertaking a process of economic liberalization, he ended price controls, discarded protectionism, eliminated restrictions on foreign direct investment, and privatized most state companies. [8] The reforms allowed sustained economic growth, except for a slump after the 1997 Asian financial crisis. [9]
Positive results in Peru's economy have begun to appear after 15 years, reflecting an expanding global economy. According to figures provided by the INEI, in 2007, during Alan García's second presidency, the gross national product grew by 8.99%; exports grew by over 35% and reached US$27.8 billion; private and public investments accounted for 21% of the GDP, growing even further to 24.4% in 2008; net international reserves, including gold, reached US$35.1 billion; state income from taxation increased by 33%; national debt scaled to GNP was reduced from 50% in 2000 to 34% in 2006; and the national budget grew by 50% in the five years before 2007.
Since 1990, the Peruvian economy has undergone free-market reforms, legalizing parts of the informal sector, and privatizing the mining, electricity, and telecommunications industries. Because of strong foreign investment, and cooperation between the Fujimori government and the IMR and World Bank, growth was strong in 1994–97, and inflation was brought under control. In 1998, El Niño's impact on agriculture, the financial crisis in Asia, and instability in Brazilian markets undercut growth. 1999 was another lean year for Peru due to the aftermath of El Niño and the Asian financial crisis. Lima completed negotiations for an Extended Fund Facility with the IMF in June 1999, although it subsequently had to renegotiate the targets.
Peru's per-capita growth rates have diverged from overall growth rates over the last quarter-century. Peru's GDP per capita peaked in 1981 and is only recently on the path to return to that level. By the end of 2006, the government had enacted measures that allowed the economy to improve by increasing investments, and expanding production and exports. Raw materials and agroindustrial products represent the bulk of potential exports. By 2020, investment is expected to total US$25 billion for mining activities; US$20 billion in energy, especially petroleum; US$12 billion for commerce; US$8 billion for agricultural industries; and US$5 billion for tourism.
The economy of Chile is a market economy and high-income economy as ranked by the World Bank. The country is considered one of South America's most prosperous nations, leading the region in competitiveness, income per capita, globalization, economic freedom, and low perception of corruption. Although Chile has high economic inequality, as measured by the Gini index, it is close to the regional mean. Among OECD nations, Chile has a highly efficient and strong social security system; social welfare expenditure stood at roughly 19.6% of GDP.
The economy of Colombia is the fourth largest in Latin America as measured by gross domestic product and the third-largest economic power in South America. Colombia has experienced a historic economic boom over the last decade. Throughout most of the 20th century, Colombia was Latin America's 4th and 3rd largest economy when measured by nominal GDP, real GDP, GDP (PPP), and real GDP at chained PPPs. Between 2012 and 2014, it became the 3rd largest in Latin America by nominal GDP. As of 2018, the GDP (PPP) per capita has increased to over US$14,000, and real gross domestic product at chained PPPs increased from US$250 billion in 1990 to nearly US$800 billion. Poverty levels were as high as 65% in 1990, but decreased to under 30% by 2014, and 27% by 2018. They decreased by an average of 1.35% per year since 1990.
The economy of Indonesia is a mixed economy with dirigiste characteristics, and it is one of the emerging market economies in the world and the largest in Southeast Asia. As an upper-middle income country and member of the G20, Indonesia is classified as a newly industrialized country. Estimated at over 24 quadrillion rupiah in 2024, it is the 16th largest economy in the world by nominal GDP and the 7th largest in terms of GDP (PPP). Indonesia's internet economy reached US$77 billion in 2022, and is expected to cross the US$130 billion mark by 2025. Indonesia depends on the domestic market and government budget spending and its ownership of state-owned enterprises. The administration of prices of a range of basic goods also plays a significant role in Indonesia's market economy. However, since the 1990s, the majority of the economy has been controlled by individual Indonesians and foreign companies.
The economy of Nicaragua is focused primarily on the agricultural sector. Nicaragua itself is the least developed country in Central America, and the second poorest in the Americas by nominal GDP. In recent years, under the administrations of Daniel Ortega, the Nicaraguan economy has expanded somewhat, following the Great Recession, when the country's economy actually contracted by 1.5%, due to decreased export demand in the American and Central American markets, lower commodity prices for key agricultural exports, and low remittance growth. The economy saw 4.5% growth in 2010 thanks to a recovery in export demand and growth in its tourism industry. Nicaragua's economy continues to post growth, with preliminary indicators showing the Nicaraguan economy growing an additional 5% in 2011. Consumer Price inflation have also curtailed since 2008, when Nicaragua's inflation rate hovered at 19.82%. In 2009 and 2010, the country posted lower inflation rates, 3.68% and 5.45%, respectively. Remittances are a major source of income, equivalent to 15% of the country's GDP, which originate primarily from Costa Rica, the United States, and European Union member states. Approximately one million Nicaraguans contribute to the remittance sector of the economy.
The economy of Paraguay is a market economy that is highly dependent on agriculture products. In recent years, Paraguay's economy has grown as a result of increased agricultural exports, especially soybeans. Paraguay has the economic advantages of a young population and vast hydroelectric power. Its disadvantages include the few available mineral resources, and political instability. The government welcomes foreign investment.
The history of Peru spans 15 millennia, extending back through several stages of cultural development along the country's desert coastline and in the Andes mountains. Peru's coast was home to the Norte Chico civilization, the oldest civilization in the Americas and one of the six cradles of civilization in the world. When the Spanish arrived in the sixteenth century, Peru was the homeland of the highland Inca Empire, the largest and most advanced state in pre-Columbian America. After the conquest of the Incas, the Spanish Empire established a Viceroyalty with jurisdiction over most of its South American domains. Peru declared independence from Spain in 1821, but achieved independence only after the Battle of Ayacucho three years later.
The economy of Peru is an emerging, mixed economy characterized by a high level of foreign trade and an upper middle income economy as classified by the World Bank. Peru has the forty-seventh largest economy in the world by total GDP and currently experiences a high human development index. The country was one of the world's fastest-growing economies in 2012, with a GDP growth rate of 6.3%. The economy was expected to increase 9.3% in 2021, in a rebound from the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru. Peru has signed a number of free trade agreements with its main trade partners. China became the nation's largest trading partner following the China–Peru Free Trade Agreement signed on 28 April 2009. Additional free trade agreements have been signed with the United States in 2006, Japan in 2011 and the European Union in 2012. Trade and industry are centralized in Lima while agricultural exports have led to regional development within the nation.
The economy of the Republic of the Congo is a mixture of subsistence hunting and agriculture, an industrial sector based largely on petroleum extraction and support services. Government spending is characterized by budget problems and overstaffing. Petroleum has supplanted forestry as the mainstay of the economy, providing a major share of government revenues and exports. Nowadays the Republic of the Congo is increasingly converting natural gas to electricity rather than burning it, greatly improving energy prospects.
The economic history of Argentina is one of the most studied, owing to the "Argentine paradox". As a country, it had achieved advanced development in the early 20th century but experienced a reversal relative to other developed economies, which inspired an enormous wealth of literature and diverse analysis on the causes of this relative decline. Since independence from Spain in 1816, the country has defaulted on its debt nine times. Inflation has often risen to the double digits, even as high as 5,000%, resulting in several large currency devaluations.
The economy of Bolivia is the 95th-largest in the world in nominal terms and the 87th-largest in purchasing power parity. Bolivia is classified by the World Bank to be a lower middle income country. With a Human Development Index of 0.703, it is ranked 114th. Driven largely by its natural resources, Bolivia has become a region leader in measures of economic growth, fiscal stability and foreign reserves, although it remains a historically poor country. The Bolivian economy has had a historic single-commodity focus. From silver to tin to coca, Bolivia has enjoyed only occasional periods of economic diversification. Political instability and difficult topography have constrained efforts to modernize the agricultural sector. Similarly, relatively low population growth coupled with low life expectancy has kept the labor supply in flux and prevented industries from flourishing. Rampant inflation and corruption previously created development challenges, but in the early twenty-first century the fundamentals of its economy showed unexpected improvement, leading Moody's Investors Service to upgrade Bolivia's economic rating in 2010 from B2 to B1. The mining industry, especially the extraction of natural gas and zinc, currently dominates Bolivia's export economy.
The Treaty of Ancón was a peace treaty signed by Chile and Peru on 20 October 1883, in Ancón, near Lima. It was intended to settle the two nations' remaining territorial differences at the conclusion of their involvement in the War of the Pacific and to stabilise post-bellum relations between them.
The economy of Chile has shifted substantially over time from the heterogeneous economies of the diverse indigenous peoples to an early husbandry-oriented economy and finally to one of raw material export and a large service sector. Chile's recent economic history has been the focus of an extensive debate, as it pioneered neoliberal economic policies.
Chilean-Peruvian relations are the historical and current bilateral relations between the adjoining South American countries of the Republic of Chile and the Republic of Peru. Peru and Chile have shared diplomatic relations since at least the time of the Inca Empire in the 15th century. Under the Viceroyalty of Peru, Chile and Peru had connections using their modern names for the first time. Chile aided in the Peruvian War of Independence by providing troops and naval support.
The invasion of the Iberian Peninsula from 1807 to 1808 by Napoleon Bonaparte's forces proved to be critical for the independence struggle in South America, during which the local elites of Upper Peru mainly remained loyal to Spain, supporting Junta Central, a government which ruled in the name of the overthrown king Ferdinand VII of Spain. Many radical criollos in 1808-10 began a local power struggle. Pedro Domingo Murillo proclaimed an independent state in Upper Peru in the name of King Ferdinand VII. During the following seven years, Upper Peru became the battleground between the armed forces of independent United Provinces of the Río de la Plata and royalist troops from Viceroyalty of Peru.
The economic history of Ecuador covers the development of Ecuador's economy throughout its history, beginning with colonization by the Spanish Empire, through independence and up to the 21st century.
Colombia is now a country mostly in South America, and has been home to many indigenous peoples and cultures since at least 12,000 BCE.
The second presidency of Alan García (2006–2011) began with the successful economic growth of the country recovering from the crisis of the first presidency of Alan García in the 1980s. Presidents Alberto Fujimori (1990–2000) and Alejandro Toledo (2001–2006) began with new neoliberal economic policies after García's crisis.
The Lost Decade or the Crisis of the 80s was a period of economic stagnation in Peru throughout the 1980s which was exacerbated to a severe macroeconomic crisis by the end of the decade. Foreign debt accumulation throughout Latin America, a series of natural disasters, mass public expenditures, nationalizations of banks and financial institutions, and the shutting of Peru out of international credit markets led to a decade of macroeconomic decline. The financial crisis soon became adopted into the public sphere through hyperinflation in commodities, food shortages, and mass unemployment. By the end of the decade, Peru's gross domestic product (GDP) contracted over 20%, and poverty rose to 55%.
Alberto Fujimori served as the 54th President of Peru from 28 July 1990 to 22 November 2000. A controversial figure, Fujimori has been credited with the creation of Fujimorism, defeating the Shining Path insurgency in Peru and restoring its macroeconomic stability. However, he was criticized for his authoritarian way of ruling the country and was accused of human rights violations. Even amid his prosecution in 2008 for crimes against humanity relating to his presidency, two-thirds of Peruvians polled voiced approval for his leadership in that period.
The history of Peru between 1980 and 2000 corresponds to the period following the general elections that put an end to the twelve-year military dictatorship that ruled the country since 1968, with Fernando Belaúnde taking office in 1980. The following decade became known as the "lost decade" after the economic stagnation the country experienced, followed by hyperinflation at the end of the decade.
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