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| National Resistance Front Dari: جبهه مقاومت ملی Pashto: د ملي مقاومت جبهه | |
|---|---|
| Flag and emblem of the NRF | |
| Leader | Ahmad Massoud |
| Head of Foreign Relations | Ali Nazary |
| Chief of staff | Qadam Shah Shahim [1] |
| Spokesperson | Muhammad Fahim Dashti † (17 August – 6 September 2021) Sibghatullah Ahmadi (6 September 2021 – 8 August 2023) [2] |
| Dates of operation | 17 August 2021 – present (4 years, 3 months, 2 weeks and 6 days) |
| Headquarters | Dushanbe, Tajikistan (Political base) |
| Active regions | Active in Panjshir, Parwan, Baghlan, Wardak, Daykundi, and Samangan provinces, and reported to have expanded guerilla operations into Herat, Kabul, and Takhar provinces, Afghanistan. [3] [4] |
| Ideology | Human rights [5] Counter-Terrorism [6] Democratization [7] Decentralization [8] Multiculturalism [9] Social justice [10] |
| Status | Active |
| Size | Unknown; [11] NRF reported claim of 5,000 fighters [12] |
| Allies | State allies
Non-state allies |
| Opponents |
|
| Battles and wars | Afghan conflict |
The National Resistance Front (NRF) [a] is a military organization of Afghan resistance fighters opposed to the Taliban. The group was founded by Ahmad Massoud following the fall of Kabul in August 2021 and began the republican insurgency in Afghanistan. It has been regarded as a successor to the historic anti-Taliban Northern Alliance military resistance (1996–2001).
The NRF exercised de facto control over the Panjshir Valley and was the only region out of the Taliban's control until September 2021 when the Taliban seized Panjshir, forcing NRF fighters to retreat while Massoud subsequently fled to neighboring Tajikistan. From there, he has been leading NRF operations inside Tajikistan and working to gain support from the international community. Nevertheless, the NRF continues to carry out hit and run guerilla attacks in Afghanistan against the Taliban regime, with operations reported in multiple provinces beyond its original base. [21]
The NRF's ideology consists of decentralization, and a commitment to a democratic political system that upholds human rights. [22] [23] [24] The group is composed mainly of Tajiks, Hazaras and Uzbeks with a sizeable minority of anti-Taliban Pashtuns. The NRF is also allegedly supported by Tajikistan, and by some accounts, Iran and Pakistan, all of which have a complex relationship with the Taliban.
A mountainous region, Panjshir was a formidable base of operations for anti-Soviet fighters and later for the original Northern Alliance. [25] [26] [27]
In July 2021, during the 2021 Taliban offensive, the remnants of the Northern Alliance began mobilizing under an umbrella. [28] [29]
On 9 September, the NRF announced that a parallel government will be created in response to the Taliban's formation of its government in Kabul. [30]
On 1 November, it was reported that the NRF has opened a liaison office in Washington, D.C. after being registered with the US Justice Department in order to carry out lobbying missions to various politicians working in the city. [31]
On 23 November, Sibghatullah Ahmadi was appointed as the new spokesman of the NRF. The position was previously held by Muhammad Fahim Dashti, who was killed during the Taliban offensive into Panjshir on 5 September. [32] Ahmadi served in this capacity until his resignation in August 2023. [33] Ali Nazary, the Head of Foreign Relations, subsequently became the most prominent and quoted spokesperson for the NRF in international forums, including the Vienna Process for a Democratic Afghanistan in 2025. [34]
On 1 September 2024, Ahmad Massoud claimed in an interview that the NRF has 5,000 fighters. [35] Massoud also highlighted the NRF's operational shift to guerrilla warfare due to the Taliban seizing approximately $8 billion worth of sophisticated U.S. military equipment during the withdrawal. [36]
When the Taliban captured Kabul on 15 August 2021, anti-Taliban forces including those of Ahmad Massoud and Amrullah Saleh moved into the Panjshir Valley, the only area of Afghanistan not controlled by the Taliban. [37]
Political rifts within the broader opposition led to the NRF and Jamiat-e Islami suspending cooperation with the National Council for the Salvation of Afghanistan in 2024. [38]
As of 17 August, the Panjshir Valley was—according to one observer—"under siege on all sides" but had not come under direct attack. [39]
On 6 September 2021, the Taliban claimed victory in controlling the province. The NRF, however, denied the Taliban victory, stating they continued to hold positions across the valley. [40] Since then, the NRF has not controlled any territory but has continued to carry out hit and run guerrilla attacks. Although the NRF claimed over 380 successful operations in 2024, analysts confirm that these remain low-intensity attacks that have not yet achieved the ability to "change the balance of power" nationally. [41] [42] The NRF sustains itself primarily through the local purchase of arms, often from corrupt Taliban officials, given the lack of direct foreign military aid. [43]
On 20 August 2021, a group of anti-Taliban forces was organised in Baghlan Province, headed by Abdul Hamid Dadgar. [44]
The NRF's operational focus has consistently shifted from Panjshir towards the Andarab valley in Baghlan and surrounding Northern provinces (Parwan, Takhar). NRF leaders emphasize that these areas, due to their mountainous terrain, are crucial for sustaining the long-term guerrilla insurgency against the Taliban's administrative control. [45]
On 16 September 2022, Ahmad Massoud urged fellow Afghanstani living overseas to work together to find a way to end Taliban rule and bring them back to negotiations. [46] On 30 November – 1 December 2022, Karen Decker, charge d'affaires of the U.S. mission to Afghanistan, attended a meeting with anti-Taliban figures in Tajikistan. [47] On February 18, 2025, NRF leadership attended the fifth Vienna Process Conference for a Democratic Afghanistan in Austria, which brought together over 90 participants from anti-Taliban factions. The conference emphasized the NRF's commitment to a political solution centered on a national dialogue and a political roadmap for Afghanistan. [48]
The NRF also employs a diplomatic strategy aimed at raising international concerns over Afghanistan becoming a "global terrorist haven" under the Taliban, thereby pressuring global powers to withdraw recognition and support from the de facto authorities. [49] The Taliban's increased diplomatic activity and efforts to normalize relations with neighboring countries have complicated the NRF's ability to maintain secure "safe havens" and logistical routes in the region, particularly through Central Asian states like Tajikistan. [50]
As of late 2024, the National Resistance Front (NRF) asserts a widespread organizational and operational presence across approximately 20 provinces of Afghanistan. This presence is overwhelmingly characterized by a strategy of guerrilla (hit-and-run) attacks rather than sustained territorial control. [51] [52]
The provinces where the NRF is reported to have fighters present include Panjshir, Baghlan, Parwan, Kapisa, Badakhshan, Takhar, Kunar, Kunduz, Kabul, Laghman, Nangahar, Nuristan, Samangan, Balkh, Badghis, Ghor, Herat, Farah, Nimroz, and Sar-i-Pul. [53]
The NRF claimed to have conducted 401 targeted operations across 19 provinces from March 2024 to March 2025, claiming 651 Taliban fighters were killed. [54] Notably, the most intense operational activity remains focused on the central and northern provinces. [54] For instance, 126 of these claimed attacks were concentrated in Kabul province alone, demonstrating the NRF's focus on maintaining pressure on the capital. [54] However, analysts note that the operational tempo in the western and southern provinces (such as Farah and Nimroz) largely consists of low-intensity networking and infiltration rather than high-intensity combat. [55]
Since 2021, some sources have claimed that Iran has provided economic and military assistance to the NRF as a counterweight to the Islamic Emirate. Anti-Taliban commanders of the NRF like Ahmad Massoud and Amrullah Saleh have been hosted in Iran. [17] [56] However, since the re-establishment of the Islamic Emirate, Iran has been strengthening its ties with the Taliban and has declared it does not support anti-Taliban militias in Afghanistan. [57] [58] Despite its public stance, analysts suggest that Tehran maintains covert logistical support and permits the political activity of NRF leaders as a strategic "leverage card" against the Taliban, particularly regarding border and water disputes, and shared concerns over IS-KP activity. [59]
Since 2024, following Pakistan's fall with the Taliban, several sources have asserted that Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) established covert relations with the NRF. [60] Analysts asserted Pakistan may have been backing the NRF as payback for the Taliban backing the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). [61] This represents a significant strategic pivot where the two groups found temporary, tactical alignment against a shared enemy. [62]
During the 2025 Afghanistan–Pakistan conflict, the NRF released a statement in support of the Pakistani strikes against the Taliban. [63] The NRF itself conducted an attack on 15 October, assassinating Qari Bashir, the deputy head of the Taliban's Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice in Kunduz. [64]
Tajikistan, which has officially designated the Taliban as a terrorist organization since 2021, [65] has been accused to be the main supporter of the NRF. [66] [67] Tajikistan continues to be the NRF's most critical political sanctuary, allowing the former Afghanistan embassy in Dushanbe to remain in the hands of the previous government (closely aligned with the NRF) and hosting opposition political conferences. [68] Despite pressure from both the Taliban and Russia, Tajikistan has resisted fully normalizing relations with the Islamic Emirate, maintaining the NRF as an ongoing, though undeclared, political asset. [69]
In the absence of direct military aid from any major state, the NRF relies on a complex network of support for its survival and operations. The primary and most stable source of financial support for the NRF comes from the Afghanistani diaspora residing in the West (US, Canada, Europe). Funds are channeled through private networks and the traditional Hawala system to finance fighter necessities and logistics. [70]
Russia tolerates the NRF's political activities as an anti-ISIS lever, while Western powers limit engagement to political dialogue (the Vienna Process), explicitly refusing to supply weapons to avoid fueling a larger civil war. [71] Countries like China, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan are strongly opposed to supporting the NRF, focusing instead on economic ties and security cooperation with the Taliban. [72]
The NRF's supply of arms depends largely on stockpiles from the previous government and purchases from the regional black market, often facilitated by corrupt Taliban personnel and smuggling networks near the Pakistan and Central Asian borders. [73]
The NRF has also formed an operational and political union with the Afghanistan Freedom Front (AFF), aimed at consolidating military efforts and presenting a more unified opposition front in political forums. [74]
Following the fall of Kabul, many international observers expressed skepticism regarding the long-term viability of the NRF. Russian Ambassador to Afghanistan Dmitry Zhirnov labeled the resistance as "doomed" and that the resistance would fail, adding that they have "no military prospects". [75] According to The Economist , the resistance's cause looked "forlorn". [76]
Early concerns focused on the likelihood of NRF fighters being outmatched by the Taliban, who had captured Western-made military weapons. [77] Analyst Bill Roggio argued that the Panjshir resistance's "prospects are bleak," while Afghan specialist Gilles Dorronsoro suggested the Taliban could easily enforce a lockdown, as the NRF was not a major threat. [78]
Subsequent analysis in 2024–2025 challenged the initial predictions of the NRF's immediate failure. Despite the loss of territorial control, the NRF's survival demonstrated the viability of a permanent shift toward classic guerrilla warfare across multiple northern provinces. [79] This has turned the NRF into a persistent, but not existential, security challenge for the Taliban.
The move from holding territory to decentralized "hit-and-run" operations and reliance on small arms and IEDs has enabled longevity against the Taliban's heavier equipment. [80] The vital need for the NRF to act as a broad coalition (as suggested by David Loyn) was confirmed by the AFF alliance and continued political engagement in forums like the Vienna Process. [81]
Contrary to the ambassadorial dismissal, Russia's continued political tolerance for the NRF is now viewed as a calculated strategy, preserving the NRF as an "anti-ISIS leverage card" against the Taliban to serve Moscow's security interests. [82]
Following the loss of Panjshir in 2021, the NRF restructured itself into a decentralized guerrilla force estimated to consist of 2,000 to 5,000 active fighters, mainly composed of former Afghanistan Army and police personnel. [83]
The NRF is commanded by Ahmad Massoud but relies on strong regional commanders who operate with high degrees of autonomy. The primary zones of guerrilla activity are the mountainous regions of Baghlan (particularly Andarab), Takhar, Parwan, and Kapisa. [84]
Key figures include Ali Sami (Panjshir/Parwan area) and Salahuddin Ayubi (Andarabs). The military coordination council ensures operational coherence with allied groups like the AFF. [85]
The NRF's logistics are entirely dependent on financial aid from the diaspora, used to purchase small arms and ammunition from the regional black market and through corrupt Taliban personnel. [73] Reports also suggest NRF and allied forces generate limited internal funds through unofficial "taxes" or compulsory donations in their influence zones. [86]
The NRF's political platform is centred on reversing the Taliban's centralized governance model. The NRF advocates for a non-centralized political system, with a strong preference for a federal structure to ensure equitable power distribution among Afghanistan’s diverse ethnic groups and prevent single-group dominance. [87]
The resistance insists on the establishment of a truly inclusive government that respects the democratic and civil rights of all citizens, particularly the rights of women and ethnic minorities. [88] Political figure Ali Maisam Nazary actively engages in diplomatic lobbying in Europe (such as Germany and France) and the United States, positioning the NRF as the main political alternative to the Taliban and attempting to prevent international recognition of the Islamic Emirate. [89]
The ongoing conflict in NRF operational zones has been marked by significant human rights violations directed against non-combatants, primarily by Taliban forces. [90]
International organizations have documented the Taliban's use of collective punishment against local communities in Panjshir and Andarab, including arbitrary arrests, torture, and house seizures of individuals suspected of supporting the NRF. [91] Reports highlight extrajudicial executions and forced disappearances of individuals accused of affiliation with the resistance. These security operations have also led to the internal displacement of numerous civilians from conflict-affected valleys. [92]
While NRF benefits from strong support among the ethnic groups of the former Northern Alliance, particularly the diaspora, continued operations also pose a challenge: civilians face pressure both from Taliban reprisals and the logistical demands of the guerrilla fighters. [93]
The head of the NRF's military committee is former Chief of Staff of the Afghan National Army General Qadam Shah Shahim.
The NRF's operational scope has reportedly expanded beyond the traditional north-east to include attacks in eastern Afghanistan and Kabul, with recent actions noted in Herat.
NRF activity increased in Takhar Province and expanded outside of the Andarab valley and Panjshir, indicating an effort to broaden their operational territory.
Nazary stated that the political objective of the NRF is a non-centralized, democratic Afghanistan that respects human rights and gender equality.
The NRF continues to position itself as a counter-terrorism bulwark, aiming to attract Western support by stressing its opposition to the Taliban and allied groups like Al-Qaeda and ISIS-K.
The Pakistani military and intelligence agencies maintain extensive networks within Afghanistan and the Afghan diaspora, which they leverage to support resistance movements opposed to the Taliban. Groups such as the National Resistance Front (NRF), which challenge the Taliban's authority in various parts of the country, often look to Pakistan for support in their efforts.
Pakistani media handles, believed to be acting as mouthpieces of the Pakistan Army, declared that the ISI was now engaging rag-tag Afghan resistance groups based in Tajikistan, like the National Resistance Front (NRF). They pointed to the sudden increase in activity of the NRF and other anti-Taliban groups in Afghanistan, hinting that this was, in part, because Pakistan had started backing these groups as payback for the Taliban backing the TTP.
The NRF's operational scope has reportedly expanded beyond the traditional north-east to include attacks in eastern Afghanistan and Kabul, with recent actions noted in Herat.
Nazary stated that the political objective of the NRF is a non-centralized, democratic Afghanistan that respects human rights and gender equality.
Massoud has publicly called for the reestablishment of a democratic system based on the 2004 Constitution, albeit with amendments to ensure greater decentralization.
The NRF continues to position itself as a counter-terrorism bulwark, aiming to attract Western support by stressing its opposition to the Taliban and allied groups like Al-Qaeda and ISIS-K.
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty |title= (help){{cite web}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)The NRF has executed hit-and-run attacks against the Taliban in some parts of Afghanistan but has not been able to hold territory.
NRF activity increased in Takhar Province and expanded outside of the Andarab valley and Panjshir, indicating an effort to broaden their operational territory.
Nazary stated that the political objective of the NRF is a non-centralized, democratic Afghanistan that respects human rights and gender equality.
The Pakistani military and intelligence agencies maintain extensive networks within Afghanistan and the Afghan diaspora, which they leverage to support resistance movements opposed to the Taliban. Groups such as the National Resistance Front (NRF), which challenge the Taliban's authority in various parts of the country, often look to Pakistan for support in their efforts.
Pakistani media handles, believed to be acting as mouthpieces of the Pakistan Army, declared that the ISI was now engaging rag-tag Afghan resistance groups based in Tajikistan, like the National Resistance Front (NRF). They pointed to the sudden increase in activity of the NRF and other anti-Taliban groups in Afghanistan, hinting that this was, in part, because Pakistan had started backing these groups as payback for the Taliban backing the TTP.