Utoro (Japanese: ウトロ地区, Hepburn: Utoro Chiku, Korean:우토로) is a district in Uji, Kyoto Prefecture, Japan. The district has historically been populated by Zainichi Koreans (Koreans who arrived during the Japanese colonial period and their descendants) ever since they were compelled to work in difficult conditions in the area in 1943. Conditions in the district were poor until the early 2010s, when they significantly improved.
When Korea was liberated at the end of World War II in 1945, many Koreans across Japan could not afford the trip back to Korea or were apprehensive of returning to the significant instability and poverty on the newly divided peninsula. Around 1,300 people stayed illegally in the district as squatters. Despite poor conditions, Koreans from across Japan moved into the village, as it was somewhere where they could support each other.
In the 1960s, the company Nissan Shatai owned the land. It tried numerous tactics to have the villagers leave, but these efforts were rebuffed. In 1987, Nissan Shatai transferred ownership of the land to the private company Western Japan Development (西日本殖産). The company sued to evict the villagers in the late 1980s. The villagers eventually lost the case after a decade-long legal battle, although they continued to resist eviction efforts. They embarked on a domestic and international fundraising and awareness campaign that was highly successful. A number of people in the Korean diaspora reportedly saw their story as representative of broader systemic discrimination against Koreans in Japan. With assistance from local Japanese advocates, international advocates, and the South Korean government, they negotiated with the Uji government for the construction of public housing and infrastructure and gathered enough funds to purchase parts of the land. In 2010 and 2011, they purchased land in the district, which made them legal occupants for the first time.
Living conditions improved significantly over the following decade. Two new apartment blocks have since been constructed for the villagers. In 2022, the Utoro Peace Memorial Museum (ウトロ平和祈念館, 우토로평화기념관), a museum covering the history of the village, was constructed in the district. The villagers report to being happy with these changes, although they have continued to be the target of anti-Korean sentiment. In 2021, a man set fire to an empty building in the area. He admitted to being influenced by Japanese ultranationalist internet posts that stoked his dislike of Korean people, and was sentenced to four years in prison in 2022. Doubt has been expressed that the district will continue to be a Korean enclave, as the population of Koreans living there has aged and the Uji government owns the housing on the lot. By 2021, the Korean population in the area was 90.
The district's name, which in Japanese is unusually written in katakana with no corresponding kanji, is often assumed to be of Korean origin. However, it is derived from a local colloquial term for "a hollow".[1]
From 1910 to 1945, Korea was a colony of the Empire of Japan.[2] During this time, Japan placed Korea into a process of assimilation into Japanese culture. It banned aspects of traditional Korean culture, mandated education be in Japanese only, and encouraged Koreans to adopt Japanese names.[2] Prior to World War II, immigration from Korea to Japan was largely voluntary. However, when wartime labor shortages began, Japan forcefully mobillized Koreans to support their war effort. Between 1939 and 1945, around 700,000–800,000 Koreans were moved to Japan. By 1945, the number of Koreans in Japan peaked at around two million.[3]
Korean returnees arriving in Busan (October 12, 1945)
Following the surrender of Japan, the majority of ethnic Koreans (1 to 1.4 million) returned to the peninsula. The ones who stayed in Japan did so for a variety of reasons. Some were apprehensive of returning to the poor conditions and political instability on the peninsula, others could not afford the journey back to the peninsula, and some even had successful careers. Koreans who had already somewhat assimilated into Japanese culture, with Japanese spouses or Japanese-speaking children, were incentivized to stay there.[3]
Koreans who remained in Japan were targeted for harassment and violence by Japanese people in the period immediately after the surrender. A police report from Yamaguchi Prefecture recorded statements from the public that said "Japan lost the war because of you Koreans; [now] go back to Korea immediately" and "all Koreans must be killed". In Chōshi, Japanese policemen fired upon and killed three Koreans who had who been on their way to welcome the local arrival of U.S. military forces. These incidents frightened Koreans, and caused them to form support organizations and self-segregate for their own protection.[4]
Although Koreans in Japan had experienced discrimination prior to World War II, they had still been Japanese citizens. However, after the war, the Japanese government gradually stripped them of significant rights and benefits. In December 1945, they lost their right to vote. In 1947, the Alien Registration Ordinance[ja] formally stripped them of their citizenship, rendering them stateless. Employment policies were enacted that excluded Koreans from "Japanese jobs". This drove many Koreans to pursue work in informal, marginalized, or illegal sectors.[3]
Foundation of Utoro
In 1941, the Japanese government planned to build an air field near Utoro. It recruited Koreans to do this task.[1] The recruited Koreans were mainly tenant farmers from Gyeongsang Province.[5] They were first moved to the area in 1943.[5] These laborers lived in workers' quarters in the area, but the buildings were of poor condition and highly cramped;[6][1] each of the makeshift shacks often housed seven or eight families.[7]
The airfield was unfinished when the war ended in 1945. Afterwards, workers were given no compensation or means to return to Korea. In addition, conditions on the peninsula were also difficult due to the division of Korea around that time.[8][9] Stuck, around 1,300 Koreans stayed in the area as squatters, as they had no legal ownership of the land or the properties on it.[1][6][10] They lived in poor conditions; poverty, unemployment, and a lack of plumbing were widespread in the homes.[6] Residents used non-flush toilets,[9][11] which gave the district an unpleasant smell.[11]
Other Koreans in Japan also congregated in the area, which became an ethnic enclave.[8] A month after Japan's surrender, they established a school, the Chōren Kuze Branch School (affiliated with the Korean organization Chōren). They made a point to use Korean as the medium of instruction, as they felt that Japanese colonization had deprived them of their Korean identity.[8] However, Korean schools were made to close in 1949.[8][9] Students who moved to Japanese schools were subject to bullying and discrimination.[9] As a result, school attendance deteriorated.[9] In addition, a number of the older residents had never attended school in either Korea or Japan.[5] Some residents remained illiterate,[5][9] which caused difficulties in their negotiations with the owners of the land and the various governments.[9] Illiteracy also contributed to the prevalence of trust-based verbal contracts among residents during exchanges of goods and services.[9]
In 1951, a local newspaper reported there were around 60 families in the area.[5] In September 1953, the area was hit by Typhoon Tess, which resulted in severe flooding.[12]
Conflict over eviction
Around the 1960s, the land was owned by the Nissan affiliate Nissan Shatai.[13][12][14] The company held several negotiations with the settlers, sometimes via the North Korea–aligned organization Chongryon, to have them leave, but no conclusions were reached.[1] The settlers applied to the Uji government for access to the public water supply because the wells they had been using were salty, but the government deferred the decision to Nissan Shatai. Nissan Shatai rejected this on the grounds that it would confirm the occupancy of the squatters. The conflict over drinking water became a key issue over the following decades.[1]
In 1984 and 1985, Nissan Shatai offered several deals to the Head of the Area Council, Hirayama Masuo (Korean name Ho Ch'ang-gu; 호창구;許昌九),[15][16] to evict and resettle the residents, but these offers were rebuffed. In 1986, Nissan Shatai proposed that the land be sold to a company which Hirayama could set up, with current residents being able to buy land from the company.[16] Hirayama accepted the offer,[7] and the deal went through in March 1987.[12] Nissan Shatai communicated its approval for the residents' water access to the Uji government.[16] Residents were reportedly happy to begin receiving running water in April 1988, but did not know how it had been obtained.[16][8][17]
Hirayama never told the other residents about the deal that he had struck.[16][8] He opened a company called Western Japan Development (西日本殖産, 서일본식산) with himself as director.[16][17] He petitioned residents to buy land from him, but he was rebuffed.[16] In June 1988,[17] after hearing rumors of the deal's terms, some residents looked up the owner of the land and found that Hirayama had been lying to them. After being confronted, Hirayama resigned from the company and disappeared.[16] The new owners of Western Japan Development filed eviction notices to the residents on December 13, 1988.[18][17] These notices were ignored, which led to the company filing a lawsuit against the residents in the Kyoto District Court.[18][7] In February 1989, demolition workers approached the site, but the residents physically blocked their work.[18][19][15] The following month, the residents had their first trial.[12]
Around this time, they also formed a support group called the Association to Protect Utoro (ウトロを守る会, 우토로를 지키는 모임),[10][18] with an initial membership of 70 and support from 200 other people.[18] A number of these members were ethnic Japanese people, largely neighbors from the area.[5][8][13] A demonstration from this group, with around 700 people in attendance, was held at a local Nissan Shatai factory on November 5.[17][18] The group alleged that Nissan Shatai had struck a secret deal with Hirayama, and demanded that Nissan Shatai purchase the land back from Western Japan Development. Nissan Shatai declined to.[18] A series of hearings on Western Japan Development's lawsuits was held from 1991 to 1992, but negotiations were strained and dragged on.[20]
Meanwhile, the residents worked to bring the issue to national and international attention.[20] Beginning on September 7, 1991,[17] resident Yumi Lee (이유미) embarked on a three-month speaking tour of the United States, in which she covered not only Utoro, but also the issues facing Zainichi Koreans as a whole. She lectured at a number of universities, including Harvard, Yale, Columbia, and others.[21] Lee's public relations campaign led to a significant growth in interest in the issue; Utoro was covered by major news organizations, including The New York Times, CNN, and Time.[21]
The story received significant attention. Some interpreted Utoro as a symbol of post-war Japan's denialism and systemic discrimination against Zainichi Koreans.[13][15][22] In 1993, Harvard students protested the eviction of Utoro's residents at the Japanese consulate in Boston.[23] Villagers pooled $25,000 to buy a full-page ad in The New York Times. The ad was purchased at a discount rate facilitated by Herb Gunther, head of an American advertising company Public Media Center, who had seen the protestors while on a business trip in Kyoto.[15] It ran on March 1, 1993,[17] and requested that the American public apply pressure to Nissan Shatai to either repurchase the land or compensate the villagers for their wartime labor. Public Media Center received over 11,000 letters of support.[15] That year, the Los Angeles Times published an article on the topic called "An Eviction Unworthy of the Japanese".[19] After a broadcast about the village, the Korean-American radio station KCB-FM received more than 18,000 letters and signatures of support for Utoro.[15]Japanese Americans also assisted in the campaign. Kana Shimasaki, a pastor in Honolulu, actively petitioned for the cause, and told the Los Angeles Times that:[15]
It's shameful that the only way to get Japan to correct a wrong is to bring it to the outside world. As a Japanese citizen I am embarrassed.[15]
The issue gained some traction in Germany as well. Five representatives of the village visited the country in 1991 and gave talks, and a number of German youths visited at the invitation of the Japanese German Forum.[17]
However, in 1998, the Kyoto District Court ruled against the villagers.[24][12] Appeals were filed to the Osaka High Court, but these were dismissed.[24][13] Residents then appealed to the Supreme Court of Japan, but their eviction was again upheld in November 2000.[24][7][12] They continued to refuse to leave, and rebuffed efforts to forcefully evict them.[7]
The building that houses ELFA (2009)
In August 2001, the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights acknowledged the Utoro issue within the context of systemic discrimination in Japan against ethnic minorities, especially Korean people.[25][12] In June 2002, residents founded a volunteer support organization for the elderly called ELFA (エルファ, 에루화).[12] The organization was assisted by both the North Korea-aligned Chongryon and South Korea-aligned Mindan.[17]
Support from Japanese people
The villagers also garnered the attention and assistance of numerous Japanese people, especially their neighbors.[5][13] In 1988, they held their first meeting, with Saitō Masaki (斎藤正樹) writing the first newsletter for the group. Saitō also later helped organize legal support for the residents, prepare the residents' statement to the U.N, and negotiate with the Uji government.[5] Neighbors signed petitions and donated money to Utoro's causes.[13] One of the residents, Tagawa Akiko, had been living at the village since the 1980s. She later explained why she had campaigned to help the Korean residents obtain water access:[26]
Twenty-seven years ago, I was too shocked to see my [Korean] friend that grew up in Utoro had no access to a water supply. I thought I should do something.[26]
When legal efforts stalled, Japanese supporters laid out a "Community Building Action Plan".[8] In addition, the National Council of Churches in Japan and the Human Rights Committee of the National Council of Churches in Korea worked together to support the villagers.[27] A professor at the University of Tsukuba held a study session on the history of the village in 1989.[17]
A view of the village (2009)
Breakthrough in fundraising and negotiations
The citizens and government of South Korea ended up playing a significant role in improving the conditions in Utoro.[7][12] The first report on Utoro appeared in The Hankyoreh in 1990.[17] The issue reached national attention by 2004.[27]
Numerous awareness and fundraising campaigns were held in South Korea, and have even continued through the 2010s.[28] In 2005, South Korean TV networks ran a series of Utoro specials on the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II, and called for donations.[7] South Korean celebrities, such as Yoo Jae-suk, have donated to Utoro on a number of occasions.[29][unreliable source?] In December 2016, the National Memorial Museum of Forced Mobilization under Japanese Occupation in Busan, South Korea, held an exhibition on Utoro, and appealed for more donations.[28]
Around the mid-2000s, the population of the village had dropped to 230, as young people left and did not return.[7] In 2008, there were 65 households and 203 Korean residents.[10]
In 2007, Utoro residents managed to raise over 380 million yen ($3,200,000) to purchase their land, from private donors and the South Korean government.[12] This year marked the first time that residents were not under threat of eviction, although it would be several more years until were legal occupants.[5] In May 2010, they purchased 2,700m2 (29,000sqft) of land for 120 million yen. The following February, the South Korean government purchased another 3,800m2 (41,000sqft) for 180 million yen on behalf of the residents.[12][31][32]
The first new apartment building, around when residents were beginning to move in (January 2, 2018)
Around that time, negotiations with the Japanese government began to progress after decades of stalling. In December 2007, the Japanese government founded the Council for Improving Living Environment of Utoro District.[12] In 2008, the Uji government conducted a census in the area for the first time, and found that 179 people from 71 households were living there.[5] In February 2011, the residents and Council announced they had agreed on a plan to construct medical facilities and flood protection infrastructure in the area.[31][5] In January 2012, the residents and the Council agreed on a plan to improve conditions in the area.[12] The Uji government would fund the preparation of new public housing.[5] Much of the funding for initial improvements was raised by a South Korean non-profit. In 2016, the city began tearing down old houses.[24] Construction on an apartment building for 40 families began that year. The building was completed in January 2018, and the residents moved in.[12] One more building for 12 households was completed in 2023.[33][6]
By 2021, there were around 90 residents in the district.[34] Saitō Masaki predicted that, as the new buildings were public housing owned by the government, the proportion of ethnic Koreans living in the district would gradually decrease over time.[5]
Utoro Peace Memorial Museum
The Utoro Peace Memorial Museum (March 2022)
In 2018, the villagers created another committee to campaign for the creation of a museum about the village's history.[27]
The Utoro Peace Memorial Museum (ウトロ平和祈念館, 우토로평화기념관) was built through a mix of private donations and assistance from the South Korean government.[35][8] The South Korean government assisted in the process as part of their effort to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea.[35]
In July 2021, the last of the original bunkhouses was torn down. It had been built in 1943,[6] and by then was severely decayed. It had apparently not been used since 1986. Residents saw this as a significant milestone in the renovation process. They intentionally kept a part of the old building, to be moved into the museum, which was to begin construction in fall of that year.[34]
On April 30, 2022, the museum opened in the district.[6][24] An opening ceremony was held, with a traditional Korean music and dance ceremony.[6] It has three floors and a total floor space of 450m2 (4,800sqft).[6] The director is Akiko Tagawa,[36] a Japanese woman who had lived in the district for decades.[37] There is a café on the first floor. The building cost around 200 million yen (US$1.8 million).[38]
On December 14, 2008, the right-wing politician Makoto Sakurai and members of his group Zaitokukai (full name of organization translates to "Association of Citizens against the Special Privileges of the Zainichi [Koreans]") held a demonstration at Utoro, in which they demanded that Utoro residents leave the area. Sakurai has called for the expulsion of Koreans from Japan, as he believed "they are social parasites".[39] The group also distributed flyers with threatening messages to the villagers.[40]
2021 arson incident
On August 30, 2021, Arimoto Shōgo (有本匠吾), a 23-year-old unemployed Japanese person, set fire to an empty building in the district. The fire spread to other buildings, damaging property in the area.[41][42][43] Arimoto falsely believed that residents were still living on the land illegally, which had not been true for around ten years by that point.[11] Arimoto had also previously set fire to the building of an ethnic Korean organization in Aichi, as well as to a Korean school in Nagoya.[44]
The act was determined to be a hate crime.[43][45] Arimoto's stated motivation was "antagonistic feelings towards Koreans";[41] he also acknowledged that he had been influenced by far right internet posts in Japan, which often target Korean people.[42] This sparked a debate over hate speech laws in Japan.[43][41][42] The mayor of Uji, Atsuko Matsumura, condemned the attack, saying it and similar acts "should never be forgiven, no matter what".[46]
The demographics of Japan include birth and death rates, age distribution, population density, ethnicity, education level, healthcare system of the populace, economic status, religious affiliations, and other aspects regarding the Japanese population. According to the United Nations, the population of Japan was roughly 126.4 million people, and peaked at 128.5 million people in 2010. It is the 6th-most populous country in Asia, and the 11th-most populous country in the world.
Nissan Motor Corporation is a Japanese multinational automobile manufacturer headquartered in Yokohama, Kanagawa, Japan. The company sells its vehicles under the Nissan and Infiniti brands, and formerly the Datsun brand, with in-house performance tuning products under the Nismo and Autech brands. The company traces back to the beginnings of the 20th century, with the Nissan zaibatsu, now called Nissan Group.
The demographics of North Korea are determined through national censuses and international estimates. The Central Bureau of Statistics of North Korea conducted the most recent census in 2008, where the population reached 24 million inhabitants. The population density is 199.54 inhabitants per square kilometre, and the 2014 estimated life expectancy is 69.81 years. In 1980, the population rose at a near consistent, but low, rate. Since 2000, North Korea's birth rate has exceeded its death rate; the natural growth is positive. In terms of age structure, the population is dominated by the 15–64-year-old segment (68.09%). The median age of the population is 32.9 years, and the gender ratio is 0.95 males to 1.00 female. Since the early 1990s, the birth rate has been fairly stable, with an average of 2 children per woman, down from an average of 3 in the early 1980s.
Kyoto, officially Kyoto City, is the capital city of Kyoto Prefecture in the Kansai region of Japan's largest and most populous island of Honshu. As of 2020, the city had a population of 1.46 million, making it the ninth-most populous city in Japan. More than half (56.8%) of Kyoto Prefecture's population resides in the city. The city is the cultural anchor of the substantially larger Greater Kyoto, a metropolitan statistical area (MSA) home to a census-estimated 3.8 million people. It is also part of the even larger Keihanshin metropolitan area, along with Osaka and Kobe.
Uji is a city on the southern outskirts of the city of Kyoto, in Kyoto Prefecture, Japan.
There have been a number of significant disputes between various Koreanic and Japonic states. The two regions have a long history of relations as immediate neighbors that has been marked with conflict. One of the most significant issues is the Japanese colonization of Korea that began with the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1910 and ended with the surrender of Japan at the end of World War II.
Hiratsuka is a city in Kanagawa Prefecture, Japan. As of 1 April 2021, the city had an estimated population of 257,316 and a population density of 3800 persons per km². The total area of the city is 67.88 square kilometres (26.21 sq mi).
Racism in Japan comprises negative attitudes and views on race or ethnicity which are held by various people and groups in Japan, and have been reflected in discriminatory laws, practices and action at various times in the history of Japan against racial or ethnic groups.
A Koreatown (Korean: 코리아타운), also known as a Little Korea or Little Seoul, is a Korean-dominated ethnic enclave within a city or metropolitan area outside the Korean Peninsula.
Koreans in Japan are ethnic Koreans who immigrated to Japan before 1945 and are citizens or permanent residents of Japan, or who are descendants of those immigrants. They are a group distinct from South Korean nationals who have immigrated to Japan since the end of World War II and the division of Korea.
The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, abbreviated as Chongryon or Chōsen Sōren, is one of two main organisations for Zainichi Koreans, the other being Mindan. It has close ties to North Korea and functions as North Korea's de facto embassy in Japan, as there are no diplomatic relations between the two countries. The organisation is headquartered in Chiyoda, Tokyo, and there are prefectural and regional head offices and branches throughout Japan.
Mindan, or the Korean Residents Union in Japan, is one of two main organizations for Koreans living in Japan, the other being Chongryon. Mindan has ties to South Korea and was established in 1946 in Tokyo, Japan. Currently, among the 610,000 Korean residents in Japan who have not become naturalized Japanese citizens, 65% are members of Mindan, and another 25% are members of Chongryon.
South Korean nationality law (Korean: 국적법) details the conditions in which an individual is a national of the Republic of Korea (ROK), commonly known as South Korea. Foreign nationals may naturalize after living in the country for at least five years and showing proficiency in the Korean language. All male citizens between the ages of 18 and 35 who are able-bodied and mentally competent are required to perform at least 18 months of compulsory military service or alternative civilian service.
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Zaitokukai, full name Zainichi Tokken o Yurusanai Shimin no Kai, is an ultra-nationalist and far-right extremist political organization in Japan, which calls for an end to state welfare and alleged privileges afforded to Zainichi Koreans. It has been described by the National Police Agency as a potential threat to public order due to its "extreme nationalist and xenophobic" ideology.
Nissan Shatai Co., Ltd. is a Japanese automobile contract manufacturer for Nissan that is headquartered in Hiratsuka, Kanagawa. Its direct history began in 1949. As of September 2016, Nissan owns 45.8% of the company stock.
Korea has always been a highly ethnically and linguistically homogeneous nation, however some minorities in Korea exist. Since recent decades, South Korea has become home to a number of foreign residents (4.9%), whereas isolated North Korea has not experienced this trend.
Chōsen gakkō are North Korean schools in Japan. "Chōsen" means Korean and "gakkō" means school. They are affiliated with the Chongryon (the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan) which has strong ties to North Korea. Sometimes Chōsen gakkō schools are referred to as Chongryon schools.
Ōkubo (大久保), also known as Shin-Ōkubo (新大久保), is a neighborhood in Shinjuku, Tokyo, Japan. The neighborhood is built around Shin-Ōkubo Station, accessible on the Yamanote Line. It is known for its extensive Korean community, and is often called Tokyo Koreatown.
The History Museum of J-Koreans is a museum covering the history of Koreans in Japan located in Tokyo, Japan. The museum was established on November 24, 2005.
1 2 3 Moon, Rennie (2010). "Koreans in Japan". Stanford Program on International and Cross-Cultural Education. Archived from the original on June 23, 2023. Retrieved September 23, 2023.
1 2 "Introduction of the History Hall". National Memorial Museum of Forced Mobilization under Japanese Occupation. Archived from the original on September 29, 2023. Retrieved September 20, 2023.
↑ "在日コリアンが暮らすウトロ地区、家屋の解体始まる...21年には放火事件"[Utoro District, Where Zainichi Koreans Live, Begins the Demolish of Its Houses... Arson Attack in 2021]. Yomiuri Shimbun (in Japanese). June 20, 2023. Archived from the original on July 3, 2023. Retrieved September 20, 2023.
↑ Japan 2022 Human Rights Report(PDF) (Report). United States Department of State – Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. 2022. Archived(PDF) from the original on October 20, 2023. Retrieved October 16, 2023.
일본 조선인 마을의 변화 - [23] on YouTube – a travel YouTuber receiving a tour of the village in 2023. Includes the museum and the ruins of the burned building (in Korean)
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