Post-retirement, Beg has been mired in controversies. In 2012, Ijaz-ul-Haq, the son of General Zia-ul-Haq accused Beg of being responsible in the airplane crash that killed President Zia.[6][7]
In 1996, Asghar Khan filed a human rights petition alleging that former Pakistan Army Chief General Beg and Pakistani ISI Chief Asad Durrani, under President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, established an election cell to manipulate the 1990 Pakistani general election in favor of Nawaz Sharif by purchasing politicians' loyalties. Nearly 16 years later, Durrani finally admitted his role in a 2012 affidavit to the Supreme Court of Pakistan and stated that he had been ordered by Beg to disburse money to rivals of Benazir Bhutto's party.[8][9] The ISI disbursed Rs140 million for this purpose using funds from the foreign exchange reserves of Pakistan, through Mehranbank CEO Younus Habib. In 2012, Habib stated that the money had been arranged at the behest of Ghulam Ishaq Khan and General Beg, in his affidavit to the Supreme Court of Pakistan.[10] Despite these revelations, no significant legal consequences have followed and Beg had continued to defy court orders.[11][12][13]
His father, Mirza Murtaza Beg, was an advocate and practicing lawyer who had held a well known prestige and respected name in the law circles of the Allahabad High Court.[17] The Baig's family had traced a long ancestral roots of the Mughal royal family who once were emperors of India from the early 15th century to the early 18th century.[18]
During his college years, Mirza played collegiate field hockey and was vital member of his hockey team which consisted mainly Muslims.[19] According to his memories, Beg sought revenge on a Hindu politician belonging to Congress Party after the politician had beaten up a member of his hockey team.[19] Egged on by a mob of students, Beg used his hockey stick to beat up the politician at a public meeting.[19] This incident came after his graduation from college in 1949, and Beg's family decided to move to Pakistan in 1949 after the Indian partition in 1947.[19]
The Beg family set sailed for Karachi from Bombay via Royal Pakistan Navy ship in 1949. His elder brother was already a commissioned officer in the Pakistan Army and encouraged young Beg to follow his path to seek a career in the army.[19] Beg recalled his memoirs to his Indian interviewer and called Pakistan as "my dream country".[19] In 1950, Beg was accepted at the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) in Kakul, graduating from a class of 6th PMA Long Course in 1952.[20]
In 1952, he gained a commission as 2Lt. in the 6 Baloch Regiment of the Pakistan Army and initially assisted the command of an infantry platoon.[16] From 1952 to 1958, he progressed well toward the military ranks, having been promoted to army lieutenant in 1956; and army captain in 1958.[16] He received recommendations from his field commanding officer for the selection by the special branch to join the special forces, and departed to the United States in 1958 to complete the special forces training with the U.S. ArmySpecial Forces in Fort Bragg, North Carolina.[16]
In 1971, he commanded an infantry regiment in third war with India but was sent back to attend the National Defence University where he became even more involved with his studies.[22] In 1971–72, he earned his MSc in War Studies, defending and publishing his thesis, entitled: "A journey of pain and fear" which provide critical analysis of state sponsored terrorism and its effects on geo-military positions of the countries.[23] Lt. Col. Beg left the special forces, and accepted the professorship on war studies at the NDU in 1975.[24]Brig. Beg tenured as the professor on the war studies and remained Chief Instructor of Armed Forces War College at the then National Defence University until January 1978.[24]
About the 1971 war, Beg maintained that the Pakistan Armed Forces "learned a valuable strategic lesson", and that quoted that the government also learned that "there is no point in going to war unless you are absolutely certain you have the capability to win".[25]
From 1994 to 1999, Beg continued his teaching at NDU and published his two books on national security, nuclear weapons development, defence diplomacy and international relations.[26][27]
In March 1979, chief of army staff, General Zia-ul-Haq, directed the II Strike Corps' "to ascertain the likely reaction of the Pakistan Armed Forces officers if Bhutto was hanged", in accordance to the Supreme Court's verdict.[28] During this meeting, Major-General Beg objected to the hanging of Bhutto and maintained to his senior commanders that: "The hanging of Bhutto would be an unwise act, as it could cause very serious "political aberrations" that will be difficult to correct.[28] In 1979, Major-General Beg was moved at Army GHQ, taking over the staff appointment as an Adjutant-General, which he served until 1980.[28] He was later elevated as the Chief of General Staff (CGS), remained in charge of operational planning of the counter-offensive to the Indian invasion of Siachen marking the beginnings of the ongoing Siachen conflict in 1984.[29]
In 1985, Major-General Beg was elevated to three-star promotion and was appointed as Corp's Commander of the XI Corps, that stationed in Peshawar, which had role in the indirect war with the Soviet Army in Afghanistan, since 1980.[30]
According to the military authors and Pakistani historians' accounts, Lieutenant-General Beg was extremely distrusted by PresidentZia-ul-Haq, mainly due to his open-mindedness and his pro-democracy views, at one point, advising President Zia to "rendezvous with the nation's history and democratize the country."[22]
In 1987, Lieutenant-General Beg was in the race for the promotion of four-star appointment, along with Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar, but was overlooked by President Zia who wanted to Lt.Gen. Akbar for the four-star appointment as chief of army staff.[22] Prime Minister M.K. Junejo eventually used his prerogative to appoint Lieutenant-General Mirza Aslam Beg as vice-army chief on merit, despite President Zia wanting Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar who was sent to DESTO.:73[22]
Chief of Army Staff
Gen. Mirza Aslam Beg, COAS, visiting Pakistan Army formation in 1991.
Though, General Beg did not supersede anyone and was the most senior, the promotion was notable due to the opposition shown by PresidentZia-ul-Haq who wanted Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar, an engineer, as vice army chief.:278[31][25]
Despite his four-star command assignment, General Beg had to report his duties and decisions to President Zia who had been army chief since 1976.[32] Eventually, General Beg succeeded President Zia as the new army chief and the command of the army when the latter died in an accidental plane crash on 17 August 1988.[33] American military authors regarded Beg as "mild but bookish general" keen to drive the country towards the tracks of democracy.[34]
The United States military regarded Beg as an "Unpredictable General"[33] could not be counted on to continue close military cooperation with the United States as Zia did in the 1980s.[33] The Pentagon had commented on Beg as "a professional soldier" with no political ambitions, but independent-minded and unpredictable.[33] In 1988, one Pentagon military official added that "Beg is hard to figure out and difficult to read his mindset unlike other Pakistan army generals, he hasn't been particularly friendly with the US."[33]
Mirza Aslam Beg was endorsed by Prime MinisterBenazir Bhutto who confirmed his four-star appointment as chief of army staff until 1991, when he was replaced by General Asif Nawaz.[36] Unlike General Zia, Beg initiated a massive re-evaluation and education training program for the inter-services officers.[38] In 1988, Beg's personal initiatives led to sending of hundreds of inter-services officers to Western universities for advanced degrees.[38] By 1991, several of the inter-services officers had gained post-graduate degree in operational and technical training.[38]
In 1988, Prime MinisterBenazir Bhutto conferred Beg with a specially designated civil award for Mirza Aslam Beg for restoring democracy in Pakistan, Tamgha-e-Jamhuriat (lit. Medal of Democracy).[39] In fact, Beg is the only one in Pakistan, and yet the only four-star army general to have been decorated with such an honour.[39] Although Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was criticized for decorating a four-star general with a civilian award, she used to justify her decision, saying that Beg deserved this honour because he refrained from indulging in yet another military adventure like Zia and instead helped Pakistan to a peaceful transition of power through general elections.[39]
On 16 August 1991, General Beg retired from his military serving, completing 41 years of service, and handing over command to General Asif Nawaz.[4] As an army chief, General Beg is credited by an Australian Army expert for encouraging "wider thinking about tactics" within the Pakistan Army, particularly for establishing a much improved logistics chain and "contributed immensely to the army's warfighting capabilities".[4]
As chief of army staff, Beg determinately retained the military's control over the policies regarding the national security of Pakistan, and dictated Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto's role in formulating the national security policies.[34] Beg testified that the "real causes behind the 'Pressler amendment' was significant as long as Pakistan was considered an important entity of weakening Soviet Union's influence in South Asia".[40] Various writers greatly questioned his idea of "strategic depth", which aim to transfer of Pakistan's military science command in dense Afghanistan, against the war with India.[41]
Beg endorsed the role of his deputy, Lieutenant-GeneralHamid Gul in Afghanistan war who masterminded the Jalalabad operation which failed brutally; Gul was deposed by Prime Minister Bhutto soon after this action.[42] Beg's role remained vital during and after the Soviet Union's troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and showed no intention to coordinate joint efforts with the U.S. to end the war in the country.[43] In late 1989, Pakistan and U.S. propagated the message of departing of communist government in order to bring the clerical government instead.[43] Authors and media reporters maintained that Beg controversially proposed an intelligence contingency plan between the agencies of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran that would grow into the "core of the Muslim world".[43] Such idea was met with hostility in the government and Foreign MinisterYacob Khan and Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto were the ones who objected and opposed to this idea.[43]
The Iraq war with Kuwait was a polarizing political issue in Pakistan and Beg carefully commanded and deployed the Pakistan Armed Forces' contingent forces during Operation Desert Storm in 1991.[46][48] Beg calculated that the popular opinion would be in favor of Iraq, as the anti-American sentiment in the Middle East began to grow at that time.[44]
But neither did Beg's strategic prediction come true nor did he get an extension.[44] Soon after the end of Gulf war, Beg proceeded towards his retirement on 18 August 1991.[44]
Post-military career
After failing to persuade the government for his extension, Beg's later political ambitions forced then-president Ghulam Ishaq Khan to nominate General Asif Nawaz as the designated chief of army staff three months prior to his retirement.[2] After Beg's retirement he continued the professorship at National Defence University in Islamabad, and remained active in country's political and military affairs.[49]
In 1994, the official government investigations pursued further when Interior ministerNaseerullah Babar in Benazir administration disclosed this matter at the Parliament while maintaining that "it was the ISI that had disbursed funds to purchase the loyalty of conservative mass and nationalist public figures to manipulate the general elections held in 1990 and to bring the conservatives in race to compete with left-wing politicians in the country."[2] It was reported that Gen. Beg had the Younis Habib released and deposited around ₨. 140 million in the Survey Section 202 account of Military Intelligence (MI), with ₨. 6 million were channeled to accounts of PresidentGhulam Ishaq Khan including the bureaucracts: Syed Refaqat Hussain, Roedad Khan, and Ijlal Zaidi.[50] In 2017, the second lawsuit filed against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has connected him when Just.Gulzar, in his final verdict, reads:
[Late] Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the then-President of Pakistan, General Aslam Beg and General Asad Durrani acted in violation of the Constitution by facilitating a group of politicians and political parties, etc., to ensure their success against the rival candidates in the general election of 1990, for which they secured funds from Mr. Yunus Habib. Their acts have brought a bad name to Pakistan and professionality of the Armed Forces as well as intelligence agencies in the eyes of the nation, therefore, notwithstanding that they may have retired from service, the [Federal] Government shall take necessary steps under the Constitution and Law against them.[51]
Nuclear proliferation controversy
Internationally, Beg was widely criticised for his alleged involvement with the nuclear program of Iran. A report in The Friday Times contends that after taking over as Chief of Army Staff, General Aslam Beg began lobbying about "such cooperation with Iran" on nuclear technology as a part of his "strategy of defiance" of the United States. As chief of army staff, Beg had initiated lectureship programs on physics, chemistry, mathematics and engineering for inter-services officers, by the Pakistani scientists serving their professors, to have better understanding on nuclear policy matters and policy development.[38]
Earlier, Beg had calculated that such cooperation with Iran was popular and that, Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf Arabs were less popular as American clients in the region.[52] General Beg had encouraged dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan to proliferate technology to Iran and North Korea.[52]
The speed with which he maintained the "new nuclear policy" leads one to speculate whether he simply wanted the "obstacle" of General Zia to disappear from the scene.[52] General Zia did not know or received any payments of such agreement; in fact, Zia did not know if Beg was in act with Iran.[52] Zia was deeply committed to the Arabs, especially to Saudi Arabia, to create a restraint to contain the Iranian influence.[52] According to Ahmad, Prime ministerNawaz Sharif was shocked that Beg had signed a secret nuclear deal with Iran without telling him; therefore, the Prime minister abrogated the cooperation and tightened the security watch on A.Q. Khan.[52] However, in 2004 interview to PBS, Beg clearly denied of his involvement with Iranian program and quoted:
If [Benazir] government wasn't aware, how was I aware? I was army chief from 1988 to 1991. If we were never told what was happening beneath the surface when the Americans knew, when the British agencies knew, when they have claimed they have penetrated the entire system including Pakistan— so are they not guilty?
In 2005 interview to NBC, Beg defended his and A.Q. Khan's ground and maintained to the NBC that "Nuclear Proliferators can't be stopped." Beg added that the Americans and Europeans have been engaged in nuclear proliferation as part of a concept, called "outsourcing nuclear capability", to friendly countries as a measure of defense against nuclear strike.[54] Beg pointed out that the "nuclear non-proliferation regime, therefore, is dying its natural death at the hands of those who are the exponents of the nuclear non-proliferation regime".[54] Beg also theorized that "nuclear deterrent is what holds the strategic balance between the two or more belligerents".[54]
According to an article in the Express Tribune, Beg was in contact with senior scientist, Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan, about bringing Iran into the fold of "nuclear prowess" much to the annoyance of his superior and senior officer, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.[52] At this point, without a green signal from President Zia-ul-Haq, Beg got acquainted with Dr. A.Q. Khan to secretly proliferate the technology crucial to master the nuclear fuel.[55]
On 1 December 2012, President Zia's son Ijaz-ul-Haq maintained that it was Beg who was conspired behind the death of his father.[52] Earlier in 1988, the Shafiur Rehman Commission that was to establish the cause of the crash of Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's plane concluded that because of Army's obstruction in the investigation, the real perpetrators behind the attack cannot be brought forward.[56]
Political activism
Upon returning to civilian life, General Beg founded and established a policy think-tank institute in Islamabad, known as Foundation for Research on International Environment National Development and Security (Friends).[57] He is the current founding chairman of the Friends think-tank since its foundations.[57]
Beg later founded the nationalist political party, the Awami Qaiyadat Party (lit. National Leadership Party) which continued to be a part of right-wing sphere.[58] Though his party gained no political prominence and failed to compete in national general elections, his party remains registered in the Election Commission with Gun as its election symbol.[58]
Musharraf on Beg
General Beg was one of many professor under whom Musharraf had studied at National Defence University.[16] Musharraf had high regards for Beg as one of his "significant professor" in his university years, but after 11 September 2001 they became estranged.[16] Beg was labelled as one of many professors at NDU who were called "pseudo-intellectuals" by Musharraf.[16][59]
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq was a Pakistani military officer who served as the 6th president of Pakistan from 1978 until his death in 1988. He rose to prominence after leading a coup on 5 July 1977, which overthrew the democratically elected government of prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Zia subsequently imposed martial law, suspended the constitution, and served as chief martial law administrator before assuming the presidency. Zia served as the 2nd chief of the Army Staff from 1976 to 1988, a position he later leveraged to execute a coup in 1977, which was the second coup in Pakistan's history of coups; the first occurred in 1958 under Ayub Khan.
The president of Pakistan is the head of state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The president is the nominal head of the executive and the supreme commander of the Pakistan Armed Forces. The presidency is a ceremonial position in Pakistan. The president is bound to act on advice of the prime minister and cabinet. Asif Ali Zardari is the current president since 10 March 2024.
Ghulam Ishaq Khan, commonly known by his initials GIK, was a Pakistani bureaucrat, politician and statesman who served as the seventh president of Pakistan from 1988 to 1993. He previously served as Chairman of the Senate from 1985 to 1988 under president Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, and was sworn in shortly after Zia's death.
Tikka Khan was a Pakistani military officer who served as the first chief of the army staff from 1972 to 1976. Along with Yahya Khan, he is considered a chief architect of the 1971 Bangladesh genocide that resulted in the deaths of, depending on which authority is consulted, between three hundred thousand and three million people. His leadership of the Pakistani Army actions in Bangladesh led to him being dubbed the "Butcher of Bengal" by Bengalis.
General Asif Nawaz Janjua was an officer in the Pakistan Army, serving as its fourth Chief of Army Staff from 16 August 1991 until his untimely death in 1993. His tenure is regarded as contributing to civilian control over the Pakistan Armed Forces. Janjua was one of only four high-ranking officers to have died in active service, alongside Admiral Hasan Hafeez Ahmed (1975), General Zia-ul-Haq (1988), and Air Chief Marshal Mushaf Ali Mir (2002).
Abdul Waheed Kakar, is a retired senior officer of the Pakistan Army who served as the fifth chief of army staff, appointed by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on 12 January 1993 after the controversial death of his predecessor General Asif Nawaz. Upon the completion of his three year tenure, Kakar retired in 1996.
Mohammad Khan Junejo was a Pakistani politician and statesman who served as the tenth Prime Minister of Pakistan from 1985 to 1988 under president Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq. During his tenure as prime minister he sought to strengthen the power of the office and assert civilian control over state affairs, foreign affairs and military appointments, coming into conflict with Zia-ul-Haq and various senior military officers eventually culminating in his dismissal by Zia. His inquiries into the Ojhri Camp Disaster, appointment of Aslam Beg as VCOAS, various Corps Commanders, growing control over senior military promotions, forays into international politics, rejecting Zia appointments in his cabinet, stance against martial law, austerity policies and purported spying on Zia through the civilianized Intelligence Bureau all contributed to the souring in their relation.
Rahimuddin Khan was a general of the Pakistan Army who served as the 4th Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee from 1984 to 1987, after serving as the 7th governor of Balochistan from 1978 to 1984. He also served as the 16th governor of Sindh in 1988.
Ali Kuli Khan KhattakHI(M) is a Pakistani retired three-star general and former field commander of X Corps.
General Khalid Mahmud ArifNI(M) HI(M) SI(M) SBt LoM popularly known as K.M. Arif, was a senior officer of the Pakistan Army, serving as the vice-chief of army staff under President Zia-ul-Haq, who retained the command of the army since 1976.
The political history of Pakistan is the narrative and analysis of political events, ideas, movements, and leaders of Pakistan. Pakistan gained independence from the United Kingdom on 14 August 1947, when the Presidencies and provinces of British India were divided by the United Kingdom, in a region which is commonly referred to as the Indian subcontinent. Since its independence, Pakistan has had a colorful yet turbulent political history at times, often characterized by martial law and inefficient leadership.
The Mehrangate, also known as the Mehran bank scandal, was a major political scandal that took place in the Second administration of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 1990.
Operation Clean-up, also known as Operation Blue Fox, was an armed military intelligence program led by the Sindh Police and Pakistan Rangers, with an additional assistance from the Pakistan Army and its related intelligence agencies. Planned by the FIA, Intelligence Bureau and launched the directives of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in 1992, the program was more strictly pursued by upcoming Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 1993–1994, as part of her internal policies.
Operation Midnight Jackal, or simply known as Midnight Jackal, was a first of two major political scandals that took place in the first term of Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 1988–89 that was a plot of ISI's Internal Wing to assist the vote of no-confidence movement in the Parliament to pave the way for new elections in favor of conservative politicians.
Iftikhar Ahmed SiroheyNI(M) HI(M) SBt OM BJSN LoM is a retired four-star rank admiral, strategist, and a memoirist who is currently tenuring his fellowship at the Institute of Strategic Studies (ISS) in Islamabad, Pakistan.
Zahid Ali AkbarHI(M), SBt, PE, is a former engineering officer in the Pakistan Army Corps of Engineers, known for his role in Pakistan's acquisition of nuclear weapons, and directing the Engineering Research Laboratories (ERL), a top secret research facility developing the clandestine atom bomb project.
Military coups in Pakistan began in 1958 when military officer Muhammad Ayub Khan overthrew and exiled president Iskandar Ali Mirza. Since its creation in 1947, Pakistan has spent several decades under military rule. After their respective terms in office, each of the past five prime ministers of Pakistan has faced convictions or imprisonment. This trend highlights a significant aspect of Pakistan's political landscape: the prevailing rule that the Pakistani military exercises influence wherever it deems necessary, often persisting despite potential repercussions. Throughout Pakistani history, the military has played a prominent role in governance, with periods where it has directly ruled the country.
Indirect presidential elections were held in December 1988 to elect the 7th President of Pakistan. The votes were given by the Electoral College of Pakistan, which had its new members in both national and provincial assemblies elected in the corresponding 1988 Pakistani general election.
The Jatoi caretaker government was the first caretaker government in Pakistan from 6 August 1990 to 6 November 1990. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi acted as the first caretaker Prime Minister of Pakistan. The Jatoi government was appointed by Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who was president, after he dissolved the National Assembly and the PPP Bhutto government in August of the same year. Jatoi previously served as leader of the opposition in the assembly, whilst other caretaker ministers were selected based on their opposition to the PPP. Jatoi himself was a former Pakistan People's Party member who formed his own rival National Peoples Party (NPP) after a dispute with Benazir Bhutto. The caretaker government consisted of anti-PPP ministers in the provinces as-well. Ghulam Haider Wyne, an ally of Nawaz Sharif, was caretaker Chief Minister of Punjab, while in Sindh caretaker Chief Minister Jam Sadiq Ali opposed the PPP. Later Jam Sadiq Ali continued in office as Chief Minister following elections.
↑ NDU. "1971 AFWC alumni". National Defence University (NDU); Armed Forces War College. Archived from the original on 7 March 2013. Retrieved 21 March 2013.
↑ Adle, president: Chahryar (2005). Towards the contemporary period: from the mid-nineteenth to the end of the twentieth century. Paris: UNESCO Publ. p.435. ISBN92-3-10-3985-7.
↑ Hiro, Dilip (2003). Desert shield to desert storm: the second Gulf war. New York: Authors Choice Press. ISBN0-595-26904-4.
1 2 Edmund Ghareeb; Majid Khadduri (2001). War in the Gulf, 1990–91: the Iraq-Kuwait conflict and its implications. Oxford [u.a.]: Oxford University Press, Ghareeb. ISBN0-19-514979-3.
↑ H. Norman Schwarzkopf; Peter Petre (1993). It doesn't take a hero: the autobiography. New York: Bantam Books. ISBN0-553-56338-6.
↑ Strick van Linschoten, Alex; Kuehn, Felix (2012). "Biographies". An enemy we created: the myth of the Taliban-al Qaeda merger in Afghanistan. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p.454. ISBN978-0-19-992731-9.
1 2 Election Commission of Pakistan. "Awami Qiadat Party". Election Commission of Pakistan. Archived from the original on 7 April 2013. Retrieved 26 March 2013.
↑ "Recipients of Legion of Merit"(PDF). www.apd.army.mil. The Pentagon: Department of the Army. 30 March 1990. p.1. Archived(PDF) from the original on 26 September 2017. Retrieved 26 September 2017.
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Pakistan Army 
