Afghanistan is a multiethnic country, with its population comprising a variety of social, linguistic, cultural, and tribal communities. The formal categorization of ethnicity in Afghanistan[1] is a relatively recent development, emerging primarily in the 20th century and gaining political significance during the conflicts that began in the 1970s.[2][3]
Major ethnic categories traditionally identified in Afghanistan include Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras, and Uzbeks. Minor categories include Aimaqs, Turkmens, Balochs, Nuristanis, and Arabs, among others. However, the boundaries between these communities are fluid, with language, self-identification, urban or rural residence, and regional affiliations intersecting in complex ways.[4]
Reliable data on the size and distribution of communities is limited due to decades of conflict, population displacement, and the absence of comprehensive national censuses including these categories. Estimates are based on surveys, historical records, academic studies, and reports from international organizations, each using different methodologies and criteria, therefore often producing widely divergent figures, which reflects the contested and constructed nature of Afghan social categories.[5][6]
The study of ethnicity in Afghanistan is closely linked to political power, representation, and social organization.[2][3] Ethnicity has historically influenced the formation of political alliances, patterns of local governance, militia mobilization, and conflict dynamics,[6] while urbanization, state-building, refugee return, and national identity have continued to shape how Afghans perceive themselves and others.[7]
Considering the points outlined above, ethnic categories in Afghanistan should be understood as historically constructed, context-dependent, and politically significant, rather than as fixed or purely objective divisions.[8]
History of ethnic categorization in Afghanistan
The concept of fixed ethnic categories in Afghanistan is relatively recent. Before the 19th century, social identities were defined primarily by tribal belonging (or lack thereof), religious or sectarian affiliation, profession, or social status rather than by ethnicity in the modern sense. Identity markers were situational and fluid, changing with social interactions.[4]
Ethnic categorization began to take shape under colonial and state influences in the 19th century. Scottish historian Mountstuart Elphinstone (1815) mentioned "Afghaun tribes" and other inhabitants of "Afghaunistan."[9] Later, British officers such as Henry Bellew sought to classify the "races of Afghanistan" along linguistic and cultural lines.[10] These early typologies reflected administrative interests more than social realities but initiated systematic framing of the population in terms of ethnicity.
In the 20th century, Afghan state institutions further consolidated these categories for governance, military recruitment, and political representation. At the same time, foreign scholars and anthropologists like René Dollot and Donald Wilber produced surveys equating language, religion, and lifestyle with fixed ethnic boundaries,[11][12] often simplifying complex and fluid identities into more discrete, standardized groups.[citation needed] Labels such as "Shiite" and "Hazara", previously used interchangeably, became more rigid. Terms like "Tajik" or "Farsiwan", rarely used by the people themselves, emerged in the 1950s as distinct categories for Persian-speaking populations without tribal affiliation.[4][13] Scholars like Franz Schurmann also contributed to establishing categories such as "Pashai" and "Mountain Tajiks", even where identities had previously been heterogeneous.[14]
By the early 21st century, ethnic categories had become politically and socially significant, embedded in bureaucracy, education, and media. Nonetheless, many Afghans still primarily identified through locality, religion, or other social affiliations rather than ethnicity (see §Identification by other social affiliations). Surveys of ethnic composition varied widely, reflecting political and methodological agendas rather than precise demographics.[4][15]
Ethnic categories in Afghanistan are likely to remain fluid and contested. Urbanization, migration, and the reintegration of returnees continue to reshape identities, while political narratives further influence social cohesion.[16][17][18] Thus, ethnic categories are best understood as historically constructed frameworks shaped by administrative, academic, and political forces, rather than as objective social realities.
The Pashtuns constitute the largest ethnic category in Afghanistan,[19][20] traditionally forming the backbone of Afghanistan’s social, political, and military structures.[21] Estimates of their share of the population vary from 37% to over 60%, depending on the source, period, and methodology, reflecting the challenges of measuring demographics in a country where no comprehensive census has ever included ethnicity and where conflict, displacement, and fluid social identities complicate population assessment (see §Ethnic composition).
Historically, the Pashtuns have been closely associated with the Durrani tribal confederation,[citation needed] which emerged as a central political force in the 18th century when Ahmad Shah Durrani founded the Durrani Empire in 1747. Their traditional homelands span southern and eastern Afghanistan, extending into the border regions with Pakistan, commonly referred to as Pashtunistan (Loy Pakhtunkhwa). Within this framework, the Kochi represent a nomadic subgroup whose identity revolves around pastoral mobility rather than fixed settlements.[citation needed]Pashtun society is deeply organized around tribal and kinship structures, with customary law—Pashtunwali—regulating conduct, conflict resolution, and inter-tribal relations, reinforcing both social cohesion and local autonomy over centuries.[citation needed]
Ethnic identity among Pashtuns has historically been intertwined with political power.[citation needed] The Durrani dynasty, as well as subsequent Pashtun rulers, emphasized Pashtun leadership as central to Afghan governance.[citation needed] For much of history, the term "Afghan" was synonymous with Pashtun identity, while other groups were categorized primarily by language or religion.[22] Only gradually, particularly in the 20th century and following the upheavals from the 1970s onward, did "Afghan" begin to evolve as a broader national identity embracing all ethnic categories (see §Identification with the Afghan nation).
The Pashto language remains a key marker of Pashtun identity, though bilingualism with Dari is widespread, especially in southern and eastern Afghanistan, urban centers and among those involved in administration or education.[citation needed] Pashtuns have traditionally lived in rural areas, but since the 1960s, large numbers have moved to cities such as Kabul, Kandahar, Jalalabad, and Herat, where interactions with Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks, and other groups create cosmopolitan social settings.[23][24] Urbanization has led to nuanced expressions of identity, with some emphasizing professional, local, or city-based affiliations alongside ethnic belonging (see §Identification by other social affiliations).
Despite their prominence, Pashtuns are far from monolithic.[citation needed] Tribal, regional, and linguistic divisions create complex social dynamics, and individual identification can vary according to local, urban, or professional circumstances. Religiously, most Pashtuns are Sunni Muslims, which complements ethnic identity and provides a unifying framework across tribal divisions.[citation needed] In contemporary Afghanistan, Pashtuns continue to play a central role in politics, security, and society while negotiating the balance between traditional tribal structures and modern state institutions.[25][excessive citations]
The ethnic category of "Tajik" is widely regarded as the most controversial and disputed among the ethnic classifications of Afghanistan.[citation needed] Historically, Tajiks were[26] and still widely are[27][28] not considered to be a distinct ethnic group. Unlike Pashtuns or Hazaras, Tajiks are not traditionally organized around tribal or kinship structures, and the term itself has historically functioned more as a residual label for Persian-speaking, sedentary Sunni Muslim populations without a common ancestry or tribal affiliation.[26][29] The label often masks regional, linguistic, and social diversity: many Tajiks identify primarily with their province, city, or village—such as Badakhshi, Panjsheri, Kohistani or Herati—rather than with a broader ethnic category.[30][31] Only from the mid-20th century onward did political and academic discourse increasingly treat Tajiks as a distinct ethnic category, reflecting the constructed and fluid nature of ethnicity in Afghanistan.[28]
So-called Tajiks[30] are estimated to make up between 20% and 39% of the population, although precise figures are difficult to ascertain due to said lack of clear definition and distinction from other groups, but also due to migration, displacement, urbanization, and the absence of comprehensive ethnic censuses (see §Ethnic composition). Urbanization and the assimilation of other members of social groups like Pashtuns and the Uzbeks, particularly in Kabul and other major cities, have blurred distinctions between "native" Tajiks and mere persianized groups.[24] The term Farsiwan[26] (or Farsizabān) further complicates categorization: in western Afghanistan, particularly around Herat, it typically refers to Shia Persian speakers, distinguishing them from Sunni Dari speakers,[32][unreliable source?] while in broader usage it may encompass any non-Hazara Dari-speaking people, including Qizilbash and Aimaq communities.[33]
Geographically, Tajiks are concentrated in the northeastern and northern provinces, including Badakhshan, Panjshir, Baghlan and Parwan, with substantial populations in urban centers such as Kabul, Herat, Mazar-i-Sharif, and Ghazni. Their social organization is flexible and multi-layered, combining urban elites, local notables, and clan networks rather than hierarchical tribal systems. This has contributed to a context-dependent sense of identity, where affiliation may emphasize region, profession, or language over a cohesive ethnic consciousness.[citation needed]
The term "Tajik" is primarily a linguistic identity, with the use of Dari, a Persian dialect, serving as a primary marker of Tajik identity, even though Dari is widely used by other groups as well, including Hazaras, Aimaqs, Farsiwan, and others as a first or second language, which further complicates ethnic identification (see §Linguistic identification). Religious affiliation, predominantly Sunni Muslim of the Hanafi school, provides a secondary layer of shared identity but is less distinctive than among Shia communities like the Hazaras. Despite these complexities, Tajiks play a central role in Afghanistan's cultural, economic, and political life, particularly in urban regions, where they contribute to governance, trade, and culture.
The Hazaras are one of Afghanistan's major ethnic categories,[34][35] primarily concentrated in central Afghanistan in the mountainous region known as Hazarajat, which includes Bamyan, Daikundi, and parts of Ghazni and Uruzgan. Urban Hazara communities are also found in Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif, and Herat, participating in education, commerce, and professional sectors.[citation needed] Estimates of their population vary widely, from 3% to 19% of the total population depending on methodology and political context, reflecting the lack of reliable censuses, migration, displacement, and the effects of prolonged conflict (see §Ethnic composition).[34][35]
Hazaras speak Hazaragi, a Persian dialect closely related to Dari that incorporates Turkic and Mongolic influences.[35] Religious affiliation has historically been a key marker of Hazara identity. Most are Shia Muslims, though there are also Sunni and Isma'ili minorities.[35] This combination of language, religion, and regional heritage produces a distinct social identity, differentiating Hazaras from other ethnic categories in Afghanistan.
The origins of Hazaras remain debated.[36] Linguistic, historical, and anthropological evidence points to a complex ethnogenesis. Some theories suggest Mongol ancestry, including possible connections to Genghis Khan's armies and consecutive Mongol settlers, while others emphasize autochthonous Iranian roots or mixed Turkic heritage from successive waves of migration.[36] Traditional Hazara society was organized around village communities with local leadership, though urbanization and migration have increasingly integrated Hazaras into national politics and urban life.
The Uzbeks are one of Afghanistan's significant ethnic categories, estimated to constitute between 3% and 10% of the population, though precise figures are difficult to determine due to unreliable censuses, migration, and displacement (see §Ethnic composition). They are primarily concentrated in northern Afghanistan, in provinces bordering Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, such as Faryab, Jowzjan, Sar-e-Pol, and Balkh, with additional communities in Kunduz, Takhar, and Badakhshan. This northern region is often referred to as Turkic stronghold, where Uzbeks live alongside Turkmens, Tajiks, and Pashtuns.
Uzbeks speak Southern Uzbek and maintain cultural practices influenced by Turkic and Islamic traditions.[38] Most are Sunni Muslims, aligning them religiously with the majority Pashtuns and Tajiks, though their Turkic linguistic and cultural identity varies in strength across different communities. Linguistic and urban assimilation, particularly in cities like Kabul, sometimes blurs these distinctions, as some Uzbeks adopt Dari or integrate into Persian-speaking urban identities.[24]
Despite often being viewed as a single group, the Uzbek population is internally diverse, reflecting historical migration waves. Anthropologists distinguish between the Watani (also called Asli), descendants of 16th-century settlers organized in semi-independent chiefdoms, and the Mohajirin (also called Narg-e Bet or Yengi Geldi), descendants of migrants who arrived in the late 19th and early 20th centuries after the Russian conquest of Central Asia or as refugees from the Basmachi movement and Sovietization. The Watani are often tribal or regionally oriented, while the Mohajirin emphasize urban life, Islamic identity, and connections to Central Asia. These internal distinctions have historically prevented the emergence of a unified Uzbek identity in Afghanistan.[39][40]
Historically, Uzbeks maintained clan- and kinship-based social structures and were largely rural, engaging in agriculture and animal husbandry.[citation needed] Urbanization, education, and integration into state institutions in the 20th and 21st centuries fostered increased visibility in politics, commerce, and urban society, especially in northern cities like Sheberghan and Mazar-i-Sharif. Nonetheless, regional, linguistic, and cultural distinctions continue to influence self-identification and community organization among Uzbeks.
The Turkmens are a Turkic-speaking minority in Afghanistan, generally estimated to make up between 1% and 3% of the total population (see §Ethnic composition). They are primarily concentrated along the border with Turkmenistan in the northern provinces of Jowzjan, Faryab, Balkh, and Sar-e-Pol, with smaller communities in Kunduz and Badghis. Their settlements are often located among those of Uzbeks and Tajiks, reflecting a long history of coexistence and intermarriage.
As an Oghuz Turkic group, Turkmens share close cultural and linguistic affinities with their counterparts in Turkmenistan and speak various dialects of the Turkmen language. Historically, they were known for nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyles based on pastoralism, horse breeding, and the production of carpets and textiles, which distinguished them from the Uzbeks, another Turkic group in Afghanistan who were traditionally sedentary. Over the 20th century, many Turkmens gradually transitioned to settled agricultural life, influenced in part by Afghan state policies encouraging sedentarization.
Most Turkmens adhere to Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school, shared with the majority of the Afghan population. Today, they participate in agriculture, local trade, and handicrafts, while some have integrated into urban centers, maintaining communal networks and traditional practices alongside broader economic and social engagement.
The Baloch are an ethnic minority in Afghanistan, estimated to comprise between less than 1% and 3% of the total population (see §Ethnic composition). They are primarily concentrated in the Balochistan region, spanning the southwestern provinces of Nimruz, Helmand, and Kandahar. Many Baloch settlements lie in sparsely populated desert and semi-desert areas along the borders with Iran and Pakistan, reflecting centuries of migration and cross-border tribal linkages with the larger Baloch populations of those neighboring states. Their livelihoods are based on a mix of agriculture, livestock herding, and seasonal trade.
The Baloch speak the Balochi language—a member of the Northwestern Iranian branch of the Indo-Iranian languages—which is divided into several dialects. Bilingualism in Pashto or Dari is common, particularly in trade and administration. Culturally, the Baloch maintain strong tribal structures organized under sardars (tribal chiefs), emphasizing values of honor, kinship, and hospitality that underpin social cohesion.
Historically, Baloch society was semi-nomadic, relying on pastoralism, camel herding, and limited farming, though many have gradually adopted a more settled lifestyle. The majority of Baloch in Afghanistan are Sunni Muslims, aligning them with the national religious majority. Nonetheless, their identity remains deeply influenced by tribal affiliations and transnational connections, which often transcend formal religious and linguistic boundaries.
The term Aimaq (from Turkic–Mongolicoymaq, meaning "tribe" or "group of tribes")[41] does not denote a distinct ethnicity, but rather a social designation for semi-nomadic herding and agricultural tribal groups of mixed origins—including Hazara, Tajik, and Pashtun elements—that coalesced between the 16th and 17th centuries. They are estimated to constitute between less than 1% and 4% of Afghanistan’s total population (see §Ethnic composition). Historically, the Aimaqs differed from the Tajiks and Farsiwan through their tribal and semi-nomadic organization, in contrast to the more urbanized and de-tribalized Tajik communities (for further detail, see §Lifestyle-based identification).
The Aimaqs speak a distinctive Persian dialect known as Aimaqi, which serves as a key marker of their collective identity.[citation needed] They are primarily concentrated in western and central Afghanistan, particularly in Badghis, Ghor, Herat, and Faryab. The term Chahar Aimaq ("Four Aimaqs") collectively refers to the four major tribal groups—Jamshidi, Firozkohi, Taymani, and Timuri—and is often used synonymously with Aimaq in historical and ethnographic sources.
Religiously, the Aimaqs are predominantly Sunni Muslims, distinguishing them from neighboring ShiaHazara communities. Despite growing urban migration and modern influences, Aimaq groups continue to preserve traditional cultural practices, dress, and social customs reflecting their tribal heritage. Their livelihoods have historically centered on pastoralism, herding, and small-scale agriculture, supported by strong local and tribal networks that remain integral to their social structure.
The Nuristanis are a small ethnic category in eastern Afghanistan, primarily concentrated in the mountainous Nuristan east of the Hindu Kush. Estimates suggest they make up between less than 1% and 4% of the national population (see §Ethnic composition). The term "Nuristani" collectively refers to several groups, including the Ashkun, Prasun, and Kalasha-ala, each with its own language, customs, and local affiliations. They are united by geography, historical conversion to Islam in the late 19th century, and their linguistic distinctiveness, as Nuristani languages form an independent branch of the Indo-Iranian family.
Historically, Nuristanis practiced a polytheistic, Vedic- or Hindu-like religion with Indo-Iranian elements[a][42][43][44] until conversion by EmirAbdur Rahman Khan in 1896, when the region was renamed from Kafiristan ("land of the non-believers")[45][46] to Nuristan ("land of light").[47][48][49][50][excessive citations] Today, the vast majority are Sunni Muslims, though many pre-Islamic cultural practices and festivals continue to be observed alongside Islamic traditions.
Nuristanis traditionally live in small, autonomous villages with strong kinship networks and informal leadership. Social norms emphasize communal decision-making, honor, and hospitality. Economically, they rely on subsistence agriculture, livestock herding, forestry, and small-scale trade. The region's rugged terrain has historically limited external contact, preserving distinct cultural practices while also constraining integration into broader state structures. In recent decades, education, migration, and development initiatives have gradually increased engagement with wider Afghan society, though local identity, language, and cultural distinctiveness remain central to community life.
In contemporary Afghanistan, the term "Arab" refers primarily to an ancestral identity and communal memory rather than a distinct linguistic, cultural, or social group. The community is generally estimated at less than 1% to 2% of the total population (see §Ethnic composition). Most Afghan Arabs trace their ancestry to Arab traders, settlers, and soldiers who arrived over several centuries, especially during the early Islamic period. Their settlements are scattered, mainly in northern provinces such as Balkh, Kunduz, and Takhar, and in eastern Nangarhar, often living alongside Pashtuns, Tajiks, and other groups. While some reside in cities, most maintain a rural lifestyle centered on agriculture and livestock.
The Arab identity is closely associated with Sunni Islam, which serves as the main unifying factor and supports the continuation of traditional practices, including mosque-centered gatherings and observance of Islamic festivals. Culturally, Arabs have largely assimilated into the broader population, speaking Dari or Pashto as their first language, while Arabic is primarily retained for religious education. Community networks and family ties remain important, helping preserve traditional knowledge, cultural customs, and a sense of ancestral heritage. A small portion identify as Sayyid or Sadat, claiming descent from the Prophet Muhammad (see §Sadat).
Other ethnic categories
Beyond the major and minor ethnic categories, Afghanistan is home to a wide range of smaller communities, each generally thought to constitute less than 1% of the population (see §Ethnic composition). Their presence reflects the position of Afghanistan at the crossroads of Central, South and West Asia, where waves of migration, trade and conquest left traces in the population makeup of the country.
The Qizilbash are concentrated in urban centers like Kabul, Herat, Mazar-i-Sharif, and Kandahar. They trace their origins to Persia—modern-day Iran— during the Safavid era of the 18th century and later migrations, historically serving as military officers, administrators, and skilled craftsmen. Primarily Persian-speaking Twelver Shia Muslims, their identity combines religious affiliation with a legacy of service in governance. Unlike rural Shia groups such as the Hazaras, the Qizilbash have historically been urban, professional, and administratively oriented. Over time, they have largely integrated linguistically into Dari-speaking society while maintaining a distinct communal consciousness. Their social networks often revolve around familial ties, shared religious practices, and historical traditions of service.
The Pashayi mainly inhabit the mountainous eastern provinces of Laghman and Nangarhar, but also parts of Kunar, Kapisa, Parwan, Nuristan, and Panjshir. Historically grouped under the broader label "Kohistani", which loosely denoted various mountain-dwelling groups east of Kabul, they are now recognized for their distinct language and geographic identity.
The Pashayi speak the Pashayi languages, a separate branch of the Indo-Aryan family with multiple dialects shaped by the fragmented terrain,[51] and are predominantly Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school. Their communities are largely rural, organized around village networks and local elders, with livelihoods centered on subsistence farming and pastoralism. Cultural practices and language serve as key markers of identity, helping maintain cohesion despite geographic isolation and historical marginalization within the broader Afghan social landscape.
The status of the Sadat as an ethnic category is disputed, as they are often regarded more as a religious-genealogical group than a distinct ethnicity. They claim descent from the Prophet Muhammad through Ali and Fatima, and are dispersed across northern provinces such as Herat, Balkh, and Kunduz, as well as central and southern provinces including Kabul and Nangarhar. The term "Sayyid", often used interchangeably with Sadat, denotes this claimed lineage. Most Sadat are linguistically and culturally assimilated into larger populations, including Arabs, Hazaras, Tajiks, and Pashtuns. Their religious affiliation is predominantly Sunni Islam, with a minority Shia community. Traditionally, Sadat families have held respected roles as religious scholars, judges, and community leaders, giving them influence that transcends their small numbers.
The Kyrgyz inhabit the high-altitude Wakhan Corridor in Badakhshan, living in small, remote communities. They speak Kyrgyz language and are primarily Sunni Muslims. Historically nomadic pastoralists, they herded yaks and sheep across the Pamir Mountains, maintaining seasonal migration patterns and strong ties to clan-based networks.[52] Many Kyrgyz migrated to Kyrgyzstan or Turkey following the onset of conflict in the 1970s, but those who remain continue traditional lifestyles, with limited integration into broader Afghan society due to their geographic isolation, making them one of the most geographically and culturally distinct communities in Afghanistan.
Gathering of Gujar tribal people in northern Afghanistan
The Gujar are a semi-nomadic, pastoral community primarily found in provinces within the Kunar valley in northeastern Afghanistan.[53][38][54] Internal displacement due to conflict has occasionally disrupted their communities, but traditional identities persist.[55] Traditionally herders of cattle and buffalo, many Gujar today combine pastoralism with settled agriculture, maintaining distinct cultural practices and social organization.[38][53]
Their origins trace to broader Gujar populations across Central and South Asia, including Pakistan and northern India.[53][39] In Afghanistan, they commonly speak the official languages Pashto or Dari, while some retain their native Gojri language, an Indo-Aryan language related to Rajasthani. The Gujars are Sunni Muslims,[53] integrated into the wider Afghan religious landscape, yet their tribal networks, mobility patterns, and localized customs distinguish them from surrounding ethnic groups.[54][56]
The term "Pamiri" is a collective and geographic term for several Eastern Iranian-speaking communities living in the Pamir Mountains and the Wakhan Corridor of Badakhshan.[57] These include speakers of Shughni, Wakhi, Ishkashimi and related languages, each maintaining distinct local traditions. Historically known as "Mountain Tajiks" or "Galcha", they are culturally and linguistically separate from the lowland Tajiks.[38][58] Pamiri communities are predominantly Nizari Isma'iliShia Muslims, a faith that strongly shapes their social structure and religious leadership.[59][60] They live in village-based societies, relying on agriculture, herding and small-scale trade adapted to high-altitude conditions. Dress, architecture and craftsmanship vary by valley, with characteristic regional styles—especially in headwear—serving as subtle ethnic markers that distinguish one community from the next.[57]
The Brahui inhabit southern Nimruz and adjacent border areas with Iran and Pakistan. They speak the Brahui language, a Dravidian language that stands out in an otherwise Indo-Iranian linguistic environment, making it one of the rarest linguistic enclaves in Afghanistan. Historically organized along tribal and pastoral lines, the Brahui have long practiced small-scale agriculture and animal herding. Centuries of interaction with neighboring Baloch communities have led to widespread bilingualism in Balochi, as well as gradual cultural blending. Despite this, Brahui identity remains tied to kinship networks and oral traditions that preserve elements of their distinct heritage. The Brahui are predominantly Sunni Muslims, sharing religious affiliation with most southern Afghan groups while maintaining their own local customs and leadership structures.
Other
Turkic minorities include small numbers of Tatars and Kazakh living in the northern provinces and the highlands of the Pamir Mountains. Kazakh communities, once larger, have largely assimilated into Uzbek and Turkmen populations. Among Persian- and other Iranian-speaking groups are the Parachi, who inhabit secluded valleys of Kapisa, and the Ormuri, speakers of an archaic Iranic tongue in Logar and Paktia. The Moghols, descendants of Mongol soldiers, have lost their original Mongolic language and are now fully integrated into Dari-speaking society.
South Asian–related populations include the Jats and other peripatetic groups historically linked to pastoralism, itinerant work, and caravan trade. Afghanistan also hosts small Hindu and Sikh communities—formerly active in trade in Kabul, Jalalabad and Ghazni—whose numbers have declined sharply due to emigration in the late 20th century. The country's historic Jewish community, once centered in Herat and Kabul, has nearly disappeared through migration to Israel.[61] Hindus, Sikhs, and Jews are religious communities rather than ethnic categories, distinguished by faith and social roles rather than language or descent (see §Religious identification).
Ethnic composition
Caveats on reliability of estimates
Estimates of ethnic composition of Afghanistan are inherently uncertain and vary widely due to methodological and historical factors[5][62] No comprehensive census has ever included ethnicity,[63] and the last nationwide population count was conducted in 1979,[64] long before modern institutions or systematic surveys could capture demographic diversity. Available figures rely on surveys, historical accounts, and academic studies, each using different definitions, methods, and selection criteria.[65] Some classify people by language, others by self-identification, and still others by historical, political, or administrative considerations, leading to widely divergent numbers.[6][66]
Ethnic categories themselves are socially constructed and historically contingent (see §History of ethnic categorization in Afghanistan). Overlaps with other forms of social identity—such as language, religion, urban/rural residence, and lifestyle—further reduce the reliability of statistics (see §Identification by other social affiliations). Decades of war since the 1970s, refugee movements, urbanization, and internal resettlement have shifted the geographic distribution and composition of groups, making static figures unreliable. Moreover, political actors have historically used demographic data strategically, influencing how population numbers are presented and interpreted (see §Politicization of ethnicity in Afghanistan).
Scholars generally agree that the ethnic composition of the country should be understood as both uncertain and contested. The very practice of defining ethnicity in the country is relatively recent, emerging mainly in the 20th century and gaining political significance primarily during the Afghan conflict.[3][67][68][69] Presenting multiple perspectives, rather than relying on a single set of numbers, reflects the complexity of Afghan social realities more accurately.
In Afghanistan, social identity has historically been multidimensional, with ethnic affiliation playing a relatively limited role in the everyday lives of most people.[100][67] Prior to the outbreak of the Afghan war in 1979 and the civil war of the 1990s, social belonging was primarily structured around local, regional, tribal, and religious networks. Ethnic labels were often applied externally and were rarely adopted as primary markers of self-identification.[101]
Although the wars and mass displacement of the late 20th century increased the prominence of ethnicity, pre-existing forms of social identification continued to shape both self-perception and external classification. In contemporary times, scholars and political analysts frequently consider these overlapping affiliations—including regional origin, lifestyle, language, religion, and urbanity—alongside or even instead of ethnic identity. This highlights the complex, context-dependent, and dynamic nature of social identity in Afghanistan.[102]
The emergence of a national Afghan identity is a relatively recent and fragile phenomenon. Traditionally, the term "Afghan" referred almost exclusively to Pashtuns, and well into the 19th and early 20th centuries, it remained largely synonymous with Pashtun identity.[103][85][104] The modern concept of a unified Afghan nation was unevenly internalized, as different groups tended to identify primarily through family, clan, tribe, region or religion rather than as members of a nation-state.[105]
A significant shift occurred during the Afghan war. The collapse of state institutions, widespread violence and mass displacement fundamentally altered patterns of identification. Refugee movements were particularly influential, as Afghans living in exile experienced their country from the outside and began to perceive Afghanistan as a single territorial entity.[106] This shift fostered a broader national consciousness that had been largely absent in earlier periods.
The development of this collective sense of nationhood, often referred to as Afghaniyat or "Afghanness", has been shaped by the interplay of cultural identities, social dynamics, and traditional norms, guiding how individuals and communities relate to the Afghan nation as a shared imagined community.[107][108] Central to this identity, alongside other national symbols of Afghanistan, has been an attachment to the territorial integrity of the state, with the map of Afghanistan becoming a prominent symbol across ethnic and ideological lines.[106]
Nation-building efforts, such as centralized education, conscription and official language policies have promoted a sense of Afghan national belonging, though these initiatives often competed with strong local or ethnic loyalties. In urban centers like Kabul, exposure to state institutions and diverse populations sometimes reinforced national identification, whereas in rural or peripheral areas, allegiance to local networks frequently remained more important.[109] This process also involved the gradual de-Pashtunization of the national concept, as non-Pashtun groups increasingly adopted the label "Afghan". Today, surveys indicate that a significant proportion of Afghans express pride in belonging to Afghanistan, e. g. a nationwide poll conducted in 2009 found that 72% of respondents identified primarily as Afghans.[85]
Tribal affiliation has long been one of the most enduring and influential forms of social identification in Afghanistan, particularly among Pashtun, Turkmen, and some Baloch and Uzbek populations. Tribal structures historically provided the main framework for social organization, governance, and protection, especially in rural areas where state authority was weak or absent. Belonging to a tribe (qawm) offered social security, political representation, and access to economic and kinship networks, shaping individual identity, behavior, and status within the community.
Among Pashtuns, tribal identification is particularly significant, organized through patrilineal descent into tribes, subtribes (khel), clans (zai), and extended families (kor). The Pashtunwali code of honor and conduct reinforces this structure, regulating hospitality, loyalty, justice, and revenge. Tribal leaders or elders (maliks or khans) mediate disputes, represent members in local councils (jirgas), and maintain cohesion through consensus-based decision-making. Even today, tribal affiliations influence political alliances, electoral behavior, and social mobility, especially in southern and eastern Afghanistan.
Non-Pashtun groups also retain forms of tribal or clan-based identification, though often less rigidly organized. Among Hazaras, kinship networks and local identities sometimes function similarly to tribes, particularly in rural central Afghanistan. Turkmens and Uzbeks maintain clan affiliations (urug, tayfa), historically shaping marriage alliances, leadership roles, and land use. While modernization, urbanization, and displacement have weakened tribal authority in many regions, tribal identity remains a salient marker of belonging and social influence.
Language is one of several criteria by which groups and individuals in Afghanistan may be classified or classify themselves. Because language is immediately perceptible in social interaction, it is frequently used as an indicator of regional origin, social environment, or cultural affiliation.[110] This classification is complicated by widespread multilingualism, as many Afghans grow up speaking multiple languages and use them in different contexts, blurring boundaries between linguistic and ethnic categories.[111]
Several groups illustrate the divergence between ethnic identity and first language.[110] Among Pashtuns, Pashto is considered the ancestral language, yet many communities in Kabul, Herat, Balkh, Uruzgan, Nimruz, and parts of Nangarhar now speak Dari as their mother tongue while maintaining a Pashtun identity.[112] Similarly, some Baloch speak Pashto, while some Pashtuns in the southwest speak Balochi—yet all continue to recognize their original tribal or ethnic belonging.[113] Comparable patterns exist among Uzbeks, Pashayi, Gujars, and Arabs, many of whom have shifted to Dari or Pashto without abandoning their ethnic identities. For example, roughly one-third of Uzbeks in Afghanistan speak Dari as their primary language while still identifying as Uzbek.[112]
Especially the category "Tajik" (or Farsiwan, literally meaning "Persian-speaker") illustrates the linguistic rather than ethnic basis of such classifications.[114][112] It broadly encompasses all non-Hazara Dari speakers, including Aimaq, Qizilbash, Arabs, even Pamiri speakers in Badakhshan and other "persianized" or assimilated people like Dari-speaking Baloch, Uzbeks, and Safi Pashtuns.[112][24] Many of these groups historically did not identify as Tajik, highlighting how the designation functions as a linguistic umbrella term rather than a discrete ethnic category.[110] Therefore, while language shapes social interaction and classification, it is not a reliable indicator of ethnicity in Afghanistan.[111]
Local/regional identification
In Afghanistan, regional and local identities have historically been at least as significant as ethnic categories. Many Afghans—especially those without tribal affiliation, like Tajiks—primarily identify through their region, province, or city of origin rather than ethnic labels, emphasizing territorial belonging and shared cultural environments over abstract ethnic affiliation.[105]
For instance, a resident of Kabul may describe themselves simply as Kabuli, highlighting urban culture and neighborhood networks rather than ethnicity.[23][115][116] In Herat, inhabitants often call themselves Herati, reflecting attachment to local traditions and historical urban identity.[110][117] Likewise, someone from Kandahar would identify as Kandahari, while in the north, residents of Panjshir commonly describe themselves as Panjshiri, signaling the social networks and kinship patterns of the province rather than a broader Tajik category.[118]
The administrative divisions of Afghanistan are not primarily defined in ethnic terms and have long enjoyed significant provincial and local autonomy. The modern provincial system, established in 1964, aligns closely with these patterns of identification. In recent decades, Afghans increasingly name their province when describing their origins rather than referencing ethnicity or broader regional affiliation.[106] Regional and local identities influence political alliances, marriage patterns, and social networks, often undermining externally imposed ethnic categorizations and demonstrating that lived identities are more closely tied to territorial and local structures than to abstract ethnospheres.[106]
Urban/rural identification
The distinction between urban and rural populations is an important social marker in Afghanistan.[119] In cities such as Kabul, Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif, urban dwellers often perceive themselves as more cosmopolitan and socially distinct from rural populations, regardless of ethnic affiliation.[109] Urban identification in these centers tends to be ethnically neutral, shaped by shared experiences of city life, access to institutions and services, frequent use of Dari as a marker of social refinement, and the gradual entrenchment of de-tribalized lifestyles across ethnic and tribal groups.[23][115] For example, Kabul hosts Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras, and others living side by side. Access to universities, professional employment, and government institutions fosters a "modern elite" whose social standing is tied more to education and urbanity than to ethnic background.[23][120]
By contrast, rural communities are often organized around tribal, kinship, or village-based networks, emphasizing local autonomy, tradition, and collective decision-making. These urban–rural distinctions can sometimes outweigh ethnic considerations, shaping perceptions of social status, political legitimacy, and cultural orientation. Rural Afghans may perceive urban elites—even those of their own ethnicity—as detached, overly influenced by foreign ideas, and disconnected from the realities of village life.[113][121]
Religious affiliation has historically been a central axis of social identification in Afghanistan.[122] The vast majority of Afghans are Muslims, predominantly Sunni of the Hanafi school, while a significant minority adheres to Shiism, including Twelver Shia (notably among Hazaras) and Ismailis.[123] In many contexts, religious identity has had more immediate social and political relevance than ethnicity. For instance, the label "Hazara" has historically been used interchangeably with Shiite, demonstrating how religion could define group boundaries more strongly than language or region.[4][124] Beyond Islam, small religious minorities—including Hindus, Sikhs, and Jews—have historically formed distinct communities, whose identities were primarily defined by religion rather than ethnicity.
Lifestyle-based identification
Historically, lifestyle categories played a major role in how people in Afghanistan identified themselves and were classified by others. Afghan society traditionally distinguished between sedentary, semi-nomadic, and nomadic populations, distinctions that often cut across ethnic boundaries. Many groups that are now partially or fully sedentary once led nomadic or semi-nomadic lives. For example, Turkmens and Kyrgyz were historically nomadic pastoralists, while Uzbeks, Pashtuns, and various Persian-speaking groups included substantial semi-nomadic segments.
In pre-war periods, labels such as "Tajik", "Aimaq", and "Kochi" were often used less as ethnic markers than as indicators of lifestyle or social organization. Persian-speaking nomadic or semi-nomadic groups were frequently called "Aimaq",[125][126][127] "Kochi" referred to Pashtun nomads practicing seasonal migrations,[128][129] and "Tajik" typically denoted sedentary Persian-speakers, regardless of deeper genealogical origin.[30][26]
Over the 20th century, state consolidation, enclosure of pastures, and socio-economic changes led to a sharp decline in nomadism.[130] Consequently, these older lifestyle-based distinctions have become far less relevant in everyday life. This shift also affected classification. The Aimaq, for instance, are increasingly considered part of the broader Tajik or Farsiwan category in both popular and administrative usage.[110] In contrast, early administrative documents and statistics often listed groups like Kochi or Aimaq explicitly as lifestyle categories rather than ethnic groups,[128][125] reflecting the historical significance of lifestyle in shaping social identity. Because these categories historically encompassed multiple linguistic and genealogical backgrounds, they are generally not considered ethnic groups, even though they frequently appear alongside ethnic labels in historical sources.[125][26][131]
Ethnicity in Afghanistan has historically served not only as a social identifier but also as a strategic instrument for political organization. Ethnic categories have generally been fluid and context-dependent (see §Identification by other social affiliations), and their significance has often shifted according to political, ideological, and historical circumstances. These categories have been deliberately instrumentalized to negotiate power, secure representation, and organize both state and non-state structures.
During the reign of KingMohammad Zahir Shah (1933–1973), the government promoted a national identity centered on the Pashto language, tribal networks, and cultural practices. State institutions, including the military, civil administration, and education system, largely reflected historical settlement patterns and social networks, resulting in comparative underrepresentation of communities such as Tajiks, Hazaras, and Uzbeks. Scholars sometimes describe these policies as a form of "Pashtunization", as state-building efforts emphasized Pashto language and cultural norms as instruments of national integration. At the same time, the monarchy sought to unify the diverse population under a shared state framework while allowing regional elites to retain local influence, balancing centralization with local autonomy.
The role of foreign intervention in ethnic division and war (1978–1992)
The Saur Revolution of 1978 brought the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) to power, initiating efforts to de-ethnicize politics through modernization, secularization, and a class-based revolutionary ideology. However, the PDPA itself was internally divided along both ideological and ethnic lines. The Khalq faction, predominantly rural and Pashto-speaking, dominated the early revolutionary structures, while the Parcham faction, largely urban and Dari-speaking, promoted broader ethnic inclusion and urban representation.[134][135]
The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, aimed at stabilizing the PDPA regime, along with subsequent foreign involvement supporting the Mujahideen resistance, contributed to the rise of ethnically organized militias. External actors, including the Soviet Union, United States, Pakistan, and Iran, often engaged with factions along ethnolinguistic lines, providing assistance based on perceived communal affiliations. Within this context, groups such as Jamiat-e Islami (Tajik), Hezb-e Wahdat (Hazara), and Junbish-i Milli (Uzbek) mobilized fighters along ethnic lines to assert control over territory and local governance. While alliances and loyalties shifted over time, ethnic identity became a key instrument for mobilization and political legitimacy.
Ethnicity during the civil war and Taliban rule (1992–2001)
The collapse of the Najibullah government in 1992 ushered in a new phase of ethnicized power struggles. The rise of the Tajik-dominated Jamiat-e Islami in Kabul temporarily reversed Pashtun political dominance, while Hazara and Uzbek factions, through Hezb-e Wahdat and Junbish-i Milli, consolidated control over significant regions.
During this period, demographic claims became highly politicized. For example, following the Northern Alliance's ascendancy, the CIA World Factbook revised the estimated Pashtun population from approximately 50% in 1991[98] to 38% the next year,[97] reflecting political negotiation rather than demographic reality.[114] Similar contestations of ethnic statistics occurred repeatedly, showing how population data became a strategic instrument in disputes over representation, resources, and authority.
The Taliban, emerging in the mid-1990s, drew the majority of their support from southern and eastern Afghanistan, rooted in local social networks. While they recruited across ethnic lines, their political organization remained shaped by regional dynamics and social affiliations, reinforcing Pashtun dominance. Foreign actors like Pakistan and Iran continued to engage along ethnic and regional lines. These relationships influenced military and political structures without implying inherent dominance of any single group.
Political inclusion and ethnic balancing after the United States invasion (post-2001)
The 2001 U.S.-led invasion and the adoption of the 2004 Constitution established a political framework emphasizing ethnic inclusion without formal quotas. Government positions, parliamentary representation, and provincial appointments were informally distributed to reflect perceived demographic proportions, despite the absence of a nationwide census.
The lack of reliable demographic data made estimates of ethnic composition a frequent instrument of political negotiation. Afghan actors, both within the country and in exile, often presented divergent figures to justify claims over representation, language rights, or political authority, making such numbers highly contested and integral to broader struggles for legitimacy.[106][136][137][138] For example, during the drafting of the constitution, representatives of the Northern Alliance and other interest groups disputed questions of representation, language, and distribution of authority, a situation exacerbated by the absence of reliable census data.[139][140]
Simultaneously, the legacy of wartime ethnic networks persisted, with former commanders and militia leaders acting as regional power brokers, often integrated into security forces or provincial administrations. NATO-backed state-building initiatives frequently relied on these networks to stabilize governance, institutionalizing ethnic patronage and reinforcing pre-existing divisions. Regional powers also maintained influence through alliances with ethnic leaders. Iran supported Hazara representatives, Uzbekistan backed Uzbek commanders, and Pakistan engaged with both Pashtun and, at times, Tajik-affiliated factions. These interactions embedded ethnic considerations deeply into the political and administrative landscape of Afghanistan.
After the re-establishment of the Islamic Emirate in 2021, observers debated whether the predominantly Pashtun leadership might influence demographic figures.[citation needed] However, there is no verifiable evidence of systematic manipulation. Available analyses tend to focus on the group's perceived dominance rather than altered statistics, leaving claims of "Pashtunization" under Taliban rule contested.[141]
"an ancient, common substrate (TUITE 2000, cf. BENGTSON 1999, 2001, 2002). These must be separated from what may appear to be Vedic."
"A few key features that highlight the position of Hindukush religion in between the IIr. [Indo-Iranian], BMAC and Vedic religions will be summarized and discussed in some detail, as they by and large even now remain unknown to Vedic specialists, in spite of BUDDRUSS 1960 and the selective summary "d'un domaine mal connu des indianistes" by FUSSMAN (1977: 21-35), who, even with an "esprit hypercritique comme le nôtre" (1977: 27), overstresses (post-Vedic) Indian influences (1977: 69; for a balanced evaluation of the linguistic features, see now DEGENER 2002). However, both Hindukush and Vedic mythology, ritual, and festivals, in spite of many layers of developments and mutual influences, tend to explain each other very effectively; cf. the similar case of Nepal (Witzel 1997c: 520-32)."
Ruhland (2019, p.107): "Their traditional shamanic religion is probably rooted in Indo-Iranian, pre-Zoroastrian Vedic traditions."
Vinogradov & Zharnikova (2020, p.182): "... the pagan Kafir pantheon, which has preserved the relics of the most ancient Indo-Iranian mythological concepts."
Richard Strand, Peoples and Languages of Nuristan: "Before their conversion to Islâm the Nuristânis practised a form of ancient Hinduism, infused with accretions developed locally. They acknowledged a number of human-like deities who lived in the unseen Deity World (Kâmviri d'e lu; cf. Sanskrit deva lok'a-)"
West (2010, p.357): "The Kalasha are a unique people living in just three valleys near Chitral, Pakistan, the capital of North-West Frontier Province, which borders Afghanistan. Unlike their neighbours in the Hindu Kush Mountains on both the Afghani and Pakistani sides of the border the Kalasha have not converted to Islam. During the mid-20thcentury a few Kalasha villages in Pakistan were forcibly converted to this dominant religion, but the people fought the conversion and, once official pressure was removed, the vast majority continued to practice their own religion. Their religion is a form of Hinduism that recognises many gods and spirits and has been related to the religion of the Ancient Greeks, who mythology says are the ancestors of the contemporary Kalash [...] However, it is much more likely, given their Indo-Aryan language, that the religion of the Kalasha is much more closely aligned to the Hinduism of their Indian neighbours than to the religion of Alexander the Great and his armies.
12The provinces of Zabul, Uruzgan, and Nuristan were not sampled directly for security or accessibility issues.[89] Despite this, ABC News states that the survey results remain nationally representative.[85] The total population share of these provinces lies within the stated ±3.5% margin of error.[89]
↑The provinces of Uruzgan, Ghor, and Nimruz were not sampled directly for security or accessibility issues. Despite this, ABC News states that the survey results remain nationally representative, as the total population share of these provinces lies within the stated ±3.5% margin of error.
↑Schetter, Conrad (23 February 2005). "Ethnoscapes, National Territorialisation, and the Afghan War". Geopolitics. 10 (1): 50–75. doi:10.1080/14650040590907712. ISSN1465-0045. It seems appropriate to differentiate between "ethnic categories" and "ethnic groups". While the first term refers to a population that shares common cultural patterns (e.g. religion, language and customs), the latter term should be used exclusively for the people who act in the name of a certain ethnic category.
12345Schetter, Conrad (2003). Ethnizität und ethnische Konflikte in Afghanistan (in German). D. Reimer Verlag. pp.168–216.
12"The World Factbook 2025". Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 2 September 2025. Afghanistan – People and Society – Ethnic Groups: current, reliable statistical data on ethnicity in Afghanistan are not available; Afghanistan's 2004 Constitution cited Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, Uzbek, Turkman, Baluch, Pashaie, Nuristani, Aymaq, Arab, Qirghiz, Qizilbash, Gujur, and Brahwui ethnicities; Afghanistan has dozens of other small ethnic groups.
123Schetter, Conrad (2005). "Ethnoscapes, National Territorialisation, and the Afghan War". ResearchGate. Retrieved 26 August 2025. [E]very politician skews the numbers of his ethnic category upwards in juggling the ethnic arithmetic. The variations in individual ethnic categories are colossal: the figures for the Hazaras vary between approximately one and seven million members; the Pashtuns are said to make up between 34% and 67% of the population. The blurred ethnic boundaries and the situative character of ethnicity mean, however, that there can be no exact, objective answer to the question of the size of Afghanistan's ethnic categories.
↑Bellew, Henry (1880). The Races of Afghanistan. Calcutta: Thacker Spink & Co.
↑Wilber, Donald N. (1956). Afghanistan: Its People, Its Society, Its Culture. New Haven: HRAF Press.
↑Dollot, René (1937). L'Afghanistan: Histoire, description, mœurs et coutumes, folklore, fouilles. Paris: Payot. p.47.
↑Centlivres, Pierre (1988). Pratiques quotidiennes et usages politiques des termes ethniques dans l'Afghanistan du nord-est. Paris: CNRS. pp.233–246.
↑Schurmann, H. Franz (1962). The Mongols of Afghanistan: An Ethnography of the Moghôls and Related Peoples of Afghanistan. ’s-Gravenhage: Mouton.
↑Tapper, Richard (1984). Ethnicity and Class: Dimensions of Intergroup Conflict in North-Central Afghanistan. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp.230–246.
1234Dorronsoro, Gilles (2007). "Kabul at War (1992-1996): State, Ethnicity and Social Classes". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal. doi:10.4000/samaj.212. Kabul is simultaneously an ethnic melting pot and an area of cohabitation between different social groups. There is, surely, a Kabuli identity, which manifests itself linguistically through variations in spelling and pronunciation of Persian (Farsi) and more generally through a particular habitus. This exemplifies a wider phenomenon: the strength of local identities in Afghanistan. To be a 'Kabuli' often has a greater meaning than being a Pashtun or, even more so, a Tajik. Furthermore, this urban dwellers' identity fuses with others identities which may manifest themselves either through ethnic hierarchy, the unity in certain city districts or, occasionally, specific professional occupations.
1234Dorronsoro, Gilles (2007). "Kabul at War (1992-1996): State, Ethnicity and Social Classes". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal. doi:10.4000/samaj.212. How did [the] massive influx of migrants and the resulting changes in the living conditions impacted Kabuli identity and the nature of social solidarities in the urban landscape? [...] The Uzbeks of Kabul [...], already urban dwellers prior to their arrival in Kabul, were rapidly assimilated as Tajiks, whereas this was not true for the people from the countryside. These shared identities enabled individuals to cooperate and forge bonds of solidarity.
"Ethnic groups". BBC News. Archived from the original on 1 November 2013. Retrieved 7 June 2013. Pashtun: Estimated to be in excess of 45% of the population, the Pashtuns have been the most dominant ethnic group in Afghanistan.
12345"AFGHANISTAN: ETHNIC DIVERSITY AND DISSIDENCE"(PDF). Central Intelligence Agency. 1 May 1979. Retrieved 26 August 2025. The Tajiks are the second largest ethnic group and are scattered throughout the country, with major concentrations in the east and west. They are not considered to be a distinct group, but consist of several peoples who share no more than a name, a language (Tajiki, a Persian dialect), and sedentary living habits. Those in the west are sometimes called Fa[rsi]wan and probably are distantly related to the people of eastern Iran. Those north of the Hindu Kush are believed to be descended from ancient Iranians who have mixed with Turkic peoples. The mountain Tajiks, who have Mongolian admixture, appear to have been among the earliest or, according to Soviet ethnologists, the indigenous inhabitants of the far northeast.
↑Schetter, Conrad (2005). "Ethnicity and the Political Reconstruction of Afghanistan"(PDF). Center for Development Research (ZEF), University of Bonn. Retrieved 25 August 2025. The best example for the construction of these so-called ethnic groups probably is the creation of the ethnic group of the Tajiks. The term Tajik, which was usually used in social interactions only in a negative sense for somebody who did not belong to any group but merely shared the belief in a common tradition, implied an anti-ethnic notion in general. Until today, the main difficulty of denominating ethnic groups in Afghanistan is that the particular segmented groups for whom ethnic labels were invented are often not familiar with such ethnic labels even today, let alone aware of any common identity. [...] In the ethnic taxonomy of foreign academics the ethnic group of Tajiks was applied to the residual groups of all Sunnite Persian-speaking villagers or urban dwellers without a tribal background, i.e. without a shared history or any genealogical knowledge. The lack of a belief in a shared past turned out to be the major obstacle again and again concerning political attempts to establish a consciousness of being a Tajik and to create a real ethnic group of Tajiks.
12Afghanistan Targeting of Individuals(PDF) (Report). European Union Agency for Asylum. August 2022. Archived(PDF) from the original on 26 July 2025. For a large part of history, the term Tajik has been ambiguous in the context of Afghanistan. According to Professor Barnett Rubin, an expert on Afghanistan, the term Tajik has been vaguely defined historically. During the soviet occupation, the term Tajik came to refer to 'all settled, Persian [Dari]-speaking, nontribal populations'. [...] According to scholar Ryan Brasher, the term 'Tajik' and other related terms have often been used to describe 'the other' in Afghanistan.
123Schetter, Conrad (2005). "Ethnoscapes, National Territorialisation, and the Afghan War". ResearchGate. Retrieved 26 August 2025. [T]he Afghan population [...] use the term "Tajik" pejoratively to refer to people who have no picture of their ancestry and accordingly cannot be placed in any ethnic category[...]; being a Tajik thus incorporated an anti-ethnic alignment per se. As an ethnic category, Tajik refers ultimately to the residual quantity of any Sunni Persian-speaking people with no common ancestral mythology. The Tajiks thus face a difficulty in developing an idea of their own spatial and historical origins. [...] In defining themselves, so-called Tajiks therefore preferred a regional rather than an ethnic identity and still refer to themselves as Panjshiris, Kabulis, Shomalis, Heratis etc. Similarly the jami'at-i islami [...] which tried to position itself as a Tajik party disintegrated into independent regional groups competing with one another.
12"HAZĀRA". Arash Khazeni, Alessandro Monsutti, Charles M. Kieffer. Encyclopædia Iranica. 15 December 2003. Archived from the original on 17 November 2013. Retrieved 10 April 2014.
1234Monsutti, Alessandro (1 July 2017), "Hazāras", Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE, Brill, retrieved 20 December 2021
12HAZĀRA ii. HISTORY. Encyclopædia Iranica. "The origins of the Hazāras are uncertain and much debated among scholars (see Bacon, 1951, 1963; Ferdinand, 1959; Schurmann, pp. 110-58; Gawecki, 1980; Poladi, pp. 1-29; Mousavi, pp. 19-43). Among the Hazāras themselves, three main theories exist: they are of Mongolian or Turko-Mongolian descent (sometimes, they are even considered to be the direct heirs of Genghis Khan's armies); they are the autochthones of the area, representing a stock of population preceding the invasions by Indo-European speaking people (2000-1500 B.C.E.); they are of mixed race as a result of several waves of migration. The Mongol contribution seems difficult to deny considering the common physical appearance of the Hazāras, even if their features are actually very variable.".
↑Spuler, B. (24 April 2012), "Aymak", Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Brill, retrieved 29 December 2023
↑Minahan, James B. (10 February 2014). Ethnic Groups of North, East, and Central Asia: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p.205. ISBN9781610690188. Living in the high mountain valleys, the Nuristani retained their ancient culture and their religion, a form of ancient Hinduism with many customs and rituals developed locally. Certain deities were revered only by one tribe or community, but one deity was universally worshipped by all Nuristani as the Creator, the Hindu god Yama Raja, called imr'o or imra by the Nuristani tribes.
↑Barrington, Nicholas; Kendrick, Joseph T.; Schlagintweit, Reinhard (18 April 2006). A Passage to Nuristan: Exploring the Mysterious Afghan Hinterland. I.B. Tauris. p.111. ISBN9781845111755. Prominent sites include Hadda, near Jalalabad, but Buddhism never seems to have penetrated the remote valleys of Nuristan, where the people continued to practise an early form of polytheistic Hinduism.
↑Weiss, Mitch; Maurer, Kevin (31 December 2012). No Way Out: A Story of Valor in the Mountains of Afghanistan. Berkley Caliber. p.299. ISBN9780425253403. Up until the late nineteenth century, many Nuristanis practised a primitive form of Hinduism. It was the last area in Afghanistan to convert to Islam—and the conversion was accomplished by the sword.
↑Ewans, Martin (2002). Afghanistan: a short history of its people and politics. Harper Perennial. p.103.
↑Klimburg, Max (2008). "A Former Kafir Tells His 'Tragic Story': Notes on the Kati Kafirs of Northern Bashgal (Afghanistan)". East and West. 58 (1/4): 391–402. JSTOR29757772.
↑Buddruss, Georg (2008). "Reflections of the Islamisation of Kafiristan in Oral Tradition". Journal of Asian Civilizations. 31 (1–2): 16–35.
↑'The pacification of the country was completed by the wholly gratuitous conquest of a remote mountain people in the north-east, the non-Muslim Kalash of Kafiristan (Land of the Unbelievers), who were forcibly converted to Islam by the army. Their habitat was renamed Nuristan (Land of Light).' Angelo Rasanayagam, Afghanistan: A Modern History, I.B. Tauris, 2005, p.11
↑Minahan, James B. (10 February 2014). Ethnic Groups of North, East, and Central Asia: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p.217. ISBN9781610690188. Historically, north and east Afghanistan was considered part of the Indian cultural and religious sphere. Early accounts of the region mention the Pashayi as living in a region producing rice and sugarcane, with many wooded areas. Many of the people of the region were Buddhists, though small groups of Hindus and others with tribal religions were noted.
↑BBC: Key Maps – Ismaili. 2001. "The Shia Ismailis of Afghanistan are a religious rather than ethnic minority, but they do make up a distinct regionally based community. Ismailis come mainly from Hazara, Tajik and Pashtun backgrounds."
↑"Afghanistan - Minority Rights Group". 2 November 2023. Main minority or indigenous communities: no reliable current data on ethnicity in Afghanistan exists, though surveys have pointed to some rough estimates of the population. However, previous estimates have put the population at Pashtun 42 per cent, Tajik 27 per cent, Hazara 9 per cent, Uzbek 9 per cent, Turkmen 3 per cent, Baluchi 2 per cent and other groups making up the remaining 8 per cent.
↑"Afghanistan in 2021: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? Base: all respondents 18,362. Pashtun 40%, Tajik 39%, Hazara 11%, Uzbek 5%, Sadat 1%, Aimak 1%, Turkmen 1%, Nuristani 1%, Arab <0.5%, Baloch <0.5%, Pashaye <0.5%, Qezelbash <0.5%, Bayat <0.5%, Temori <0.5%, Stanikzai <0.5%, Jamshidi <0.5%, Alokozay <0.5%, Kirghiz <0.5%, Wakhi <0.5%, Noorziaye <0.5%, Khaja <0.5%, Gujar <0.5%, Afghan <0.5%, Tatar <0.5%
↑"Afghanistan in 2019: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? Base: all respondents 15,930. Pashtun 39%, Tajik 37%, Hazara 11%, Uzbek 8%, Turkmeni 1%, Sadat 1%, Arab 1%, Pashaye 1%, Nuristani 1%, Baloch <0.5%, Kirghiz <0.5%, Aimak <0.5%, Qezelbash <0.5%, Gujar <0.5%, Temori <0.5%, Jamshidi <0.5
↑"Afghanistan in 2018: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? Base: all respondents 13,943. Pashtun 37%, Tajik 37%, Hazara 10%, Uzbek 9%, Turkmeni 2%, Sadat 1%, Aimak 1%, Arab 1%, Don't know 1%, Baloch 1%, Nuristani 1%, Pashaye <0.5%, Qezelbash <0.5%, Afghan <0.5%, Refused <0.5%, Nothing <0.5%, Gujar <0.5%, Wakhi <0.5%
↑"Afghanistan in 2017: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? Base: all respondents 9,086. Pashtun 37%, Tajik 37%, Uzbek 9%, Hazara 11%, Turkmeni 2%, Nuristani 1%, Aimak 1%, Arab 1%, Sadat 1%, Baloch <0.5%, Pashaye <0.5%, Qezelbash <0.5%, Gujar <0.5%, Temori <0.5%, Afghan <0.5%, Bayat <0.5%, Khwaja <0.5%, Barahawe <0.5%
↑"Afghanistan in 2015: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? Base: All respondents 8,912. Pashtun 40%, Tajik 34%, Hazara 11%, Uzbek 8%, Turkmen 2%, Arab 1%, Baloch 1%, Aimak 1%, Sadat 1%, Nuristani 1%, Pashayee < 0.5%, Qezelbash < 0.5%, Bayat < 0.5%, Safi < 0.5%, Sahak < 0.5%, Sayed < 0.5%, Alokozay < 0.5%, Popalzay < 0.5%, Kharoti < 0.5%, Gujar < 0.5%, Don't know (vol.) < 0.5%
↑"Afghanistan in 2014: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 17 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? Base: All Respondents 8706. Pashtun 40%, Tajik 36%, Uzbek 8%, Hazara 10%, Turkmeni 2%, Baloch 1%, Nuristani 1%, Aimak 1%, Arab 1%, Pashaye 1%, Sadat 1%, Qezelbash <0.5%, Safi <0.5%
↑"Afghanistan in 2013: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? (SINGLE RESPONSE ONLY). Pashtun 43%, Tajik 32%, Hazara 10%, Uzbek 7%, Turkmeni 2%, Arab 2%, Baloch 1%, Nooristani 1%, Aimak 1%, Sadat 1%
↑"Afghanistan in 2012: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 12 September 2025. Pashtun 40, Tajik 33, Uzbek 9, Hazara 11, Turkmen 2, Baloch 1, Kirghiz *, Nuristani 1, Aimak 1, Arab 2, Pashaye 1, Sadat 1, Qazelbash *
↑"Afghanistan in 2011: A Survey of the Afghan People"(PDF). Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? SINGLE RESPONSE ONLY. Pashtun 41%, Tajik 32%, Uzbek 9%, Hazara 11%, Turkmen 2%, Baloch 1%, Kirghiz *, Nuristani 1%, Aimak 1%, Arab 1%, Pashaye *, Sadat 1%, Qazelbash *
↑"Afghanistan in 2010 – A survey of the Afghan people"(PDF). Kabul, Afghanistan: The Asia Foundation. 2010. pp.225–226. Archived(PDF) from the original on 19 July 2011. Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? SINGLE RESPONSE ONLY. Pashtun 42%, Tajik 31%, Uzbek 9%, Hazara 10%, Turkmen 2%, Baloch 1%, Kirghiz *, Nuristani 1%, Aimak 2%, Arab 2%, Pashaye *
↑"Der Fischer Weltalmanach 2010". S. Fischer Verlag (in German). 2009. p.11. Retrieved 2 September 2025. Afghanistan – BEVÖLKERUNG – 40% Paschtunen, 25% Tadschiken, 15% mongolstämmige Hesoren (Hazara), 5% Usbeken; außerdem Aimak, Nuristani, Balutschen, Turkmenen, Kirgisen u. a..
↑"Der Fischer Weltalmanach 2009". S. Fischer Verlag (in German). 2008. p.11. Retrieved 2 September 2025. Afghanistan – Bevölkerung 40% Paschtunen, 25% Tadschiken, 15% mongolstämmige Hesoren (Hazara), 5% Usbeken; außerdem Aimak, Nuristani, Balutschen, Turkmenen, Kirgisen u. a..
↑"Afghanistan in 2007 – A survey of the Afghan people"(PDF). Kabul, Afghanistan: The Asia Foundation. 2010. pp.225–226. Archived(PDF) from the original on 13 August 2011. Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? SINGLE RESPONSE ONLY. Pashtun 40%, Tajik 35%, Uzbek 8%, Hazara 10%, Turkmen 3%, Baloch 1%, Kirghiz 0%, Nuristani 1%, Aimak 1%, Arab 1%, Other 0%, Refused 0%, Don't know 0%
↑"Afghanistan in 2006 – A survey of the Afghan people"(PDF). Kabul, Afghanistan: The Asia Foundation. pp.83–88. Archived from the original(PDF) on 13 April 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? SINGLE RESPONSE ONLY. Pashtun 41%, Tajik 37%, Uzbek 9%, Hazara 9%, Turkmen 2%, Baloch 1%, Nuristani 0%, Aimak 0%, Arab 1%, Pashaye 0%, Other 0%
↑"Afghanistan (12/06)". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 13 September 2025. Afghanistan's ethnically and linguistically mixed population reflects its location astride historic trade and invasion routes leading from Central Asia into South and Southwest Asia. While population data is somewhat unreliable for Afghanistan, Pashtuns make up the largest ethnic group at 38-44% of the population, followed by Tajiks (25%), Hazaras (10%), Uzbek (6-8%), Aimaq, Turkmen, Baluch, and other small groups. Dari (Afghan Farsi) and Pashto are official languages. Dari is spoken by more than one-third of the population as a first language and serves as a lingua franca for most Afghans, though Pashto is spoken throughout the Pashtun areas of eastern and southern Afghanistan. Tajik and Turkic languages are spoken widely in the north. Smaller groups throughout the country also speak more than 70 other languages and numerous dialects.
↑"Afghanistan (12/05)". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 13 September 2025. Afghanistan's ethnically and linguistically mixed population reflects its location astride historic trade and invasion routes leading from Central Asia into South and Southwest Asia. Pashtuns are the dominant ethnic group, accounting for about 38-44% of the population. Tajik (25%), Hazara (10-19%), Uzbek (6-8%), Aimaq, Turkmen, Baluch, and other small groups also are represented. Dari (Afghan Persian) and Pashto are official languages. Dari is spoken by more than one-third of the population as a first language and serves as a lingua franca for most Afghans, though Pashto is spoken throughout the Pashtun areas of eastern and southern Afghanistan. Tajik and Turkic languages are spoken widely in the north. Smaller groups throughout the country also speak more than 70 other languages and numerous dialects.
↑"Afghanistan in 2004 – A survey of the Afghan people"(PDF). Kabul, Afghanistan: The Asia Foundation. 2004. Archived(PDF) from the original on 6 September 2012. Retrieved 12 September 2025. Which ethnic group do you belong to? Pashtun 46%, Tajik 39%, Uzbek 6%, Hazara 6%, Turkomen 1%, Noristani 1%, Arab 1%, Baluchi 0%, Pashaee 0%, Safi 0%, Other 1%, Don't know/refused 0%.
↑"Afghanistan (01/04)". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 13 September 2025. Afghanistan's ethnically and linguistically mixed population reflects its location astride historic trade and invasion routes leading from Central Asia into South and Southwest Asia. Pashtuns are the dominant ethnic group, accounting for about 38% of the population. Tajik (25%), Hazara (19%), Uzbek (6%), Aimaq, Turkmen, Baluch, and other small groups also are represented. Dari (Afghan Persian) and Pashto are official languages. Dari is spoken by more than one-third of the population as a first language and serves as a lingua franca for most Afghans, though the Taliban use Pashto. Tajik, Uzbek, and Turkmen are spoken widely in the north. Smaller groups throughout the country also speak more than 70 other languages and numerous dialects.
↑Dupree, Nancy Hatch; Dupree, Louis (16 September 2025). "Afghanistan". Encyclopedia Britannica. Archived from the original on 3 September 2025. Retrieved 16 September 2025.
↑"Der Fischer Weltalmanach 2003". S. Fischer Verlag (in German). 2002. p.51. Retrieved 2 September 2025. AFGHANISTAN – Bevölkerung: 40% Paschtunen, 25% Tadschiken, 15% mongolstämmige Hesoren (Hazara), 5% Usbeken; außerdem Aimak, Nuristani, Balutschen, Turkmenen, Kirgisen u. a..
↑"Ethnic Groups". Library of Congress Country Studies. 1997. Archived from the original on 10 January 2009. Retrieved 8 October 2010. In 1996, approximately 40 percent of Afghans were Pashtun, 11.4 of whom are of the Durrani tribal group and 13.8 percent of the Ghilzai group. Tajiks make up the second largest ethnic group with 25.3 percent of the population, followed by Hazaras, 18 percent; Uzbeks, 6.3 percent; Turkmen, 2.5 percent; Qizilbash, 1.0; 6.9 percent other. The usual caveat regarding statistics is particularly appropriate here.
12"The World Factbook 1991". Central Intelligence Agency. University of Missouri. 15 October 1991. Archived from the original on 27 April 2011. Retrieved 2 September 2025. Ethnic divisions: 50% Pashtun, 25% Tajik, 9% Uzbek, 12-15% Hazara[,] minor ethnic groups include Chahar Aimaks, Turkmen, Baloch, and others […] Language: 50% Pashtu, 35% Afghan Persian (Dari), 11% Turkic languages (primarily Uzbek and Turkmen), 4% thirty minor languages (primarily Baluchi and Pashai); much bilingualism.
↑"The World Factbook 1981". Central Intelligence Agency. University of Missouri. April 1981. Retrieved 2 September 2025. Afghanistan – Ethnic divisions: 50% Pashtun, 25% Tajik, 9% Uzbek, 9% Hazara; minor ethnic groups include Chahar Aimaks, Turkmen, Baluchi and others […] Language: 50% Pashtu, 35% Afghan Persian (Dari), 11% Turkic languages (primarily Uzbek and Turkmen), 4% thirty minor languages (primarily Balochi and Pashai)[,] much bilingualism.
↑Conrad Schetter (February 1998). "Afghanistan zwischen Chaos und Machtpolitik"(PDF) (in German). Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft Online). p.174. Retrieved 25 August 2025. Doch war die »Ethnie«für die afghanische Bevölkerung vor 1978 eine abstrakte Identifikations- und Handlungsgröße, die wahrgenommen wurde, aber nur selten ethnisch motivierte Handlungen auslöste. Footnote: Der Grund für das Fehlen einer überregionalen Organisation auf ethnischer Ebene ist u.a. in der naturräumlichen Beschaffenheit Afghanistans zu sehen. Denn die Unwegsamkeit des Hindukuschs und das hieraus resultierende Fehlen einer Infrastruktur bildeten entscheidende Interaktionsbarrieren.
↑The role of Ethnic Discrimination in Afghanistan's Civil War. “However, ethnicity had never remained a very strong factor in Afghanistan's politics before the Sour Revolution (Rais, 1999). The war in Afghanistan has vastly changed the traditional balance of power among the ethnic groups.“
↑William Maley (ed): Fundamentalism Reborn? Afghanistan and the Taliban. London: Hurst & Company, 1998, pp 167-181 (ISBN 1-85065-360-7). Link:
↑Kieffer, Ch. M. "Afghan". Encyclopaedia Iranica. Encyclopædia Iranica. Archived from the original on 16 November 2013. From a more limited, ethnological point of view, "Afḡān" is the term by which the Persian-speakers of Afghanistan (and the non-Paṧtō-speaking ethnic groups generally) designate the Paṧtūn. The equation Afghans = Paṧtūn has been propagated all the more, both in and beyond Afghanistan, because the Paṧtūn tribal confederation is by far the most important in the country, numerically and politically.
↑Gregorian, Vartan (1969). The Emergence of Modern Afghanistan. Stanford University Press. pp.12–15.
12Schetter, Conrad (2003). Ethnizität und ethnische Konflikte in Afghanistan. D. Reimer Verlag. pp.168–216.
12Barfield, Thomas (2010). Afghanistan: A Cultural and Political History. Princeton University Press. pp.24–29.
12345Dossier der Staatendokumentation: AfPak. Grundlagen der Stammes- & Clanstruktur. Bundesamt für Fremdenwesen und Asyl. (translated into English): "Today, the term tājik (“Tajik”) is used as a category under which almost all Dari/Persian speakers of Afghanistan are grouped. Before the civil war, this name was used as a self-designation almost exclusively by Dari speakers in some mountainous areas of northeastern Afghanistan. [...] The Dari-speaking inhabitants of Herat still seem to have some difficulty seeing themselves as Tajiks; but when it comes to stating their ethnic affiliation in official documents, such as when applying for an ID card, they agree to be classified as Tajiks. After all, the constitutionally recognized list of ethnic groups does not include an entry for herāti. Similarly, other Dari-speaking groups such as the Aymaq, Arabs, or Dari-speaking Baloch in northern Afghanistan — even the speakers of Pamiri languages in Badakhshan Province — are nowadays often officially registered as Tajiks. In the ethnically dominated political conflicts of the present, a group seems to be politically more influential the more members it can claim. Therefore, the ethnic designation “Tajik” currently enjoys political favor. Because of the politically motivated inclusion of many other groups, the Tajiks can be regarded as an ethnic group in statu nascendi (in the process of emerging). It appears that the Shiite Hazara are the only Dari-speaking group to whom the name “Tajik” does not apply.")
1234The Gulf/2000 Project. Languages of Afghanistan (summary). University of Columbia. "The main reason behind the marked variation between ethnic identity (many) and language (few) lies in the fact that language and ethnicity are not correlated in Afghanistan [...] Many groups share their language but not their ethnic identity, and vice versa [...] Persian is a language that any group can acquire withour losing their ethnic identity [...] Approximately one-fifth of the Pashtuns in the west and northern parts of Afghanistan speak Persian dialects as their first language [...] Closer to the capital of Kabul, the Safi Pashtuns of Kapisa are almost totally Persian speaking as well. Despite this these all strongly maintain their Pashtun identity. But the same is true of many other ethnic groups in Afghanistan. An estimated one-third of the Uzbeks also speak Persian as their primary language, but maintain Uzbek ethnic identity. The Pasha'is are not any different. The Arabs and Mongols (Moghols) have completely and totally switched to Persian as their "mother tongue" without losing their ethnic identity. Likewise, the Gujars of Afghanistan (in Kunar) although Pashto speaking--as are many of the Pasha'is, they maintain their distinct ethnicity from the Pashtuns."
12Dossier der Staatendokumentation: AfPak. Grundlagen der Stammes- & Clanstruktur. Bundesamt für Fremdenwesen und Asyl. (translated into English): "The Pashto language is an important but ultimately not a sufficient criterion for being considered a Pashtun. In some areas of Afghanistan, Pashtuns have long abandoned Pashto and speak Dari as their first language. In the city of Herat, there are no Pashto-speaking Pashtuns at all anymore. There, all Pashtuns use the local dialect of Dari as their first language. Dari-speaking Pashtuns can also be found in rural parts of Herat Province, in Nimroz Province, in parts of Uruzgan Province, in Balkh Province, in the western part of Nangarhar Province, as well as in the city of Kabul. Neither their neighbors nor other Pashtuns have any doubts that these groups are Pashtuns. They may be considered by some as “bad Pashtuns” because they have given up the language of their ancestors, but they are still regarded as Pashtuns. Tribal structure and behavior according to the code of honor are more important for classification than the sole criterion of language. In southwestern Afghanistan, there are Pashtun groups who speak Balochi as their first language, and Baloch groups who speak Pashto as their first language. Despite the linguistic differences, they feel they belong to the same tribes, which are considered either Pashtun or Baloch tribes, depending on the case. Such mixed groups are referred to as aughān-balōch (“Pashtun-Baloch”)."
↑Dorronsoro, Gilles (2007). "Kabul at War (1992-1996): State, Ethnicity and Social Classes". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal. doi:10.4000/samaj.212. In urban areas, the term 'Tajik' refers to Persian language (Farsi) speakers, although they do not form a coherent social group, nor can they easily be collectively mobilized. The city of Herat has, equally, a very strong identity, which partially transcends ethnic identities.
↑Constitutional Design and the Political Salience of "Community" Identity in Afghanistan. "After the defeat of the Taliban, Afghanistan entered a period of constitutional flux. The 2004 Constitution rejected formal ethnic representation in state institutions. This [c]onstitution, therefore, provides no defense against perceived or actual domination of the state by any one particular ethnic community. This could lead to increased ethnic resentment and conflicts."
↑Afghanistan's Flawed Constitutional Process, 12 June 2003. "[T]he [Transitional Administration] and the UN have created a process lacking in transparency that accommodates the factions now in power in Kabul. Both the Constitutional Drafting Commission and the Constitutional Commission, charged respectively with writing a preliminary text and then consulting publicly on it, were appointed without public process though the latter is responsible for building public confidence. Because the groups that dominate the TA, like the ethnic Panjshiri Tajik Shura-yi Nazar, heavily influenced the selections, few Afghans are likely to accept the Commissions as representative or neutral bodies."
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
