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The mass media in Peru includes a variety of different types of media, including television, radio, cinema, newspapers, magazines, and Internet-based web sites. Much of the print-based media in Peru is over a century old, with some newspapers even dating back to the time of independence.
Peru's media organizations control the public sphere, with wealthy families controlling much of the media and influencing decisions in the nation to serve their economic interests. [1] [2] [3] About 80% of the largest media companies in Peru are owned by relatives of the same family. [4] The mainstream media in Peru is typically economically and politically conservative. [5] Since the 2020s, previously reputable mainstream outlets began to spread pseudoscience regarding the COVID-19 pandemic and political disinformation, resulting with increased political polarization. [2] [5] Trusted media has turned towards independent media websites that have assumed the investigative journalism in the nation, [5] with the two leading investigative organizations being IDL-Reporteros and OjoPúblico. [6]
Since the intense periods of internal conflict in Peru in the 1980s and 1990s, the government, military, and media in Peru described any individual who was left on the political spectrum as being a threat to the nation, with many students, professors, union members, and peasants being jailed or killed for their political beliefs. [7] Reporters investigating the government of Alberto Fujimori faced violence, with some being abducted and killed; from 1990 to 1996, at least eighteen journalists were assassinated, with most being from interior provinces. [8]
In response to President Martin Vizcarra's actions to dissolve Congress in 2019, the media in Peru began a fearmongering campaign, arguing that left-wing political candidates would be elected in the 2020 Peruvian parliamentary election and attempt to draft a new constitution. [9]
Into the 2020s, mainstream private media began to lose its reputation due to its use of disinformation, especially during the 2021 Peruvian general election. [5] Outside of Lima, many media staff in rural areas were laid off during the COVID-19 pandemic in Peru, while hundreds of other journalists died due to COVID-19. [10] For the first round of elections, Peruvian media focused attacks against center-left candidate Veronika Mendoza. [11] The media's attacks resulted with support moving from Mendoza to Pedro Castillo, who was further left on the political spectrum. [12] In the second round of elections, Peru's major media networks were described as aligning with Keiko Fujimori to discredit Castillo. [13] [14] [11] Some news media allegedly disseminated fake news against Castillo while also creating a positive image of Fujimori. [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] Despite media attacks against Castillo, he would win the presidency. [5] During the Peruvian protests following the 2022 Peruvian political crisis, the media in Peru avoided coverage of demonstrations, with 60% of respondents of an Institute of Peruvian Studies poll saying that the media held a bias with protest coverage. [20]
Television is the most popular medium in Peru. [20] Among Peru's television networks is Frecuencia Latina, which was the subject of considerable controversy and indirectly led to a case being decided by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Frecuencia Latina covered several stories of corruption in the Fujimori government when it was owned by Baruch Ivcher. However, Baruch Ivcher was stripped of his Peruvian citizenship and forced to sell his shares of the channel below market value to pro-Fujimori businessmen. Ivcher took the case to court, and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights eventually decided in his favor.
Another channel in Peru is Canal N, a 24-hour cable news channel that is a joint venture between El Comercio and Telefónica. Other Peruvian networks include América Televisión, which was purchased by El Comercio and La República, Panamericana Televisión, which secretly sold its editorial line to Vladimiro Montesinos, and public broadcasting station TV Perú.
Some VHF stations like Frecuencia Latina and TV PERU broadcast their on-air feeds via Internet. Starting in 2006 some TV stations have appeared like TELURICA and in 2007 Frecuencia Primera RTVN released CANAL 200, using the name as they were created in 1976. TELURICA produces their own Internet Only programmes but CANAL 200 shows just clips and some sample productions.
The oldest newspaper in Peru is El Peruano , which was founded by Simón Bolívar on October 22, 1825. El Peruano acts as the official newspaper of record, and all laws passed in Peru must be published in the daily. Despite El Peruano's official status, it does not have the largest circulation among Peruvian dailies.
Lima-based El Comercio , founded on May 7, 1839, is one of the most important Peruvian newspapers. It is also the oldest privately owned paper in the country. The Miró Quesada family controls El Comercio, which has a right-wing political stance. [3] [21] [22]
La República , founded on May 3, 1981, is another important newspaper. The newspaper overall has a centre-right political stance with small socialist opinions. [1] La República ardently opposed the government of Alberto Fujimori, and continues to refer to him as the "ex-dictator." La República was founded and edited by Gustavo Mohme Llona, who was formerly a member of Congress. It is now edited by his son, Gustavo Mohme Seminario.
In addition to these three newspapers, there are several other newspapers, including, for example, Peru.21 , Correo, and La Razón , which is extremely pro-Fujimori. There are also several sensationalist tabloids that are considered to be part of the "chicha press", which often include vulgar content. [1] Such papers frequently feature women wearing bikinis or less and show pictures of dead bodies on their front pages. During the government of Fujimori, Vladimiro Montesinos secretly purchased the editorial lines of such tabloids through bribery.
According to a readership survey done in Lima in December 2010, the five most widely read newspapers were Trome (1,824.6 thousand readers), Ojo (526.0), El Comercio (467.6), Perú21 (293.4), and El Popular (225.8) [23]
Since the existence of radio in Peru, it has been a popular source of information due to its ease of access. [1] Many radio stations exist throughout Peru, including Radio Programas del Perú. The history of radio in Peru can be categorized into the first historical period of (1925-1936) when radio transformed from an elite medium to a mass media. The second period (1937-1956) began with the creation of Radio Nacional del Perú with a regulation toward commercial radio broadcast on such topics as entertainment. The period is considered the golden age of radio in Peru. The third period (1956-1980) tried to reconcile radio industry with the newly established television industry. The fourth period (1980-2000) begins with the return of the media companies to their owners, the formation of new networks and corporations, and the development of popular radio. [24] Many Peruvians continued to utilize the radio for information in the 2020s, though news stories typically lack depth and details. [5]
Peruvian listeners prefer FM stations instead of MW and SW stations. Major cities such as Lima, Arequipa and Trujillo have their FM dial full. Since 1990, most of these stations have been acquired by large radio corporations in order to monopolize the dial. Only a very few independent stations survived this wave. As a consequence, the Peruvian government does not currently give licenses for new frequencies. This is one of the reasons that since late 1990s pirate radios and internet radio have appeared and are increasing. Internet-only media started in 1995 with some on-demand broadcasts in RealAudio done by Frecuencia Primera RTVN, Red Cientifica Peruana, Peru.Com and Radio Programas. Currently there are over 10 thousand online stations; some of them are Internet Only but some others are just live rebroadcast fm or mW stations. With some exceptions Internet Only stations die just a few weeks or months after they are created.[ citation needed ]
The use of the internet in Peru grew from about 36 percent in the early 2010 to 71 percent in 2021. [20] Reputable news reporting has moved from traditional media to digital outlets according to Reporters Without Borders. [5] Organizations such as IDL-Reporteros and OjoPúblico have assumed the role of Peru's leaders in investigative journalism as mainstream media in the nation lost their reputation due to their use of disinformation. [5]
Caretas , founded in October 1950 by Doris Gibson and her son Enrique Zileri, is one of Peru's most prestigious newsmagazines.
In the 1992 Constitution of Peru, any action prohibiting the dissemination of the press is illegal and a criminal offense. [5] Attacks on journalists through judicial acts are frequent, however, especially by powerful and wealthy entities. [5] [25] Defamation is a criminal offense in Peru and individuals often accuse journalists of this offense in censorship attempts. [25]
Into the 2010s, violence and death threats against press workers saw media freedom decline in Peru. [26] Freedom House described Peru as "partially free" in their Freedom of the Press 2017 report. [27] Verbal attacks against press workers by politicians increased into the 2020s, with far-right groups in Peru being documented attacking journalists by Reporters Without Borders. [5] Allegations of self-censorship among mainstream media occurred during the 2021 elections, with the Knight Center for Specialized Journalism reporting on possible collaboration of the media with Keiko Fujimori's electoral campaign. [28]
In January 2022, Judge Jesús Vega found an author, his book's publisher and the director of the publisher guilty of defamation for their book investigating multimillionaire César Acuña, with the judge arguing that certain allegations lack sufficient sources and fining the entities $100,000, with the funds being awarded to Acuña. [25] According to journalists, this created a dangerous precedent for press freedom since Vega suggested that sources used by press workers must be approved by an authority figure. [25]
According to Reporters Without Borders, media pluralism in Peru is lacking and poses a threat to freedom of information in the nation, especially with a lack of government regulation. [21] El Comercio Group is the largest media conglomerate in Peru and one of the largest in South America, owning 80% of newspapers, receiving 65% of online readers and generating 57% of revenue among Peru's largest media organizations. [21] [29] [30] [31] Like many media organizations in Peru, El Comercio is owned by a family, the Miro Quesada family, which also owns América Televisión. [3] [21] The Miro Quesada family and its El Comercio Group has typically supported right-wing political candidates, including President Alan García and Keiko Fujimori. [3] [22] Grupo República also owns multiple entities including La República and supports center-right politics. [1] For television channels, América Televisión, ATV and Latina receive 57% of the national audience viewership. [21] In radio communication, CRP, Panamericana de Radios, RPP Group and Universal Corporation control much of the market, with CRP and RPP owning more than the legal limit of 20% of frequencies in Lima according to Reporters Without Borders. [21]
Beto Ortiz is a Peruvian TV personality and writer. As of October 2006, he lives in Lima; before that, he lived in New York City. His claim to national fame was through "Beto A saber" (2000), a politically incorrect TV talk-show from which he harshly criticized Alberto Fujimori's government while most of the Peruvian media remained silent.
Alliance for Progress is a Peruvian political party founded on December 8, 2001 in Trujillo by Cesar Acuña Peralta.
Popular Force, known as Force 2011 until 2012, is a right-wing populist and Fujimorist political party in Peru. The party is led by Keiko Fujimori, former congresswoman and daughter of former President Alberto Fujimori. She ran unsuccessfully for the presidency in the 2011, 2016 and 2021 presidential elections, all losing by a narrow margin.
Baruch Ivcher is an Israeli-born business tycoon who lives in Peru. Ivcher was a majority shareholder of the Peruvian television station Frecuencia Latina. President Alberto Fujimori ordered Ivcher stripped of his Peruvian citizenship when the station's investigative program Contrapunto exposed government corruption.
Ricardo Uceda Pérez is a Peruvian journalist notable for his award-winning coverage of military and government corruption.
Fujimorism is the policies and the political ideology of former President of Peru Alberto Fujimori as well as the personality cult built around him, his policies and his family, especially Keiko Fujimori. The ideology is defined by authoritarianism, its support for neoliberal economics, opposition to communism, and socially and culturally conservative stances such as opposition to LGBT rights and school curriculums including gender equality or sex education. Opponents of Fujimorism are known as anti-Fujimorists.
José Pedro Castillo Terrones is a Peruvian politician, former elementary school teacher, and union leader who served as the President of Peru from 28 July 2021 to 7 December 2022. Facing imminent impeachment proceedings, on 7 December 2022, Castillo attempted to dissolve Congress and rule by decree. In response, the Congress of the Republic of Peru impeached him, resulting in his removal from office.
Censorship in Peru has been prevalent throughout its history. There have been multiple shifts in the level of freedom of the press in Peru, starting in the late 1900s when the country was oppressed, to the early 2000s when the country experienced more freedom; only recently has the country been ranked as partly free. After the neoliberal economic policies implemented in the 1990s stabilized the national economy and led it to an economic boom in the 21st century, usage of TV and access to internet has vastly increased, leading to more spaces of expression.
Since 2016, Peru has been plagued with political instability and a growing crisis, initially between the President, Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and Congress, led de facto by Keiko Fujimori. The crisis emerged in late 2016 and early 2017 as the polarization of Peruvian politics increased, as well as a growing schism between the executive and legislative branches of government. Fujimori and her Fujimorist supporters would use their control of Congress to obstruct the executive branch of successive governments, resulting with a period of political instability in Peru.
General elections were held in Peru on 11 April 2021. The presidential election, which determined the president and the vice presidents, required a run-off between the two top candidates, which was held on 6 June. The congressional elections determined the composition of the Congress of Peru, with all 130 seats contested.
Luis Carlos Antonio Iberico Núnez is an Argentine-born Peruvian journalist and politician. Throughout his journalistic career, he served in various news stations during the 1980s and 1990s. He gained prominence for his fight against the Alberto Fujimori administration, denouncing several allegations of corruption involving the press. Alongside Fernando Olivera, he presented the first "Vladi-videos" that would prove the major corruption operations headed by Intelligence Chief Vladimiro Montesinos. His role in Fujimori's downfall would gain him support in a career in politics.
Popular Renewal is a Peruvian conservative political party. Founded in 2020, the party is the successor of the former National Solidarity Party founded and led by former Lima Mayor Luis Castañeda Lossio. Following its poor results at the 2020 snap parliamentary election, leader Rafael López Aliaga announced the party's re-foundation under the Popular Renewal.
Willax Televisión is a Peruvian television channel. It began as an internet channel in 2010 with a television channel launching later that year.
El Comercio Group (GEC) is a Peruvian media conglomerate that owns multiple newspapers, television stations and other entities. The largest media conglomerate in Peru and one of the largest in South America, El Comercio Group is owned by the owned by the Miró Quesada family.
On 7 December 2022, President of Peru Pedro Castillo attempted to dissolve Congress in the face of imminent impeachment proceedings by the legislative body, immediately enacting a curfew, attempted to establish an emergency government and rule by decree, and called for the formation of a constituent assembly, a violation of Article 206 of the Constitution of Peru. Attorney General Patricia Benavides, had previously claimed that Castillo was the head of a criminal organization and called on Congress to remove him from office, with legislators then attempting a third impeachment of Castillo. Citing the actions of Congress obstructing many of his policies during his administration, Castillo argued that the legislative body served oligopolic businesses and that it had allied itself with the Constitutional Court to destroy the executive branch in an effort to create a "dictatorship of Congress". He also called for the immediate election of a constituent assembly with some calls for the creation of a constituent assembly existing since the 2020 Peruvian protests.
Following the ousting of president of Peru, Pedro Castillo on 7 December 2022, a series of political protests against the government of president Dina Boluarte and the Congress of Peru occurred. The demonstrations lack centralized leadership and originated primarily among grassroots movements and social organizations on the left to far-left, as well as indigenous communities, who feel politically disenfranchised. Castillo was removed from office and arrested after announcing the dissolution of Congress, the intervention of the state apparatus, and the establishment of an "emergency government", which was characterized as a self-coup attempt by some media organizations and institutions in Peru while Castillo's supporters said that Congress attempted to overthrow Castillo. Castillo's successor Dina Boluarte, along with Congress, were widely disapproved, with the two receiving the lowest approval ratings among public offices in the Americas. Among the main demands of the demonstrators are the dissolution of Congress, the resignation of Boluarte, new general elections, the release of Castillo, and the formation of a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. It has also been reported that some of the protesters have declared an insurgency. Analysts, businesses, and voters said that immediate elections are necessary to prevent future unrest, although many establishment political parties have little public support.
The third presidential vacancy (impeachment) process against President Pedro Castillo was an action initiated by the Congress of the Republic of Peru with the purpose of declaring the "permanent moral incapacity" of the President of the Republic, Pedro Castillo, under Article 113 of the Political Constitution of Peru.
Conservatism in Peru is a broad system of conservative political beliefs in Peru, characterized by support for Catholic values, social stability and social order. Peruvian conservatism has encompassed a wide range of theories and ideologies in the last two hundred years. In contrast with nearly nations like Colombia or Chile, Peru has not developed a concrete conservative political tradition.
Latina Televisión, better known as Latina, is a Peruvian commercial over-the-air television network.
The Miró Quesada family is a Peruvian business family. The family is considered one of the most powerful groups in the country, due to the business conglomerate in media, mining, tourism, and banking that is under its ownership. Most notably, the family is the owner of El Comercio Group, a media conglomerate that owns the newspaper of the same name.
The Fujimori campaign seized upon the Vizcatán massacre to reiterate the 'Castillo-as-extremist' narrative, pointing to alleged ties between Castillo and a Shining Path front group, MOVADEF, to suggest that Castillo bore some responsibility for the gruesome killings.