From the late 19th century and until 1945, ethnic Koreans worked with the Empire of Japan. Some of these figures contributed to or benefitted from Japan's colonization of Korea, and some actively worked to counter the Korean independence movement. These people are now considered by much of Korea to have been collaborators with Japan, and thus traitors to Korea.
Examples of such people include members of the Iljinhoe or Five Eulsa Traitors.
Prosecution of collaborators began after the liberation of Korea, although the prosecution was interfered with by the South Korean leader Syngman Rhee. Prosecution returned after the gradual democratization during the 1980s and 1990s. The first anti-collaborator legislation was passed in 2005: the Special Law to Redeem Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property.
Chinilpa (Korean : 친일파; Hanja : 親日派;lit. pro-Japan faction) and bu-ilbae (부일배;附日輩;lit. people who collaborated with Japan) are words used to describe collaborators. These terms can be considered derogatory.
The term "chinilpa" (친일파) first appeared in the 1966 book Chinilmunhangnon (친일문학론;lit. Comments on Pro-Japanese Literature), written by the Korean independence activist Im Jong-Guk. Before its publication, it was common to call collaborators bu-ilbae (부일배;附日輩;lit. people who collaborated with Japan). The term was generally targeted at Korean colonial leadership.[ citation needed ]
The term is distinct from ji-ilpa (지일파;知日派;lit. knowledgeable-about-Japan faction), which has a politically neutral connotation.[ citation needed ]
While it has taken on a meaning of "[national] traitor", only a minority of the early collaborators were opportunists, as most of the collaborator high officials in the beginning believed they were doing what was in the best interests of their country as it struggled to adapt to modernity; the collaborators were one of a number of factions that existed at that time which were concerned with modernizing Korea along a pattern set by another country (e.g. Russian faction, Chinese faction, American faction, and so on). [1] However, the term itself was not coined until 1966 by scholar Im Chongguk (1929–1989).
In the immediate liberation of Korea, American General Douglas MacArthur initially requested that the Japanese colonial authorities and their Korean trainees continue to run Korea until natives could be trained to replace them. Nonetheless, Korean outrage did lead to the former being purged, but many of the latter collaborators were able to hold onto their positions. Similar to the United States' incomplete denazification of Germany and reverse course in Japan, the United States Military Government of Korea saw these right-wing collaborator officials as useful in light of the nascent Cold War and deteriorating situation in the Korean Peninsula. [2]
The Special Committee for Prosecution of Anti-National Offenders (반민특위;banmin teugwi) was set up in 1948 to prosecute the collaborators. It handled 682 cases; 559 cases were handed over to a special prosecutor's office, which handed down indictments in 221 cases. A special tribunal tried 38 cases, sentenced guilty verdicts and punishments in 12 cases including one death sentence. Eighteen others had their civil rights suspended, six others were declared innocent and the remaining two were found guilty but were exempted from punishment. However, the Supreme Court suspended their execution in March 1950, just before the Korean War. [3]
The dictator at that time, Syngman Rhee, sabotaged and dissolved the banmin teugwi. [4] Under Rhee's regime and in subsequent governments before the Sixth Republic, many of them enjoyed the same wealth and power they had under Japanese rule. Rhee employed many former collaborators in government and military in order to combat North Korea and communist sympathizers in South Korea. The next of South Korea's prominent dictators, Park Chung Hee, was himself a collaborator who served in the Imperial Japanese military system. [5] During the Cold War, collaborators were seen as a somewhat taboo subject given that many authorities were at one time collaborators themselves, and thus criticism of collaborators could be seen as questioning the legitimacy of the regime. [6] Similar pressure to silence was also applied to some collaborator literary figures. [7]
An early study into collaborators was done by "maverick scholar" Im Chongguk (1929–1989), whose 1966 work Ch'inil Munhak-ron (친일문학론 Treatise on Pro-Japanese Literature) broke the silence on the subject matter. [6] [8] Although it was obscure in its day and didn't have a wide readership, a smattering of articles on the subject appeared in the late 1970s and by the 1980s, Im took his quarter-century's worth of study on the subject and began to publish more systemic works about collaborators in general, not just literary studies. Chongguk's personal zeal about honestly examining darker pages from national history were not very popular in his day, but by the 1990s, his legacy had strengthened and the topic became more accepted by the South Korean public. However, the old stigma still persisted to some extent in academia, as established mainstream scholars were seemingly "reluctant to dabble in such an irrelevant and 'humiliating' subject" as collaborators, and much of the interest and writing on the topic came from junior scholars and nonacademics such as independent researchers, literary critics, and journalists. [8]
After more than 50 years have passed since the end of prosecution of collaborators under the Syngman Rhee administration, the prosecution restarted abruptly as a political agenda of President Roh Moo-hyun.
The newly enacted Special Law on the Inspection of Collaborations for the Japanese Imperialism [9] defines "pro-Japanese and anti-national actions" (chinilpa) as follows.
The law is concerned about the independence movement, unlike the ex-Nazi prosecution which concentrates on the war crimes. Most remarkable are items 8 and 9. Being a law-maker during that time qualifies one as a "pro-Japanese and anti-national Collaborator" regardless of what one did as a law-maker.
On August 29, 2005, a civic organization, the Institute for Research in Collaborationist Activities disclosed a list of 3094 Korean collaborator suspects including Park Chung Hee, the former Korean president, Kim Seong-su, a former publisher of The Dong-A Ilbo and the founder of Korea University, and Bang Eung-mo , a former president of The Chosun Ilbo . [10]
On December 6, 2006, a South Korean presidential commission, the Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property revealed the first official collaborators list of 106 persons during 1904 to March First Movement in 1919 was including four of the Five Eulsa Traitors. [11]
On August 18, 2006, the commission started the investigation before seizing the property obtained by collaborators during Japanese colonization. [12]
On May 2, 2007, the South Korean government announced its plan to seize assets gained by pro-Japanese collaborators during Japanese colonial rule amounting 3.6 billion won (US$3.9 million, €2.8 million) worth of land from the descendants of nine pro-Japanese collaborators. [13] On August 13, 2007, the commission decided to confiscate about 1 million square meters of land valued at 25.7 billion won that is now owned by the descendants of another ten pro-Japanese collaborators. [14]
On September 17, 2007, the commission revealed the second list of 202 collaborators focused on pro-Japanese figures between 1919 and 1937. [15] [16] [17] The list includes Song Byeong-jun who sent letters to the Japanese government asking for a merger, Lee Ji-yong, who is one of the Five Eulsa Traitors, Lee Doo-hwang, who participated in the murder of Empress Myeongseong in 1895 and later became a governor of the North Jeolla Province, a novelist Yi In-jik, the author of Hyeoleuinu (Tears of Blood), Yoo Hak-ju, a council member of the Iljinhoe, Bae Jeong-ja, foster daughter of the first Resident-General of Korea who spied on Korean independence activists and recruited comfort women, and Park Je-bin, who formed a tribute group to pay condolences at Ito's funeral in 1926. On the same day, the Seoul administrative court rejected a lawsuit against the commission to erase the names of the son and grandson of Daewon-gun (father of Gojong of the Korean Empire) from the list, who allegedly attended the signing of the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty as representatives of the royal family.
The official list during the most controversial period (1937–1945) that may contain persons who played important roles in South Korean development after the independence and enlisted in the 2005 list of the Institute for Research in Collaborationist Activities had not been revealed as of September 2007.
Since the enactment of the Special Law on the Inspection of Collaboration with Japanese Imperialism in 2004 and the special law to redeem pro-Japanese collaborators' property in 2005, the committee has made a list of 452 pro-Japanese collaborators and examined the land of 109 among them. The total size of the land is estimated at 13.1 million square meters, worth almost 100 billion won. [14]
The confiscated properties will be appropriated, with priority, to reward Koreans who contributed to the independence of Korea from Japan.
Syngman Rhee was a South Korean politician who served as the first president of South Korea from 1948 to 1960. Rhee is also known by his art name Unam. Rhee was also the first and last president of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea from 1919 to his impeachment in 1925 and from 1947 to 1948. As president of South Korea, Rhee's government was characterised by authoritarianism, limited economic development, and in the late 1950s growing political instability and public opposition.
Yi Cheong is a member of the former Imperial Family of Korea and was a Korean-Japanese noble during Korea under Japanese rule in 1945–1947. He is a great-great-grandson of Heungseon Daewongun and the eldest son of Yi U and Park Chan-ju.
The Japan–Korea Treaty of 1905, also known as the Eulsa Treaty, Eulsa Unwilling Treaty or Japan–Korea Protectorate Treaty, was made between the Japanese Empire and the Korean Empire in 1905. Negotiations were concluded on November 17, 1905. The treaty deprived Korea of its diplomatic sovereignty and made Korea a protectorate of Imperial Japan. It resulted from Imperial Japan's victory in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905.
Pak Hon-yong was a Korean independence activist, politician, philosopher, communist activist and one of the main leaders of the Korean communist movement during Japan's colonial rule (1910–1945). His nickname was Ijong (이정) and Ichun (이춘), his courtesy name being Togyong (덕영).
The Five Eulsa Traitors refers to the five officials serving under Emperor Gojong who signed the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1905, which is also referred to as the Eulsa Treaty. The treaty made Korea a protectorate of Japan. The five officials were Education Minister Lee Wan-yong, Army Minister Yi Geun-taek, Interior Minister Yi Ji-yong, Foreign Affairs Minister Pak Chesoon, and Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry Minister Gwon Jung-hyeon.
Lee Wan-yong, also spelled Yi Wan-yong or Ye Wan-yong, was a Korean politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Korea. He is best remembered for signing the Eulsa Treaty and the Japan–Korea Annexation Treaty, which placed Korea under Japanese rule in 1910. Lee's name has since become a byword for the chinilpa, or Korean figures who have collaborated with the Japanese Empire.
The Liberal Party was a far-right corporatist and anti-communist political party in South Korea established in 1951 by Syngman Rhee.
Hong Sa-ik, also known by the Japanese reading of his name Kō Shiyoku, was a lieutenant general in the Imperial Japanese Army and the top-ranking ethnic Korean in Japan to be charged with war crimes relating to the conduct of the Empire of Japan in World War II.
Anti-Japanese sentiment in Korean society has its roots in historic, cultural, and nationalistic sentiments.
The Special Law to Redeem Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property (Korean: 친일반민족행위자재산의국가귀속에관한특별법) is a policy passed by the South Korean National Assembly on December 8, 2005, and enacted on December 29, 2005. Under this law, the South Korean government is able to seize land and other properties owned by Korean collaborators and their descendants who collaborated with the Empire of Japan during Japan's takeover and annexation of the country. The bill defines as collaborators people who took part in Japan’s annexation of Korea in 1910, received titles from the Japanese colonial government, or served as parliamentarians in Japanese Korea. The confiscated assets are allegedly used to compensate pro-independence activists and their offspring.
Yi Yun-young was an independence activist, educator, and Methodist minister during the Japanese occupation of Korea. His family clan originated in Danyang, and he was from Yongbyon in Pyonganbuk-do. His art name was Baeksa. During the March 1st Independence Movement, he was arrested for holding a lecture declaring independence and protesting against the Japanese occupation. In 1940, his pastoral qualifications were suspended because he opposed the unification of the churches in Korea and Japan and refused to adapt Sōshi-kaimei. After the Liberation, he participated with Cho Man-sik in the Committee for the Preparation of Korean Independence, founded the Korean Democratic Party, and was active as the party's vice leader. After his escape to the South, he was recommended as acting prime minister. After the establishment of Korea's government, he was named to be the first prime minister, but he was defeated because of the rejection of his confirmation by the Korea Democratic Party. After that, he was named to be the prime minister three more times, but each time he was rejected. Being one of Syngman Rhee's closest allies, he served as Minister without Portfolio and Minister of Social Affairs during the First Republic. He ran for vice president representing the anti-Lee Ki-poong faction but was defeated. After the May 16th Coup, he was Chairman of the Committee for Struggle against the prolongation of Military Government and executive member of the People's Party. He was an aide of Cho Man-sik, then after he defected to the South, he worked as an aide to Syngman Rhee.
Yun Chi-ho was a Korean politician. His name is sometimes spelled Yun Tchi-Ho, his art name was Jwaong (좌옹), and his courtesy name was Seongheum (성흠).
Conservatism in South Korea is a political and social philosophy characterized by Korean culture and from Confucianism. South Korean conservative parties largely believe in stances such as a developmental state, pro-business, opposition to trade unions, strong national defense, anti-communism, pro-communitarianism, pro-United States and pro-European in foreign relations, pay attention on North Korean defectors, sanctions and human rights, and recently free trade, economic liberalism, and neoliberalism.
Park Jung-yang was a Korean bureaucrat and politician in the Japanese colonial government. His art names were Haeak 해악) and Ilso 일소), and his courtesy name was Wongeun 원근). He also had the Japanese names Shigeyō Hōchū (朴忠重陽), Jūyō Boku and Shin Yamamoto. Park was Governor of the prefecture Kōkai-dō from 1921 to 1923 and in 1928. He was also governor of Chūseihoku-dō from 1923 to 1925.
Hong Jin-Ki was a South Korean media mogul, jurist and politician of Syngman Rhee's government who served as the 9th Minister of Justice from 1958 to 1960.
Ilminism, frequently translated as the One-People Principle, One-People Doctrine, or Unidemism, was the political ideology of South Korea under its first President, Syngman Rhee. The Ilminist principle has been likened by contemporary scholars to the Nazi ideal of the Herrenvolk and was part of an effort to consolidate a united and obedient citizenry around Rhee's strong central leadership through appeals to ultranationalism and ethnic supremacy. In general, "Ilminists" often refers to pro-Syngman Rhee (groups).
Anti-Japan Tribalism is a book written by Lee Young-hoon, Joung An-ki, Kim Nak-nyeon, Kim Yong-sam, Ju Ik-jong, and Lee Woo-yeon. It was published by Miraesa on July 10, 2019. It was subtitled "The Root of the Korean Crisis". The Japanese version, published on November 14, 2019, is subtitled "The Root of Japan-South Korea Crisis" (日韓危機の根源).
The Special Investigation Committee of Anti-National Activities was established by the Constituent National Assembly to investigate those who actively cooperated with the Japanese Empire during the Japanese colonial period and conducted viciously anti-ethnic acts. There is one special committee.
The Left–Right Coalition Movement (Korean: 좌우합작운동) was a movement during the division of Korea led by centrists in 1946. It sought to promote cooperation between the left and right-wing of Korea in establishing a unified, peninsula-wide government after Japanese occupation. To this end, it formed a Left–Right Coalition Committee that brought together Korean politicians from across the political spectrum. It eventually failed in its goal due to increasing political polarization and the loss of the support of the United States, which adopted a firmer anti-communist stance around the beginning of the Cold War.
The Center for Historical Truth and Justice or Korea Culture & Heritage Society is a research institute on historical issues established in 1991, and was established following the maintenance of Im Jong-guk, a social activist against Japanese imperialism and support anti-Collaborationism.
And yet, until the late 1980s it was exceedingly difficult, if not altogether impossible to find any scholarly study on the chinilpa problem. Relevant records were offending passages whitewashed in the collected works or biographies of important men of letters. When the "collaborators" were indeed mentioned, they tended to be fin-de-siècle personages like Yi Wan-yong but not canonized literary figures such as Yi Kwan Ch'oe Nam-sŏn who nonetheless did lend support to the Japanese imperialists in colonial period.