Glenanne gang | |
---|---|
Leaders | John Weir Billy McCaughey Billy Hanna Robin Jackson Harris Boyle |
Dates of operation | 1972–1980 |
Headquarters | Glenanne, County Armagh, Northern Ireland |
Active regions | Mainly County Armagh and east County Tyrone |
Ideology | Ulster loyalism Irish unionism |
Size | 40 known members |
Part of | Ulster Volunteer Force |
Opponents | Irish nationalists |
Battles and wars | The Troubles |
Glenanne Farm | |
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Location within Northern Ireland | |
District | |
County | |
Country | Northern Ireland |
Sovereign state | United Kingdom |
Post town | ARMAGH |
Postcode district | BT60 |
UK Parliament | |
NI Assembly | |
The Glenanne gang or Glenanne group was a secret informal alliance of Ulster loyalists who carried out shooting and bombing attacks against Catholics and Irish nationalists in the 1970s, during the Troubles. [1] Most of its attacks took place in the "murder triangle" area of counties Armagh and Tyrone in Northern Ireland. [2] It also launched some attacks elsewhere in Northern Ireland and in the Republic of Ireland. The gang consisted of soldiers from the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), police officers from the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), and members of the Mid-Ulster Brigade of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). [3] [4] Twenty-five UDR soldiers and RUC police officers were named as purported members of the gang. [5] Details about the group have come from many sources, including the affidavit of former member and RUC officer John Weir; statements by other former members; police, army and court documents; and ballistics evidence linking the same weapons to various attacks. Since 2003, the group's activities have also been investigated by the 2006 Cassel Report, and three reports commissioned by Irish Supreme Court Justice Henry Barron, known as the Barron Reports. [6] A book focusing on the group's activities, Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Ireland, by Anne Cadwallader, was published in 2013. [7] It drew on all the aforementioned sources, as well as Historical Enquiries Team investigations. The book was the basis for the 2019 documentary film Unquiet Graves, directed by Sean Murray.
According to Lethal Allies, permutations of the group killed about 120 people – almost all of whom were Catholic civilians with no links to Irish republican paramilitaries. [5] The Cassel Report investigated 76 killings attributed to the group and found evidence that UDR soldiers and RUC police officers were involved in 74 of those. [8] John Weir said his superiors knew he was working with loyalist militants but allowed it to continue. [9] The Cassel Report also said that some senior officers knew of the crimes but did nothing to prevent, investigate or punish. [8] It has been alleged that some key members were double agents working for British military intelligence and RUC Special Branch. [4] [10]
Attacks attributed to the group include the Dublin and Monaghan bombings (1974), the Miami Showband killings (1975), the Reavey and O'Dowd killings (1976) and the Hillcrest Bar bombing (1976). [4] Many of the victims were killed at their homes or in indiscriminate attacks on Catholic-owned pubs with guns and/or bombs. Some were shot after being stopped at fake British Army checkpoints, and a number of the attacks were co-ordinated. [11] When it wished to "claim" its attacks, the group usually used the name "Protestant Action Force". The name "Glenanne gang" has been used since 2003 and is derived from the farm at 59 Lough Road, Glenanne (three miles south of Markethill, County Armagh) that was used as the gang's main 'base of operations'. [12] [13] It also made use of a farm near Dungannon. [14]
By the mid-1970s the violent ethno-political conflict known as the Troubles had radically transformed the daily lives of people in Northern Ireland; after five years of turbulent civil unrest, the bombings and shootings showed no signs of abating. The armed campaign waged by members of the loyalist paramilitary groups Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) increased greatly in response to the Provisional IRA carrying out attacks in England and increasing its attacks on the British security forces within Northern Ireland. Suspected Catholic civilians had become the primary targets of loyalist gangs forces. Active members of the RUC Special Patrol Group (SPG) believed that the situation was rapidly deteriorating and that the IRA were actually 'winning the war'. As early as the end of 1973, it was suggested that drastic measures had to be taken to defeat the organisation. [15] The SPG was a specialised police unit tasked with providing back-up to the regular RUC and to police sensitive areas.[ citation needed ]
On 10 February 1975, the Provisional IRA and British government entered into a truce and restarted negotiations. The IRA agreed to halt attacks on the British security forces, and the security forces mostly ended its raids and searches. [16] However, there were dissenters on both sides. Fully opposed to the agreement, the UVF and UDA/UFF wanted no part of the truce, while British military commanders resented being told to stop their operations against the IRA just when—they claimed—they had the Provisionals on the run. [16] There was a rise in sectarian killings during the truce, which 'officially' lasted until February 1976. Ulster loyalist paramilitaries, fearing they were about to be forsaken by the British government and forced into a united Ireland, [17] increased their attacks on Roman Catholic civilians and nationalists. Increased Loyalist attacks were partially due to their discovery that MI6 agent Michael Oatley had engaged in negotiations with a member of the IRA Army Council during which "structures of disengagement" from Ireland were discussed. While these 1:1 talks could potentially have meant a possible withdrawal of British troops from Northern Ireland, it is not known how far they ever progressed. [18] Loyalists killed 120 Catholics in 1975, the vast majority civilians. [19] They hoped to force the IRA to retaliate in kind and thus hasten an end to the truce, but were unsuccessful. [19]
It was during this exceptionally violent period that a group of loyalist extremists formed a loose alliance that in 2003 was belatedly given the name "Glenanne gang". [6] The gang, which contained over 40 known members, included soldiers of the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), active police officers within the RUC and its Special Branch, covert agents from the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), more commonly known as MI6 (i.e. Military Intelligence, Section 6), and extremists from both the nominally illegal Mid-Ulster Brigade as well as the state sanctioned Ulster Defence Association (UDA). [3] [4] [20] [21]
This group began to carry out shooting and bombing attacks directed against Catholics and nationalists to retaliate for the IRA's intensified campaign. [22] Most of these attacks took place in the area of County Armagh and Mid-Ulster referred to as the "murder triangle" by journalist Joe Tiernan. [2] It also launched attacks elsewhere in Northern Ireland and in the Republic of Ireland. [23] The name "Glenanne gang" is derived from the farm at Glenanne (near Markethill, County Armagh) that was used as the gang's arms dump and bomb-making site. [12]
The following people, among others, have been implicated by Justice Barron and Professor Douglass Cassel in their respective reports as having been members of the Glenanne gang:
The gang has also been linked to military intelligence liaison officer Captain Robert Nairac who worked for 14th Intelligence Company (The Det). [4] On The Hidden Hand programme made by Yorkshire Television in 1993, it was claimed that Robin Jackson was controlled by Nairac and 14th Intelligence. [67] In May 1977, Nairac was kidnapped by the IRA in Dromintee and taken across the border into the Republic where he was interrogated for more than an hour and pistol-whipped in Ravensdale Woods, County Louth. Nairac was then shot dead by Liam Townson. [68] Pte Ian Leonard Price, 2nd battalion, The Queens Reg Merlyn Rees, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, lifted the proscription against the UVF on 4 April 1974, [69] but it was made illegal once again on 3 October 1975; therefore, during the period between April 1974 and October 1975, membership of the UVF was not a crime. The largest loyalist paramilitary group in Northern Ireland, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) was also not proscribed at the time. [70]
In 2004, the Pat Finucane Centre asked Professor Douglas Cassel (formerly of Northwestern University School of Law in Chicago) to convene an international inquiry to investigate collusion by members of the British security forces in sectarian killings in Northern Ireland committed during the mid-1970s. The gang's involvement in the killings was to be investigated in particular. [71]
The panel interviewed victims and their relatives, as well as four members of the security forces. The four members of the security forces were: RUC SPG officers John Weir and Billy McCaughey; psychological warfare operative Colin Wallace and MI6 operative Captain Fred Holroyd. They all implicated the Glenanne gang in the attacks. In seven out of eight cases, ballistic tests corroborated Weir's claims linking the killings to weapons carried by the security forces. The interviews revealed many similarities in the way the attacks were carried out, while various documents (including the Barron Report) established a chain of ballistic history linking weapons and killings to the gang. Justice Barron commented in reference to the gang
This joining of RUC and UDR members with members of Loyalist paramilitary organisations is emphasised by the use of the same or connected guns by intermingled groups of these organisations. [72]
The Glenanne gang has been linked to the following attacks and/or incidents: [4] [73]
Attack | Date | .455 Webley revolver (1) | 9 mm Luger pistol Serial No. U 4 (1) | 9mm Luger pistol (2) | .38 ACP pistol | .455 Webley revolver (2) | 9 mm Sterling SMG (1) | 9 mm Sterling SMG (2) | 9 mm SMG (3) | 9mm SMG (4) | Star pistol | 9 mm Emra SMG | .45 ACP Colt pistol |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Patrick Turley | 10 March 1973 | X | |||||||||||
Loughgall shooting | 24 March 1973 | X | |||||||||||
Argory shooting | 13 June 1973 | X | |||||||||||
McAliskey family | 4 August 1973 | ||||||||||||
Mullan family | 5 August 1973 | X | |||||||||||
Boyle's Bar | 17 January 1974 | X | |||||||||||
Devlin family | 7 May 1974 | X | X | ||||||||||
T.J. Chambers | 3 September 1974 | X | X | ||||||||||
Shooting incident | 3 September 1974 | X | |||||||||||
Falls Bar | 20 November 1974 | X | |||||||||||
Newtownhamilton shooting | 8 December 1974 | X | X | ||||||||||
John Francis Green | 10 January 1975 | X | X | X | |||||||||
Trainor family | 1 April 1975 | X | |||||||||||
Owen Boyle | 11 April 1975 | X | |||||||||||
Glenside Bar | 7 May 1975 | X | |||||||||||
Miami Showband | 31 July 1975 | X | X | X | |||||||||
Altnamacken shooting | 2 August 1975 | X | |||||||||||
McCartney/Farmer | 24 August 1975 | X | X | X | |||||||||
Denis Mullen | 1 September 1975 | X | |||||||||||
McKearney family | 23 October 1975 | X | X | X | |||||||||
Donnelly's Bar | 19 December 1975 | X | |||||||||||
O'Dowd family | 4 January 1976 | X | |||||||||||
Reavey family | 4 January 1976 | X | X | X | X | ||||||||
Eagle Bar | 15 May 1976 | X | |||||||||||
Rock Bar | 5 June 1976 | X | X | ||||||||||
Patrick McNeice | 25 July 1976 | X | |||||||||||
William Strathearn | 19 April 1977 | X | |||||||||||
Ahoghill shooting | 23 June 1977 | X | |||||||||||
Brendan McLaughlin | 29 February 1980 | X |
According to the Barron Report, Billy Hanna had asked James Mitchell for permission to use his farm as a UVF arms dump and bomb-making site. [117] Information that loyalist paramilitaries were regularly meeting at the farm appeared on British Intelligence Corps documents from late 1972. [118] According to submissions received by Mr Justice Barron, the Glenanne farm was used to build and store the bombs that exploded in Dublin and Monaghan. The report states they were placed onto Robin Jackson's poultry lorry, driven across the border to a carpark, then activated by Hanna and transferred to three allocated cars. These cars exploded almost simultaneously in Dublin's city centre at about 5.30pm during evening rush hour, killing 26 civilians. Ninety minutes later a fourth car bomb exploded in Monaghan, killing another seven civilians.
Mitchell and his female housekeeper, Lily Shields both denied knowledge that the farm was used for illicit paramilitary activity. They also denied partaking in any UVF attacks. [6] In his affidavit, John Weir affirms that the farmhouse was used as a base for UVF operations that included the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. [119] Weir also stated that on one occasion an RUC constable gave him two weapons to store at the Glenanne farm:
He then offered me the two sub-machine guns because he knew about my connection to Loyalist paramilitaries. I accepted them and took them to Mitchell's farmhouse. [120]
In his affidavit, Weir recounted when in March 1976 he had gone to the farm where between eight and ten men dressed in camouflage had been parading in the farmyard. Inside he had discussed with Mitchell and others the details of a planned bombing and shooting attack against a nationalist pub, Tully's in Belleeks. Mitchell had shown him the floor plans of the pub's interior which he had drawn up highlighting the lack of escape routes for the pub's patrons. The plan was temporarily called off when it was discovered that the British Army's Parachute Regiment was on patrol that evening in the area. Weir returned to Belfast the next day and the attack went ahead that evening, 8 March. There were no casualties, however, as Mitchell's floor plans had been inaccurate, and the customers had fled into the pub's living quarters for safety once the shooting had commenced outside, and the bomb only caused structural damage to the building. [42]
Mr. Justice Barron concluded in his report:
It is likely that the farm of James Mitchell at Glenanne played a significant part in the preparation for the attacks [Dublin and Monaghan bombings]. It is also likely that members of the UDR and RUC either participated in, or were aware of those preparations. [121]
In May 2024 Iain Livingstone, head of Operation Denton, said that there was no doubt of collusion between the Glenanne gang and British authorities in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. [122]
On 31 July 1975, four days after Hanna's shooting and Jackson's assumption of leadership of the Mid-Ulster brigade, [123] the Miami Showband's minibus was flagged-down outside Newry by armed UVF men wearing British Army uniforms at a bogus military checkpoint. Two UVF men (Harris Boyle and Wesley Somerville) loaded a time delay bomb on the minibus but it exploded prematurely and killed them. [124] The remaining UVF gunmen then opened fire on the bandmembers, killing three (Brian McCoy, Anthony Geraghty and Fran O'Toole) and wounding two (Stephen Travers and Des McAlea). [125] Two of the three men convicted of the killings and sentenced to life imprisonment were serving members of the UDR, and the third was a former member. [125] [126] The Luger pistol used in the attack was found to have been the same one used to kill Provisional IRA member John Francis Green in January 1975 and was also used in the O'Dowd killings of January 1976. [41] [125] The following May, the security forces found Jackson's fingerprints on a home-made silencer attached to a Luger. Although charged, Jackson avoided conviction. [38] A Sterling 9mm submachine gun was also used in the Miami Showband killings. [127] The 2003 Barron Report suggests that the guns were taken from the stockpile of weapons at the Glenanne farm. [128] The Luger pistol used in the Green, Miami Showband, and O'Dowd attacks was later destroyed by the RUC on 28 August 1978. [129]
Liaison officer Captain Robert Nairac has been linked to the Miami Showband killings and the killing of John Francis Green. [130] Miami Showband survivors Stephen Travers and Des McAlea both testified in court that a man with a "crisp, clipped English accent, and wearing a different uniform and beret" had been at the scene of the explosion and subsequent shootings. [130] Martin Dillon in The Dirty War, however, adamantly states that Nairac was not involved in either attack. [131] The Cassel Report concluded that there was "credible evidence that the principal perpetrator [of the Miami Showband attack] was a man who was not prosecuted – alleged RUC Special Branch agent Robin Jackson". [132] Although Jackson had been questioned by the RUC following the Showband attack, he was released without having been charged. [133]
The co-ordinated sectarian shootings of the Reavey and O'Dowd families, allegedly perpetrated by the Glenanne gang and organised by Robin Jackson, was followed the next day by the Kingsmill massacre. On 5 January 1976, gunmen from the Provisional IRA stopped a minibus carrying eleven Protestant men home from their workplace in Glenanne. [134] [135] The gunmen lined them up alongside it and shot them, killing ten. The "South Armagh Republican Action Force" claimed responsibility, saying that the shooting was retaliation for a string of attacks on Catholic civilians in the area by loyalists, particularly the Reavey and O'Dowd killings. A 2011 Historical Enquiries Team (HET) report however found that Kingsmill had been planned in advance of these killings. [134]
In 2001, an unidentified former Glenanne gang member (a former RUC officer sentenced to life imprisonment for his part in the gang's killings) revealed that the gang had planned to kill thirty Catholic schoolchildren as revenge for Kingsmill. [136] It planned to attack St Lawrence O'Toole Primary School in the South Armagh village of Belleeks. [136] [137] The attack was allegedly called off because the UVF leadership ruled it would be "morally unacceptable" and would lead to a harsh IRA response and likely civil war. [136] Allegedly, the leadership also suspected that the member who suggested the attack was working with British Military Intelligence, [136] and that Military Intelligence were seeking to provoke a civil war. [137] Former Glenanne gang member Billy McCaughey admitted the plot in a 2004 documentary. [137] [138]
The Cassel Report states that convictions were obtained in only nine of the 25 cases it investigated and that several of those convictions are suspect as erroneous and incomplete. [11] A month before Nairac's killing, a Catholic chemist, William Strathearn, was gunned down at his home in Ahoghill, County Antrim. SPG officers Weir and McCaughey were charged and convicted for the killing. Weir named Jackson as having been the gunman but Jackson was never interrogated for "reasons of operational strategy". [39] The Special Patrol Group was disbanded in 1980 by the RUC after the convictions of Weir and McCaughey for the Strathearn killing. [139]
In December 1978 the authorities raided the Glenanne farm and found weapons and ammunition. This made it necessary for the gang to seek an alternative base of operations and arms dump. [140] James Mitchell was charged and convicted of storing weapons on his land. [111] Northern Ireland's Lord Chief Justice Robert Lowry presided over his trial on 30 June 1980. [141] The farm had been under RUC observation for several months before the raid. [142]
On 16 October 1979, Robin Jackson was arrested when he was found with a number of weapons and hoods. In January 1981 he was sentenced to seven years imprisonment for possession of guns and ammunition, but was then released in May 1983. [37] John Weir stated that the Glenanne gang usually did not use the name "UVF" whenever it claimed its attacks; instead it typically employed the cover names of Red Hand Commando, Red Hand Brigade or Protestant Action Force. [49]
The circumstances of a number of the murders attributed to the Glenanne gang were re-investigated by the PSNI Historical Enquiries Team, established in 2005 to investigate unsolved murders committed between 1968 and 1998, with a particular brief to investigate any evidence of state involvement in such killings. In addition to reports on individual murders, assurances were given that the HET would also produce an overarching report into the pattern of activities of the gang as a whole. By May 2010 about 80% of this report had been completed.[ citation needed ]
However, in early 2014 it became clear that the HET was no longer proceeding with the broader review, and later that year due to budget cuts the HET was wound up altogether, with its remaining activities absorbed back into the PSNI with a much narrowed remit.
In February 2015 relatives of victims of the gang won an application for a judicial review of this decision at the High Court in Belfast. [143] This review found, in July 2017, [144] [145] that the decision by PSNI Chief Constable Matt Baggott had effectively prevented an "overarching thematic report" [144] into the activities of the Glenanne gang had breached the victims' families' rights as defined in Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights.
The Court had been told that there was evidence of collusion by elements of the British state in at least three of the cases and Mr. Justice Treacy said that there was a "credible expectation of collusion" in the remaining cases. Therefore, he concluded, the decision of the Chief Constable to end the broader review into the activities of the Glenanne gang and the alleged collusion of elements of the British state in those murders had resulted in a "real risk that this will fuel in the minds of the families the fear that the state has resiled from its public commitments because it is not genuinely committed to addressing the unresolved concerns that the families have of state involvement". [144] Mr Justice Treacy gave the parties until the start of September 2017 to try to reach an agreement on the appropriate form of relief. In November 2017 Mr Justice Treacy gave further judgement, confirming that he would be issuing an order of mandamus that would require compliance by the Chief Constable and the PSNI. [146] [147]
An appeal by the Chief Constable against the decision was heard in April 2018, [148] [149] amid claims that an outsourced investigation would cost £60 million. [150]
In 2018, the documentary film Unquiet Graves was released, with testimony from several people involved. It came to wider public attention after being shown on RTÉ One (Republic of Ireland state television) in 2020. [151] [152] [153]
In July 2019 the Court of Appeal ruled that a full, independent inquiry into allegations of collusion between security services and the Glenanne gang should be held. [154]
In February 2020 the terms of reference for a review into the activities of the gang were agreed. [155] Former Bedfordshire Police chief Jon Boutcher is heading the review. [155] Boutcher had previously headed an inquiry into allegations that multiple murders had been committed by the British agent known as Stakeknife. [156] [157]
The Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974 were a series of co-ordinated bombings in Dublin and Monaghan, Ireland, carried out by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Three car bombs exploded in Dublin during the evening rush hour and a fourth exploded in Monaghan almost ninety minutes later. They killed 35 civilians, including an unborn child, and injured almost 300. Together, the bombings were the deadliest attack of the conflict known as the Troubles, and the deadliest attack in the Republic's history. Most of the victims were young women, although the ages of the dead ranged from 4½ months up to 80 years.
This article recounts the violence and other effects related to The Troubles in Portadown, County Armagh, Northern Ireland. Much of it has been related to the Drumcree parade dispute.
The Miami Showband killings was an attack on 31 July 1975 by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), a loyalist paramilitary group. It took place on the A1 road at Buskhill in County Down, Northern Ireland. Five people were killed, including three members of The Miami Showband, who were one of Ireland's most popular cabaret bands.
The Protestant Action Force (PAF) was a cover name used by Ulster loyalist paramilitary group the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) when claiming responsibility for a number of attacks during the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Sometimes these actions were carried out with the assistance of members of the security forces. The name "PAF" was first used in 1974 and attacks by individuals claiming to be members of the PAF killed at least 41 Catholic civilians. All of the attacks claimed by the PAF in Armagh and Tyrone counties from 1974 to 1976 have been linked to the Glenanne gang, which was a loose coalition consisting of members of the UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade along with rogue Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) soldiers and Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) police officers. A six-year period of no attacks claimed by the PAF ended in 1982; during the 1980s, the PAF claimed 15 attacks in the Belfast area and two in County Armagh. UDR soldiers were convicted of two attacks in Armagh. The PAF claimed its last attacks in the early 1990s, all of which were in north Armagh and were alleged to involve members of the security forces.
William McCaughey was a member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary's Special Patrol Group and the illegal Ulster Volunteer Force's Glennane gang in the 1970s. He was imprisoned for 16 years for murder from 1980 to 1996. On his release he worked as a loyalist and Orange Order activist until his death in 2006.
The Reavey and O'Dowd killings were two coordinated gun attacks on 4 January 1976 in County Armagh, Northern Ireland. Six Catholic civilians died after members of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), an Ulster loyalist paramilitary group, broke into their homes and shot them. Three members of the Reavey family were shot at their home in Whitecross and four members of the O'Dowd family were shot at their home in Ballydougan. Two of the Reaveys and three of the O'Dowds were killed outright, with the third Reavey victim dying of brain haemorrhage almost a month later.
Robert John Jackson, also known as The Jackal, was a Northern Irish loyalist paramilitary and part-time soldier. He was a senior officer in the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) during the period of violent ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland known as the Troubles. Jackson commanded the UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade from 1975 to the early 1990s, when Billy Wright took over as leader.
William Henry Wilson Hanna MM was a high-ranking Ulster loyalist who founded and led the Mid-Ulster Brigade of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) until he was killed, allegedly by Robin Jackson, who took over command of the brigade.
John Francis Green, was a leading member of the North Armagh Brigade of the Provisional Irish Republican Army. He was killed in a farmhouse outside Castleblayney, County Monaghan, by members of the Mid-Ulster Brigade of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). According to Fred Holroyd, Special Reconnaissance Unit officer Robert Nairac was involved in Green's killing. Green's was one of the 87 killings attributed by the Pat Finucane Centre to the group of Ulster loyalist paramilitaries, Ulster Defence Regiment soldiers and Royal Ulster Constabulary officers known as the Glenanne gang. No one was ever prosecuted for the killing.
This is a timeline of actions by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), an Ulster loyalist paramilitary group since 1966. It includes actions carried out by the Red Hand Commando (RHC), a group integrated into the UVF shortly after their formation in 1972. It also includes attacks claimed by the Protestant Action Force (PAF), a covername used by the UVF. Most of these actions took place during the conflict known as "the Troubles" in Northern Ireland.
Harris Boyle was an Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) soldier and a high-ranking member of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), a Northern Irish loyalist paramilitary organisation. Boyle was implicated in the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombings, and took part in the attack at Buskhill, County Down when an armed UVF gang wearing British Army uniforms ambushed The Miami Showband at a bogus military checkpoint. The popular Irish cabaret band was driving home to Dublin after a performance in Banbridge. He was one of the two gunmen killed when the bomb they were loading onto the band's minibus exploded prematurely. He is sometimes referred to as Horace Boyle.
Robert William McConnell, was an Ulster loyalist paramilitary who allegedly carried out or was an accomplice to a number of sectarian attacks and killings, although he never faced any charges or convictions. McConnell served part-time as a corporal in the 2nd Battalion Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), and was a suspected member of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF).
John Oliver Weir is an Ulster loyalist born and raised in the Republic of Ireland. He served as an officer in Northern Ireland's Royal Ulster Constabulary's (RUC) Special Patrol Group (SPG), and was a volunteer in the illegal Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). As a member of the UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade led by Robin "the Jackal" Jackson, Weir was a part of the Glenanne gang, a group of loyalist extremists that carried out sectarian attacks mainly in the County Armagh area in the mid-1970s.
Robert John "R. J." Kerr, was a leading Northern Irish loyalist. He served as the commander of the Portadown battalion of the Ulster Defence Association's Mid-Ulster Brigade. Along with the Mid-Ulster Ulster Volunteer Force's brigade commander Robin Jackson, Kerr was implicated in the killing of Catholic chemist William Strathearn. Royal Ulster Constabulary Special Patrol Group officers John Weir and Billy McCaughey named him as one of their accomplice; however, neither Kerr nor Jackson were questioned by police or brought before the court, for "reasons of operational strategy". Weir and McCaughey were convicted of Strathearn's killing.
UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade formed part of the loyalist paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force in Northern Ireland. The brigade was established in Lurgan, County Armagh in 1972 by its first commander Billy Hanna. The unit operated mainly around the Lurgan and Portadown areas. Subsequent leaders of the brigade were Robin Jackson, known as "The Jackal", and Billy Wright. The Mid-Ulster Brigade carried out many attacks, mainly in Northern Ireland, especially in the South Armagh area, but it also extended its operational reach into the Republic of Ireland. Two of the most notorious attacks in the history of the Troubles were carried out by the Mid-Ulster Brigade: the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the Miami Showband killings in 1975. Members of the Mid-Ulster Brigade were part of the Glenanne gang which the Pat Finucane Centre has since linked to at least 87 lethal attacks in the 1970s.
William Wesley Somerville was an Ulster loyalist militant, who held the rank of lieutenant in the Ulster Volunteer Force's (UVF) Mid-Ulster Brigade during the period of conflict known as "the Troubles". He was also a serving member of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). Somerville was part of the UVF unit that ambushed the Irish cabaret band The Miami Showband at Buskhill, County Down, which resulted in the deaths of three of the bandmembers. Somerville was killed, along with Harris Boyle, when the bomb they had loaded onto the band's minibus exploded prematurely. His brother, John James Somerville, was one of the three convicted murderers of bandmembers Brian McCoy, Fran O'Toole and Tony Geraghty.
The Hillcrest Bar bombing, also known as the "Saint Patrick's Day bombing", took place on 17 March 1976 in Dungannon, County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), a loyalist paramilitary group, detonated a car bomb outside a pub crowded with people celebrating Saint Patrick's Day. Four Catholic civilians were killed by the blast—including two 13-year-old boys standing outside—and almost 50 people were injured, some severely.
James Mitchell was an Ulster loyalist and Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Reserve officer who provided a base and storage depot for the Glenanne gang at his farm at Glenanne, near Mountnorris, County Armagh, during the Troubles. The gang, which contained over 40 known members, included soldiers of the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), officers of the RUC, the Mid-Ulster Brigade of the illegal paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and some Ulster Defence Association (UDA) members.
During the evening of 19 December 1975, two coordinated attacks were carried out by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in pubs either side of the Irish border. The first attack, a car bombing, took place outside Kay's Tavern, a pub along Crowe Street in Dundalk, County Louth, Republic of Ireland - close to the border. The second, a gun and bomb attack, took place at Donnelly's Bar & Filling Station in Silverbridge, County Armagh, just across the border inside Northern Ireland.
The Charlemont pub attacks were co-ordinated militant Loyalist paramilitary attacks on two pubs in the small village of Charlemont, County Armagh, Northern Ireland, carried out by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) on the 15 May 1976. The attacks have been attributed to the Glenanne gang which was a coalition of right-wing Loyalist paramilitaries and subversive members inside the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the Ulster Defense Regiment (UDR) and the British Army.