Afghanistan is a multiethnic country, with its population comprising a variety of linguistic, cultural, and tribal groups. Historical records suggest that the formal categorization of ethnic groups or rather ethnic categories in Afghanistan[1] is a relatively recent development, primarily emerging in the 20th century and becoming politically salient during the conflicts that began in the 1970s.[2][3][not in body] Since then, major ethnic groups traditionally identified in Afghanistan include Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks, and smaller groups such as Aimaqs, Turkmens, Balochs and Nuristanis. However, the boundaries between these groups are often fluid, with language, self-identification, and regional affiliations intersecting in complex ways.
Reliable data on the precise size and distribution of these groups is difficult to obtain due to decades of conflict, population displacement, and the absence of comprehensive national censuses that include ethnicity. Estimates of ethnic distribution are therefore based on surveys, historical records, academic research, and reports by international organizations, each using different methodologies and criteria. Because of these methodological and historical complexities, published estimates of ethnic composition often diverge significantly. Some studies count groups based on mother tongue, others on self-identification, and still others on political or historical criteria.
The study of ethnic groups in Afghanistan is closely linked to questions of political power and representation.[4][unreliable source?] Ethnicity has influenced the formation of political alliances, patterns of local governance, and the dynamics of conflict, and continues to play a significant role in Afghan society today.[5]
History of ethnic categorisation in Afghanistan
The concept of fixed ethnic categories in Afghanistan is a comparatively recent development. In the 19th century, social identities were defined primarily by tribal belonging (or lack there of), religious or sectarian affiliation, profession, or social status rather than by ethnicity in the modern sense. The terminology was fluid and depended on the situation. For example, labels like "Shiite" and "Hazara" were sometimes used interchangeably, while the designation "Tajik" or "Farsiwan" could describe all non-(Durrani) Pashtuns or all Persian speakers, depending on the context. These were not bounded categories but situational descriptors that changed with social interaction.[6]
One of the earliest attempts of ethnic categorization was that of Scottish historian Mountstuart Elphinstone in 1815 where he mentioned several "Afghaun tribes" and other inhabitants of "Afghaunistan".[7] Since 1880, other British colonial officers such as Henry Bellew attempted to bring order to this fluid landscape by classifying the "races of Afghanistan" along cultural and linguistic lines. These early typologies reflected external administrative interests more than the actual social realities, but they marked the beginning of systematic efforts to frame the population in terms of ethnic categories.[8] In the 20th century, Afghan state institutions and foreign scholarship consolidated this process. Anthropologists such as René Dollot and Donald Wilber published influential surveys that equated language, religion, and culture with fixed ethnic boundaries. Franz Schurmann and others contributed to the establishment of categories such as "Pashai" and "Mountain Tajiks", even where such terms had previously denoted heterogeneous or shifting identities. Through academic and bureaucratic practice, fluid social labels were gradually transformed into more rigid ethnic categories.[9][10][11][citation needed]
The case of the label "Tajik" in particular shows the constructed nature of ethnic categories in Afghanistan. Historically and even to this day, the term is rarely used by the people themselves and often functioned as a residual or even negative label for individuals without tribal affiliation or for Persian-speaking populations who did not fit into other designations. Only beginning in the 1950s did academic and political discourse begin to treat Tajik as a distinct ethnic category.[6][12]
Scholars underline that ethnic categorisation in Afghanistan remains contested. Many Afghans do not identify with the categories that are attributed to them and individuals may present different identities in different contexts. Political leaders such as Ismail Khan or Babrak Karmal have been described in varying ways, depending on perspective. Surveys and scholarly studies diverge widely, with some identifying fewer than ten major categories and others listing several dozen or even hundreds. The variation shows that the act of defining ethnic categories in Afghanistan reflects political, methodological, and scholarly frameworks as much as it reflects social realities.[6][13]
The Pashtuns constitute the largest ethnic category in Afghanistan,[14][15][16] traditionally forming the backbone of the country's social, political and military structures. Estimates of their share of the population vary, but contemporary figures suggest that they make up around half of the population, with earlier estimates ranging widely from 38% to 70% depending on the source and period. This variation underscores the broader difficulties in defining ethnic composition in Afghanistan, where no comprehensive census including ethnicity has ever been conducted, and where displacement, conflict and fluid social identities further complicate demographic assessment (see §Ethnic composition).
Historically, the Pashtuns have been associated with the Durrani tribal confederation, which emerged as a central political force in the 18th century when Ahmad Shah Durrani founded the Durrani Empire in 1747. They have traditionally lived across southern and eastern Afghanistan, extending into the border regions with Pakistan, an area often referred to as Pashtunistan (Loy Pakhtunkhwa). Pashtun society is deeply organized around tribal and kinship structures, with a strong emphasis on customary law, known as Pashtunwali, which governs social conduct, dispute resolution and inter-tribal relations. This system has historically reinforced local autonomy and social cohesion, even as central governments sought to assert authority.
The ethnic identity of Pashtuns has been closely linked to political power in Afghanistan. Historically, rulers from the Durrani dynasty and subsequent Pashtun monarchs and governments emphasized their leadership role, which became intertwined with national identity. The term "Afghan" itself was historically synonymous with Pashtun identity, with other groups being categorized differently, often by language or religion rather than as part of a unified national identity.[17] It was only gradually, particularly during the 20th century and the upheavals of war from the 1970s onwards, that "Afghan" began to be embraced as a broader national identity encompassing all ethnic categories.
The Pashto language is a key marker of ethnic identity, although bilingualism alongside Dari is common, particularly in urban centers and among those engaged in administration or education. Pashtuns have historically been concentrated in rural areas, where tribal structures dominate, but especially since the 1960s, significant populations live in cities like Kabul, Kandahar, Jalalabad and Herat, contributing to the growing distinction between urban and rural social experiences.[18] In urban environments, Pashtuns often interact with Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks, and other groups, creating more cosmopolitan and ethnically diverse social settings where Pashtun identity coexists with broader Afghan and regional identities.[19]
Despite their prominence, Pashtun identity is not monolithic. Internal divisions along tribal, regional and linguistic lines create complex social dynamics. Individual Pashtuns may also emphasize local, urban or professional affiliations over broader ethnic identification, particularly in multi-ethnic cities or among those who have experienced displacement. Furthermore, religious affiliation, primarily Sunni Islam, complements ethnic identity and often serves as a unifying marker across tribal divisions.[20][excessive citations]
The ethnic category of "Tajik" is widely regarded as the most controversial and disputed among the country’s ethnic classifications. Historically, Tajiks were[21] and still widely are[22][23] not considered to be a distinct ethnic group but rather a collection of several sedentary Sunni Muslims who speak a Persian dialect as their mother tongue.[24][25] Unlike the Pashtuns or Hazaras, the term "Tajik" is rarely used by the people themselves and functions more often as a residual label for Persian-speaking populations who did not belong to other tribal or ethnic groupings.[23] The Tajiks usually refer to themselves by the region, province, city, town or village that they are from rather than by tribes, like Badakhshi, Baghlani, Mazari, Panjsheri, Kabuli, Herati, Kohistani, etc.[26] It was only from the 1950s onward that political and academic discourse began treating Tajiks as a distinct ethnic category. This contested nature highlights the constructed character of ethnicity in Afghanistan, where labels often reflect historical, linguistic or political perspectives rather than intrinsic social realities.
Today, so-called Tajiks are estimated to constitute around one-fifth to one-fourth of Afghanistan's population, with earlier estimates ranging from 12% to 39%, illustrating the difficulties in measuring their size due to displacement, migration and the absence of comprehensive ethnic censuses (see §Ethnic composition). The gradual urbanization and de-tribalization of other members of ethnic groups, e. g. in Kabul, blurred the lines between "native" Tajiks and mere "persianized" or assimilated people even more.[19] The term Farsiwan[21] or Farsizabān further complicates ethnic categorization since it encompasses different people by different measurements. For example, it can mean both Tajiks and Pashtuns who have adopted Persian language and culture.[27][unreliable source?] In western Afghanistan, particularly around Herat, "Farsiwan" denotes Shia Persian speakers, distinguishing them from Sunni Persian-speaking "Tajiks". In an even broader definition, the term includes every non-Hazara Dari native speaker such as Qizilbash, Aimaq and other persianized people. An other name for the Tajiks has historically been Dīhgān (literally "farmer" or "settled villager", in a wider sense "settled" in contrast to "nomadic").[28]
Geographically, Tajiks are concentrated in northern and northeastern Afghanistan, in provinces like Parwan, Panjshir, Baghlan and Badakhshan as well as in urban centers including Kabul, Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif. Their social organization reflects a combination of clan networks, local elites and urban professional classes, rather than the hierarchical tribal structures. This has contributed to a flexible, context-dependent sense of identity, where self-identification may vary between language, region and local affiliations.[citation needed]
Religious affiliation, predominantly Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school, provides another layer of shared identity, but it is less a distinguishing feature among Tajiks than among Hazaras or other Shiite communities. Linguistic identity, particularly the use of Dari, often serves as the primary marker of "Tajikness", although Dari itself is widely spoken by other ethnic groups as a first or second language, further complicating ethnic categorization.[citation needed]
The Hazaras are one of Afghanistan's major ethnic categories,[29][30] estimated to constitute roughly one-tenth of the population, with earlier estimates ranging from 3% to 19% depending on source and methodology. Their numbers are difficult to determine accurately due to decades of conflict, population displacement, and the lack of comprehensive censuses including ethnicity (see §Ethnic composition). Hazaras are primarily concentrated in central Afghanistan, particularly in the mountainous region known as Hazarajat, encompassing provinces such as Bamyan, Daikundi and parts of Ghazni, but significant communities also reside in urban centers like Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif and Herat.[citation needed]
They speak the Hazaragi dialect closely related to Dari[30] and adhere predominantly to Twelver Shia Islam, which historically set them apart from the Sunni majority in Afghanistan.[30] Their religious affiliation has often been a more immediate marker of identity than ethnic classification, and historically, labels such as "Hazara" and "Shia" were sometimes used interchangeably, even though there also exists a significant Sunni and Isma'ili minority.[31] This combination of ethnicity, language and religion has contributed to a distinct social identity that has often placed Hazaras at odds with both Pashtun and Tajik groups in political and social hierarchies.
Historically, Hazaras suffered severe persecution, especially during the late 19th century under Emir Abdur Rahman Khan, when many were massacred or forcibly displaced. This historical trauma has shaped the Hazara collective consciousness, fostering strong communal solidarity and a heightened sense of ethnic and religious identity. In modern Afghan politics, Hazaras have played key roles during the resistance to Soviet occupation, the civil war of the 1990s, and in the post-2001 government. Prominent Hazara leaders such as Mohammad Mohaqiq and Karim Khalili exemplify the group's political mobilization and advocacy for minority rights.[citation needed]
The Uzbeks are one of Afghanistan's significant ethnic categories, generally estimated to make up a little less than one-tenth of the population, with earlier figures ranging between 3% and 14%. As with other Afghan groups, these numbers vary considerably due to the absence of reliable censuses, patterns of migration, and methodological differences in categorization (see §Ethnic composition). Afghan Uzbeks are predominantly concentrated in the northern provinces bordering Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, especially Faryab, Jowzjan, Sar-e-Pol and Balkh, and substantial communities are also found in Kunduz Province, Takhar and Badakhshan. Their geographic concentration in the north has earned this region the reputation of a Turkic stronghold within Afghanistan, where they live alongside Turkmens, Tajiks and Pashtuns. Culturally and linguistically, Uzbeks are distinguished by their native Southern Uzbek language and by traditions that reflect both Turkic and Islamic influences.[32] They are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslims, aligning them religiously with the Pashtun and Tajik majorities, while their Turkic linguistic and cultural heritage sets them apart.
Unlike the Hazaras or Tajiks, Uzbek identity as the main Turkic ethnic category in Afghanistan is strongly linked to both language and regional concentration rather than broader national narratives. Social organization among Afghan Uzbeks has historically been tribal and clan-based, with loyalties structured around kinship, landholding families, and local power brokers. During the 20th century, Uzbeks were often viewed as a marginalized rural population, primarily engaged in agriculture, animal husbandry, and local trade.[citation needed] However, urbanization and the expansion of education gradually integrated many Uzbeks into state institutions, particularly in northern cities like Sheberghan and Mazar-i-Sharif. In multiethnic cities, some Uzbeks identify primarily through regional or urban affiliations, while others emphasize their Turkic heritage in distinction to Persian-speaking or Pashto-speaking communities. Linguistic assimilation is also a factor, as some urban Uzbeks increasingly adopt Dari for broader communication, blurring ethnic boundaries in daily life. In Kabul for example, many urban Uzbeks even assimilated into to the broader persianized Kabuli identity.[19]
The Aimaqs are a Persian-speaking population in Afghanistan, generally estimated to make up between 2% and 5% of the population, though figures vary (see §Ethnic composition). The term Aimaq (from Turkic-Mongolicoymaq, meaning "tribe" or "group of tribes")[33] is not an ethnic denomination, but rather a label differentiating semi-nomadic herders and agricultural tribal groups of mixed origins, including Hazara, Tajik and Pashtun elements, that coalesced in the 16th and 17th centuries.[34] Geographically, the Aimaqs are concentrated in western and central Afghanistan, particularly in Badghis, Ghor, Herat and Faryab provinces. They are divided into several subgroups, while Chahar Aimaq, meaning "four Aimaqs", refers collectively to the four main tribal groups, namely the Jamshidi, Firozkohi, Taymani, and Timuri, and is often used synonymously with Aimaq in historical and anthropological sources.
While in recent times the distinction gets increasingly blurred, the ethnic category of Aimaq was historically distinct from that of the Tajiks and Farsiwan respectively, mainly because their tribal and semi-nomadic organization, compared to the more urbanized, de-tribalized identity commonly associated with Tajiks. They are also more strongly tied to pastoral and rural livelihoods and speak a distinct Persian dialect called Aimaqi.[citation needed] Also, the Aimaqs are predominantly Sunni Muslims, which differentiates them from neighboring Shia Hazaras.
The Turkmens are a Turkic-speaking minority in Afghanistan, generally estimated to constitute around 1% to 3% of the population (see §Ethnic composition). They are predominantly concentrated right at the border with Turkmenistan in northern provinces such as Jowzjan, Faryab, Balkh, and Sar-e-Pol, often living alongside Uzbeks and Tajiks. Culturally, Turkmens are distinguished by their Turkic language, traditional tribal organization and, unlike the Uzbeks, their historically nomadic lifestyle.[32] Their society has been organized around clan and tribal affiliations, with pastoralism, animal husbandry and traditional handicrafts forming the basis of their economy.
The Baloch are a small minority in Afghanistan, generally estimated at roughly 1% to 2% of the population (see §Ethnic composition). They are primarily concentrated in the Balochistan region, within the southwestern provinces of Nimruz, Helmand and Kandahar, close to the borders with Pakistan and Iran where larger Baloch populations reside. Linguistically, they speak Balochi, an Iranian language distinct from Dari and Pashto, though many are also bilingual in these languages due to regional interaction. The Baloch are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslims which aligns them religiously with the majority of Afghans. Their social organization is traditionally tribal and nomadic, centered around kinship ties and pastoral livelihoods, although many have settled into agriculture and trade in border regions.
The Nuristanis constitute one of Afghanistan's smaller ethnic categories, generally estimated at around 1% of the national population (see §Ethnic composition). They are primarily concentrated in the Nuristan Province east of the Hindukush. The region was formerly known as Kafiristan ("land of the non-believers") until the conversion of the inhabitants to Islam under Emir Abdur Rahman Khan in 1896,[35][36] when the region was renamed to Nuristan, the "land of light" or rather the "land of the enlightened".[37][38][39][40][excessive citations] Religiously, the Nuristanis today are Sunni Muslims. Prior to the late 19th century, they practiced a polytheistic, Vedic- or Hindu-like religion with Indo-Iranian elements.[a][41][42][43] Their conversion marked both a political and cultural shift that integrated them more firmly into the Afghan state while preserving their distinctiveness as a separate category. The Nuristan region has been a prominent location for war scenes that have led to the death of many indigenous Nuristanis.[44][45]Nuristan has also received abundance of settlers from the surrounding Afghanistan regions due to the borderline vacant location.[46][47]
The designation "Nuristani" is not a single ethnic identity but rather a collective category encompassing several distinct groups, including the Ashkun, Prasun, Waigali and Kalasha-ala. Each subgroup maintains its own language, customs and local affiliations. What unites them under a common category is their shared geography, their late and forced conversion to Islam, and their linguistic distinction from surrounding populations. The Nuristani languages constitute an independent branch of the Indo-Iranian family, separate from both the Iranic and the Indo-Aryan branches in Afghanistan. This linguistic uniqueness is a defining feature of their collective identity.
The designation "Arab" in Afghanistan today reflects ancestral identity and communal memory rather than current linguistic or cultural markers. Usually estimated at around 1% of the population (see §Ethnic composition), their communities are found mainly in the northern provinces such as Balkh, Kunduz, and Takhar, but also in the east, particularly in Nangarhar. They are the descendants of Arab settlers, arriving in several waves from the early Islamic conquests onward. Over time, Afghan Arabs have been assimilated linguistically and culturally, with northern groups typically speaking Dari or Uzbek, while eastern communities in Nangarhar often speak Pashto. Arabic as a native language has largely disappeared. Despite the assimilation, Arabs often preserve oral traditions linking them to Arab forebears.
The Qizilbash are a small minority in Afghanistan, estimated at less than 1% of the population (see §Ethnic composition), concentrated in urban centers such as Kabul, Herat, Mazar-i-Sharif and Kandahar. The Qizilbash originally migrated to Afghanistan from Persia (modern Iran) during the Safavid era in the 18th century and subsequent periods, often serving as military officers, administrators and craftsmen under various rulers. They are primarily Persian-speaking Twelver Shia Muslims, and their identity is closely linked to both religion and historical service in governance. Socially, the Qizilbash have maintained a distinct communal identity, despite being linguistically assimilated into the Dari-speaking urban Afghan society. Their role has historically been urban, professional, and administrative, rather than rural or tribal, which sets them apart from other Shia groups such as the Hazaras.
The Pashayi are an Indo-Aryanethnolinguistic group in Afghanistan,[48] estimated at around 0.5% to 1% of the population (see §Ethnic composition). They live mainly in the eastern provinces of Laghman and Nangarhar, but also parts of Kunar, Kapisa, Parwan, Nuristan and Panjshir. Historically, the Pashai were sometimes classified under the broader label "Kohistani", which loosely denoted various mountain-dwelling groups east of Kabul. Over time, they came to be recognized as a distinct category based on their unique language and geography. The Pashayi are predominantly Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school. Linguistically, the Pashayi speak Pashayi languages, a separate branch of the Indo-Aryan family distinct from both Dari and Pashto. Several dialects exist, often reflecting the fragmented geography of their settlements.
The term "Pamiri" is primarily a geographic and collective category, used to group several distinct Eastern Iranian-speaking communities living in the Pamir mountains and in the Wakhan Corridor of Badakhshan, rather than denoting a single ethnic identity. They are estimated at well under 1% of the national population (see §Ethnic composition). The communities labeled as Pamiris speak languages such as Shughni, Wakhi, Ishkashimi and others. Historically, they were sometimes referred to as "Mountain Tajiks" or "Galcha", distinguishing them from lowland Tajik populations. They have their own distinctive styles of dress, which can differentiate one community from the next, with the styles of hats varying especially.[49][unreliable source?] They practice predominantly Nizari Isma'iliShia Islam, which differentiates them from the Sunni majority in Afghanistan. Socially, they are village-based, with strong local and familial networks, and livelihoods focused on agriculture, herding, and small-scale trade.
The Brahui are a small minority in Afghanistan, primarily located in the southern province of Nimruz, near the borders with Pakistan and Iran. They are generally estimated at well under 1% of the population (see §Ethnic composition). They speak the Brahui language, a Dravidian language, which is unique in the region as most surrounding populations speak Indo-Iranian languages. Over time, many Brahui have become assimilated into the broader Balochi society, using Balochi or Dari for trade and wider communication. Like most Afghans, the Brahui are predominantly Sunni Muslims and have historically maintained a tribal and rural social organization, often engaged in pastoralism and small-scale agriculture.
Gujar
Gathering of Gujar tribal people in northern Afghanistan
The Gujar are a tribal group, concentrated mainly in the northeastern provinces such as Kunar, Laghman, Nuristan, Takhar and Badakhshan, though they have sometimes been internally displaced in the past by illegal militias. For instance, during 2018 around 200 Gujar families were displaced from their homes in the Farkhar district of Takhar.[50][51] Their numbers are generally estimated at well below 1% of the population (see §Ethnic composition). They are historically pastoral and semi-nomadic, known for cattle and buffalo herding, though many today combine pastoralism with settled agriculture. Thus they have a distinct culture and way of life.[50][52]
Their origins trace back to broader Gujar populations of South Asia, with related communities found in Pakistan and northern India. Afghan Gujjars often speak the dominant regional language, that is Pashto or Dari, though some retain their native Gojri language, an Indo-Aryan language related to Rajasthani. This bilingualism reflects both adaptation and partial assimilation. Religiously, the Gujjar in Afghanistan are Sunni Muslims, aligning with the wider Afghan population.
Other
Beyond the major and minor ethnic categories, Afghanistan is home to a wide range of smaller communities, all of which constitute around 1% of the population together (see §Ethnic composition). Their presence reflects the position of Afghanistan at the crossroads of Central, South and West Asia, where waves of migration, trade and conquest left traces in the population makeup of the country.
Turkic minorities include small numbers of Kyrgyz and Kazakh in the highlands of the Pamir mountains and northern provinces. The Kyrgyz of the Little Pamir in Wakhan are particularly noted, since they maintained a pastoral nomadic lifestyle well into the 20th century,[53] though many resettled in Kyrgyzstan or Turkey after the start of the Afghan war in the 1970s. Kazakh groups, once larger, have mostly assimilated into Uzbek or Turkmen populations. Persian-speaking and Iranian minorities include the Parachi, found in isolated valleys of Kapisa, and the Ormuri, an archaic Iranic-speaking group in Logar and Paktia. The Moghols, descendants of Mongol soldiers, once spoke a Mongolic language but have become almost entirely assimilated into Dari-speaking communities. South Asian–related groups include the Jats and other peripatetic groups, who historically were associated with pastoralism, itinerant labor and caravan trade. There are also small Hindu and Sikh communities, historically concentrated in Kabul, Jalalabad and Ghazni, who played important roles in trade and commerce. Their numbers declined sharply after the late 20th century due to emigration. Afghanistan also had a small Jewish community, mostly in Herat and Kabul, which has nearly disappeared through migration to Israel.[54] It has to be noted that Hindus, Sikhs and Jews are religious communities rather than ethnic categories, distinguished by faith and social roles rather than language or descent.[b]
The ethnic composition of Afghanistan is a subject of ongoing debate, as reliable population figures by ethnicity are very difficult to obtain.[55][56] Since no comprehensive census has been conducted since 1979,[57] and no census has ever included ethnicity,[58] most available estimates rely on surveys, reports by international organizations, or academic studies, each of which uses different methodologies.[59] As a result, published figures often diverge considerably, not only in the total share of major groups but also in the way categories are defined and measured.[60] Some estimates are based on language, others on self-identification, and still others on political or historical considerations. These differences make direct comparison difficult and have led to disputes about which data should be presented in summaries of Afghanistan's ethnic composition.[61]
Scholars generally emphasize that the ethnic composition of Afghanistan should be understood as uncertain and contested, since the very practice of defining ethnicity in Afghanistan is a relatively recent phenomenon, emerging mainly in the 20th century and only really gaining political relevance during the war since the 1970s.[3][62][63][64] Presenting multiple perspectives therefore reflects the complexity of the subject more accurately than relying on a single set of numbers.
Political use of ethnic statistics
Questions of ethnic composition in Afghanistan have at times been linked to broader political struggles, with demographic figures presented in ways that reflect the priorities of those in power.[65][66][67] Because of this, statistical representations of ethnicity have long been contested, with the numbers themselves becoming part of the struggle for legitimacy and representation.[68]
Accusations of "Pashtunization" date back to the late 19th century under Emir Abdur Rahman Khan whose policies of forced migration and resettlement of Pashtuns to northern Afghanistan aimed to strengthen their dominance.[69][70] In more recent years, some observers have raised concerns about the potential politicization of ethnic statistics under Taliban rule, given the group's predominantly Pashtun leadership. However, there are no verifiable sources demonstrating that the Taliban have systematically manipulated demographic data to inflate the Pashtun share of the population. Available reports and analyses focus on the group's ethnic composition and perceived dominance, rather than providing concrete evidence of changed statistics. As a result, claims of "Pashtunization" in official figures under the Taliban remain unverified and contested.[71]
Historically, ethnic identification played a limited role in the everyday lives of most Afghans.[62] Prior to the outbreak of the Afghan war in 1979, and particularly before the civil war of the 1990s, people rarely defined themselves primarily by ethnicity.[78] Instead, social belonging was structured around local, regional, tribal, or religious ties, while ethnic labels were largely external classifications rather than primary forms of self-identification.
Identification with the Afghan nation
The emergence of a national Afghan identity is a relatively recent and fragile phenomenon. Traditionally, the term "Afghan" referred almost exclusively to Pashtuns, and well into the 19th and early 20th centuries, it remained largely synonymous with Pashtun identity.[79][80][81] The modern concept of a unified Afghan nation was unevenly internalized, as different groups tended to identify primarily through family, clan, tribe, region or religion rather than as members of a nation-state.[82]
A significant shift occurred during the Afghan war. The collapse of state institutions, widespread violence and mass displacement fundamentally altered patterns of identification. Refugee movements were particularly influential, as Afghans living in exile experienced their country from the outside and began to perceive Afghanistan as a single territorial entity.[65] This fostered a broader national consciousness that had been largely absent in earlier periods. The development of this collective sense of nationhood, often referred to as Afghaniyat or "Afghanness", has been shaped by the interplay of cultural identities, social dynamics, and traditional norms, guiding how individuals and communities relate to the Afghan nation as a shared imagined community.[83][84] Central to this identity has been an attachment to the territorial integrity of the state, with the map of Afghanistan becoming a prominent symbol across ethnic and ideological lines.[65]
Nation-building efforts, such as centralized education, conscription and official language policies have promoted a sense of Afghan national belonging, though these initiatives often competed with strong local or ethnic loyalties. In urban centers like Kabul, exposure to state institutions and diverse populations sometimes reinforced national identification, whereas in rural or peripheral areas, allegiance to local networks frequently remained more important.[85] This process also involved the gradual de-Pashtunization of the national concept, as non-Pashtun groups increasingly adopted the label "Afghan". Today, surveys indicate that a significant proportion of Afghans express pride in belonging to Afghanistan, e. g. a nationwide poll conducted in 2009 found that 72% of respondents identified primarily as Afghans.[80]
Identification by region, city and locality
In Afghanistan, regional and local identities have historically been at least as significant as ethnic categories. Many Afghans, especially those with no tribal affiliation like the Tajiks, identify themselves first and foremost through their region, province, or city of origin, rather than through broad ethnic labels. People frequently describe themselves as Kabuli, Herati, Panjshiri, Ghaznichi, Kandahari or Laghmani, emphasizing territorial belonging and a shared cultural environment over abstract ethnic affiliation.[82]
For example, a resident of Kabul might describe themselves simply as Kabuli, emphasizing urban culture and neighborhood networks rather than ethnicity.[18][86][87] In Herat, inhabitants frequently refer to themselves as Herati, underlining attachment to the province, local traditions, and historical urban identity.[88] A person from Kandahar would identify as Kandahari, focusing on regional heritage and local affiliations. Even in northern areas, someone from Panjshir would commonly describe themselves as Panjshiri, reflecting the local valley’s social networks and kinship patterns rather than a broader Tajik category.[89]
Afghanistan's administrative entities are not exclusively or primarily defined in ethnic terms and enjoy strong provincial and local autonomy. The modern provincial system, established in 1964, corresponds closely with these patterns of identification, and in recent decades Afghans have increasingly named their province when describing their origins rather than referring to their ethnicity or broader regional affiliation.[65] Regional and local identities often influence political alliances, marriage patterns etc. This strong tradition of local identification also often undermines simplistic or externally imposed categorizations of ethnic composition, illustrating that the administrative and territorial structure of Afghanistan aligns closely with the lived identities of its population rather than with abstract ethnospheres.[65]
Urban/rural identification
The distinction between urban and rural populations is another important social marker.[90] In cities such as Kabul, Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif, urban dwellers often see themselves as more cosmopolitan and socially distinct from rural populations, regardless of ethnic affiliation.[85] Urban identification in these cities tends to be ethnically neutral, reflecting a shared experience of city life, access to institutions and services, frequent use of Dari as a marker of social refinement compared to rural populations and a gradual entrenchment of de-tribalized lifestyles among members of various ethnic and tribal groups.[18][86] Kabul, for example, is home to Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras etc. living side by side, with access to universities, professional employment, and government institutions shaping a "modern elite" whose social standing is tied more to education and urbanity than to ethnic background.[18][91]
Rural communities, by contrast, are frequently organized around tribal, kinship, or village-based solidarities, with strong emphasis on local autonomy and tradition. These urban–rural distinctions can sometimes override ethnic ones, shaping perceptions of social status, political legitimacy and cultural orientation. For instance, rural Afghans often perceive urban elites, including those of their own ethnic group, as detached, overly influenced by foreign ideas, and socially removed from the realities of village life.[92]
Religious identification
Religious affiliation has historically constituted a central axis of identification in Afghanistan.[93] The vast majority of Afghans are Muslims, predominantly Sunni of the Hanafi school, while a significant minority adheres to Shiism, including the Twelver Shia (notably among the Hazaras) and Ismailis.[94] These religious distinctions have often had more immediate social and political relevance than ethnic ones, particularly in times of conflict. For example, in some historical contexts the label Hazara was used interchangeably with Shiite, underscoring how religious affiliation could define group boundaries more strongly than language or region.[6][95] Beyond Islam, small religious minorities such as Hindus, Sikhs and Jews have also historically formed distinct communities, whose identities were primarily defined in religious rather than ethnic terms.
"an ancient, common substrate (TUITE 2000, cf. BENGTSON 1999, 2001, 2002). These must be separated from what may appear to be Vedic."
"A few key features that highlight the position of Hindukush religion in between the IIr. [Indo-Iranian], BMAC and Vedic religions will be summarized and discussed in some detail, as they by and large even now remain unknown to Vedic specialists, in spite of BUDDRUSS 1960 and the selective summary "d'un domaine mal connu des indianistes" by FUSSMAN (1977: 21-35), who, even with an "esprit hypercritique comme le nôtre" (1977: 27), overstresses (post-Vedic) Indian influences (1977: 69; for a balanced evaluation of the linguistic features, see now DEGENER 2002). However, both Hindukush and Vedic mythology, ritual, and festivals, in spite of many layers of developments and mutual influences, tend to explain each other very effectively; cf. the similar case of Nepal (Witzel 1997c: 520-32)."
Ruhland (2019, p.107): "Their traditional shamanic religion is probably rooted in Indo-Iranian, pre-Zoroastrian Vedic traditions."
Vinogradov & Zharnikova (2020, p.182): "... the pagan Kafir pantheon, which has preserved the relics of the most ancient Indo-Iranian mythological concepts."
Richard Strand, Peoples and Languages of Nuristan: "Before their conversion to Islâm the Nuristânis practised a form of ancient Hinduism, infused with accretions developed locally. They acknowledged a number of human-like deities who lived in the unseen Deity World (Kâmviri d'e lu; cf. Sanskrit deva lok'a-)"
West (2010, p.357): "The Kalasha are a unique people living in just three valleys near Chitral, Pakistan, the capital of North-West Frontier Province, which borders Afghanistan. Unlike their neighbours in the Hindu Kush Mountains on both the Afghani and Pakistani sides of the border the Kalasha have not converted to Islam. During the mid-20thcentury a few Kalasha villages in Pakistan were forcibly converted to this dominant religion, but the people fought the conversion and, once official pressure was removed, the vast majority continued to practice their own religion. Their religion is a form of Hinduism that recognises many gods and spirits and has been related to the religion of the Ancient Greeks, who mythology says are the ancestors of the contemporary Kalash [...] However, it is much more likely, given their Indo-Aryan language, that the religion of the Kalasha is much more closely aligned to the Hinduism of their Indian neighbours than to the religion of Alexander the Great and his armies.
↑ Schetter, Conrad (23 February 2005). "Ethnoscapes, National Territorialisation, and the Afghan War". Geopolitics. 10 (1): 50–75. doi:10.1080/14650040590907712. ISSN1465-0045. It seems appropriate to differentiate between "ethnic categories" and "ethnic groups". While the first term refers to a population that shares common cultural patterns (e.g. religion, language and customs), the latter term should be used exclusively for the people who act in the name of a certain ethnic category.
↑ Bellew, Henry (1880). The Races of Afghanistan. Calcutta: Thacker Spink & Co.
↑ Wilber, Donald N. (1956). Afghanistan: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture. New Haven: HRAF Press.
↑ Schurmann, H. Franz (1962). The Mongols of Afghanistan: An Ethnography of the Moghôls and Related Peoples of Afghanistan. ’s-Gravenhage: Mouton.
↑ Dollot, René (1937). L'Afghanistan: Histoire, description, mœurs et coutumes, folklore, fouilles. Paris: Payot. p.47.
↑ Centlivres, Pierre (1988). Pratiques quotidiennes et usages politiques des termes ethniques dans l'Afghanistan du nord-est. Paris: CNRS. pp.233–246.
↑ Tapper, Richard (1984). Ethnicity and Class: Dimensions of Intergroup Conflict in North-Central Afghanistan. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp.230–246.
1 2 3 4 Dorronsoro, Gilles (2007). "Kabul at War (1992-1996): State, Ethnicity and Social Classes". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal. doi:10.4000/samaj.212. Kabul is simultaneously an ethnic melting pot and an area of cohabitation between different social groups. There is, surely, a Kabuli identity, which manifests itself linguistically through variations in spelling and pronunciation of Persian (Farsi) and more generally through a particular habitus. This exemplifies a wider phenomenon: the strength of local identities in Afghanistan. To be a 'Kabuli' often has a greater meaning than being a Pashtun or, even more so, a Tajik. Furthermore, this urban dwellers' identity fuses with others identities which may manifest themselves either through ethnic hierarchy, the unity in certain city districts or, occasionally, specific professional occupations.
1 2 3 Dorronsoro, Gilles (2007). "Kabul at War (1992-1996): State, Ethnicity and Social Classes". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal. doi:10.4000/samaj.212. How did [the] massive influx of migrants and the resulting changes in the living conditions impacted Kabuli identity and the nature of social solidarities in the urban landscape? [...] The Uzbeks of Kabul [...], already urban dwellers prior to their arrival in Kabul, were rapidly assimilated as Tajiks, whereas this was not true for the people from the countryside. These shared identities enabled individuals to cooperate and forge bonds of solidarity.
"Ethnic groups". BBC News. Archived from the original on 1 November 2013. Retrieved 7 June 2013. Pashtun: Estimated to be in excess of 45% of the population, the Pashtuns have been the most dominant ethnic group in Afghanistan.
1 2 "AFGHANISTAN: ETHNIC DIVERSITY AND DISSIDENCE"(PDF). Central Intelligence Agency. 1 May 1979. Retrieved 26 August 2025. The Tajiks are the second largest ethnic group and are scattered throughout the country, with major concentrations in the east and west. They are not considered to be a distinct group, but consist of several peoples who share no more than a name, a language (Tajiki, a Persian dialect), and sedentary living habits. Those in the west are sometimes called Fa[rsi]wan and probably are distantly related to the people of eastern Iran. Those north of the Hindu Kush are believed to be descended from ancient Iranians who have mixed with Turkic peoples. The mountain Tajiks, who have Mongolian admixture, appear to have been among the earliest or, according to Soviet ethnologists, the indigenous inhabitants of the far northeast.
↑ Schetter, Conrad (2005). "Ethnicity and the Political Reconstruction of Afghanistan"(PDF). Center for Development Research (ZEF), University of Bonn. Retrieved 25 August 2025. The best example for the construction of these so-called ethnic groups probably is the creation of the ethnic group of the Tajiks. The term Tajik, which was usually used in social interactions only in a negative sense for somebody who did not belong to any group but merely shared the belief in a common tradition, implied an anti-ethnic notion in general. Until today, the main difficulty of denominating ethnic groups in Afghanistan is that the particular segmented groups for whom ethnic labels were invented are often not familiar with such ethnic labels even today, let alone aware of any common identity. [...] In the ethnic taxonomy of foreign academics the ethnic group of Tajiks was applied to the residual groups of all Sunnite Persian-speaking villagers or urban dwellers without a tribal background, i.e. without a shared history or any genealogical knowledge. The lack of a belief in a shared past turned out to be the major obstacle again and again concerning political attempts to establish a consciousness of being a Tajik and to create a real ethnic group of Tajiks.
1 2 Afghanistan Targeting of Individuals(PDF) (Report). European Union Agency for Asylum. August 2022. Archived(PDF) from the original on 26 July 2025. For a large part of history, the term Tajik has been ambiguous in the context of Afghanistan. According to Professor Barnett Rubin, an expert on Afghanistan, the term Tajik has been vaguely defined historically. During the soviet occupation, the term Tajik came to refer to 'all settled, Persian [Dari]-speaking, nontribal populations'. [...] According to scholar Ryan Brasher, the term 'Tajik' and other related terms have often been used to describe 'the other' in Afghanistan.
↑ M. Longworth Dames; G. Morgenstierne; R. Ghirshman (1999). "AFGHĀNISTĀN". Encyclopaedia of Islam (CD-ROM Edition v. 1.0ed.). Leiden, The Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill NV.
↑ "HAZĀRA". Arash Khazeni, Alessandro Monsutti, Charles M. Kieffer. Encyclopædia Iranica. 15 December 2003. Archived from the original on 17 November 2013. Retrieved 10 April 2014.
1 2 3 Monsutti, Alessandro (1 July 2017), "Hazāras", Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE, Brill, retrieved 20 December 2021
↑ Ewans, Martin (2002). Afghanistan: a short history of its people and politics. Harper Perennial. p.103.
↑ Klimburg, Max (2008). "A Former Kafir Tells His 'Tragic Story': Notes on the Kati Kafirs of Northern Bashgal (Afghanistan)". East and West. 58 (1/4): 391–402. JSTOR29757772.
↑ Buddruss, Georg (2008). "Reflections of the Islamisation of Kafiristan in Oral Tradition". Journal of Asian Civilizations. 31 (1–2): 16–35.
↑ 'The pacification of the country was completed by the wholly gratuitous conquest of a remote mountain people in the north-east, the non-Muslim Kalash of Kafiristan (Land of the Unbelievers), who were forcibly converted to Islam by the army. Their habitat was renamed Nuristan (Land of Light).' Angelo Rasanayagam, Afghanistan: A Modern History, I.B. Tauris, 2005, p.11
↑ Minahan, James B. (10 February 2014). Ethnic Groups of North, East, and Central Asia: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p.205. ISBN9781610690188. Living in the high mountain valleys, the Nuristani retained their ancient culture and their religion, a form of ancient Hinduism with many customs and rituals developed locally. Certain deities were revered only by one tribe or community, but one deity was universally worshipped by all Nuristani as the Creator, the Hindu god Yama Raja, called imr'o or imra by the Nuristani tribes.
↑ Barrington, Nicholas; Kendrick, Joseph T.; Schlagintweit, Reinhard (18 April 2006). A Passage to Nuristan: Exploring the Mysterious Afghan Hinterland. I.B. Tauris. p.111. ISBN9781845111755. Prominent sites include Hadda, near Jalalabad, but Buddhism never seems to have penetrated the remote valleys of Nuristan, where the people continued to practise an early form of polytheistic Hinduism.
↑ Weiss, Mitch; Maurer, Kevin (31 December 2012). No Way Out: A Story of Valor in the Mountains of Afghanistan. Berkley Caliber. p.299. ISBN9780425253403. Up until the late nineteenth century, many Nuristanis practised a primitive form of Hinduism. It was the last area in Afghanistan to convert to Islam—and the conversion was accomplished by the sword.
↑ Hauner, M. (1991). The Soviet War in Afghanistan. United Press of America.
↑ Ballard; Lamm; Wood (2012). From Kabul to Baghdad and back: The U.S. at war in Afghanistan and Iraq.
↑ Minahan, James B. (10 February 2014). Ethnic Groups of North, East, and Central Asia: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p.217. ISBN9781610690188. Historically, north and east Afghanistan was considered part of the Indian cultural and religious sphere. Early accounts of the region mention the Pashayi as living in a region producing rice and sugarcane, with many wooded areas. Many of the people of the region were Buddhists, though small groups of Hindus and others with tribal religions were noted.
↑ "The World Factbook 2025". Central Intelligence Agency. 28 August 2025. Retrieved 2 September 2025. Afghanistan – People and Society – Ethnic Groups: current, reliable statistical data on ethnicity in Afghanistan are not available; Afghanistan's 2004 Constitution cited Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, Uzbek, Turkman, Baluch, Pashaie, Nuristani, Aymaq, Arab, Qirghiz, Qizilbash, Gujur, and Brahwui ethnicities; Afghanistan has dozens of other small ethnic groups.
↑ Schetter, Conrad (2005). "Ethnoscapes, National Territorialisation, and the Afghan War". ResearchGate. Retrieved 26 August 2025. [E]very politician skews the numbers of his ethnic category upwards in juggling the ethnic arithmetic. The variations in individual ethnic categories are colossal: the figures for the Hazaras vary between approximately one and seven million members; the Pashtuns are said to make up between 34% and 67% of the population. The blurred ethnic boundaries and the situative character of ethnicity mean, however, that there can be no exact, objective answer to the question of the size of Afghanistan's ethnic categories.
↑ "The World Factbook 1991". Central Intelligence Agency. University of Missouri. 15 October 1991. Archived from the original on 27 April 2011. Retrieved 2 September 2025. Ethnic divisions: 50% Pashtun, 25% Tajik, 9% Uzbek, 12-15% Hazara[,] minor ethnic groups include Chahar Aimaks, Turkmen, Baloch, and others […] Language: 50% Pashtu, 35% Afghan Persian (Dari), 11% Turkic languages (primarily Uzbek and Turkmen), 4% thirty minor languages (primarily Baluchi and Pashai); much bilingualism.
↑ The role of Ethnic Discrimination in Afghanistan’s Civil War. “However, ethnicity had never remained a very strong factor in Afghanistan’s politics before the Sour Revolution (Rais, 1999). The war in Afghanistan has vastly changed the traditional balance of power among the ethnic groups.“
↑ Kieffer, Ch. M. "Afghan". Encyclopædia Iranica. Archived from the original on 16 November 2013. From a more limited, ethnological point of view, "Afḡān" is the term by which the Persian-speakers of Afghanistan (and the non-Paṧtō-speaking ethnic groups generally) designate the Paṧtūn. The equation Afghans = Paṧtūn has been propagated all the more, both in and beyond Afghanistan, because the Paṧtūn tribal confederation is by far the most important in the country, numerically and politically.
↑ Dorronsoro, Gilles (2007). "Kabul at War (1992-1996): State, Ethnicity and Social Classes". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal. doi:10.4000/samaj.212. In urban areas, the term 'Tajik' refers to Persian language (Farsi) speakers, although they do not form a coherent social group, nor can they easily be collectively mobilized. The city of Herat has, equally, a very strong identity, which partially transcends ethnic identities.
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