Author | Roger Scruton |
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Language | English |
Subject | Conservatism |
Publisher | All Points Books |
Publication date | 2017 |
Publication place | United Kingdom |
Media type | |
Pages | 176 |
ISBN | 978-1-250-17056-9 |
Text | Conservatism: An Invitation to the Great Tradition at Internet Archive |
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Conservatism in the United Kingdom |
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Conservatism: An Invitation to the Great Tradition is a 2017 book by English philosopher Roger Scruton, in which the author outlines the development of modern conservatism. It is intended as an introduction to conservatism, with the author stating, "I have written this book in the hope of encouraging well-meaning liberals to take a look at what [the] arguments [for conservatism] really are”. [1]
Scruton traces the intellectual development of modern Western conservatism. He contends that modern conservatism "began as a defense of tradition against the calls for popular sovereignty; it became an appeal on behalf of religion and high culture against the materialist doctrine of progress, before joining forces with the classical liberals in the fight against socialism. In its most recent attempt to define itself it has become the champion of Western civilisation against its enemies".
Throughout, Scruton places emphasis on the tension between individual ambition and social membership—the "freedom of the individual” and the "need for custom and community”. [2] Scruton criticizes both the individualism of Western progressivism and the collectivism of socialism, arguing conservatism finds a realistic middle ground that suits both the limits and aspirations of individuals by recognizing that "the individual first sets out on the journey to freedom" from the "spheres of attachment" of family and community.
Scruton argues that whereas the conservatism of "pre-history" (pre-Enlightenment) focused on the preservation of old systems of power in which political authority flows down from the sovereign to individuals, modern conservatism is stolidly "a product of the Enlightenment" that accepts the (originally progressive) notion of popular sovereignty. Modern conservatism began as a "hesitation within liberalism", arising from the ideas of the classical liberals—notably Thomas Hobbes, James Harrington, John Locke, and Baron de Montesquieu—while insisting that the "liberation of the individual" advocated by liberalism "could not be achieved without the maintenance of customs and institutions". In particular, both "conservatives and liberals agree on the need for limited government, representative institutions, the separation of powers, and the basic rights of the citizen", but conservatives reject social contract theory and individualism not grounded by custom and tradition.
Scruton places particular emphasis on the conservative belief that liberty is not possible without custom and tradition, as "individual liberty [issues] from political order", and not the other way around. Because people are, according to Scruton, born into society "burdened by obligations and subject to institutions and traditions", he contends that liberty is inherited rather than chosen. He pillories liberals for focusing on "abstract ideas...designed to apply to all people everywhere" rather than "focus on the concrete inheritance of a people"—a tendency he argues led to the devastation of the French Revolution, which "systematically destroyed the stock of social capital" and descended into tyranny, and whose counter-tendency for continuity and respect of the law was the reason for the success of the American Revolution, whose constitution was "no more than a document making explicit a spirit already present in the Anglo-American common law".
Scruton contends that the advent of the Industrial Revolution resulted in a shift in focus for conservatives, from "the battleground of politics" to the preservation of cultural values in the face of rapid social change. In particular, conservatives worried that industrial capitalism was destroying social cohesion and transforming culture.
Alexis de Tocqueville, notes Scruton, believed that "the major problem facing modern society...is that of reconciling equality with liberty". The liberal tendency, Scruton alleges, emphasizes equality, and ultimately birthed socialism. In response, conservatives positioned themselves as champions of liberty first, and following World War I conservatives galvanized in opposition to the rise of socialism. In America, in particular, the Cold War cemented anti-communism as a part of conservatives' "self-definition". Notable voices in opposition to communism included Friedrich Hayek, who in The Road to Serfdom warned of the "danger of tyranny that inevitably results from government control of economic decision-making through central planning"; [3] Ayn Rand, who believed "socialist policies...prevent the best and most useful people from exercising their skills and talents"; and James Burnham, who in The Managerial Revolution argued that the "tendency of socialism is not to produce a classless society...but on the contrary to generate a new and intransigent ruling class of bureaucrats—the managerial elite".
With the decline of socialism, Scruton argues conservatism again evolved. Contemporary conservatism, he believes, focuses on the championing of Western civilization and defending "national identity and traditional attachments against the emerging orthodoxy of 'multiculturalism'". This manifests in defending "culture and institutions in the face of the challenge presented by mass migration", as well as protecting Western civilization from two "enemies": political correctness and Islamic extremism. Fighting these "enemies" in a "culture war" has become a core component of the modern conservative identity, Scruton argues.
Other areas of focus in recent years have been opposition to judges who "read into" the US Constitution "rights and freedoms that appeal to modern liberals...but not to conservatives", including a right to abortion and a right to same-sex marriage, and defending the approach of using "market solutions" for social and political problems, rather than direct government intervention.
The book has received mixed reviews.
Richard Aldous in The Wall Street Journal praised it, calling it "one of the most eloquent and even moving evocations of the conservative tradition in Western politics, philosophy and culture I have ever read…the ideal primer for those who are new to conservative ideas”. [4] Steven Kessler in The European Conservative similarly reviewed the book favorably, stating: [5]
"This book is an ideal primer to the intellectual conservatism. Scruton gracefully articulates conservatism’s main tenets, its historical foundations, and its value to our lives today. His eloquent yet accessible prose make this a perfect introduction to those interested in better understanding the liberal/conservative debate of today."
Michael S. Roth in The New York Times offered a lukewarm review, stating that while "readers will find Scruton’s deft handling of a variety of conservative thinkers enlightening", they will "be appalled at the grand old tradition of scapegoating he employs to rally the troops". [6] He places particular criticism on Scruton's "scapegoating" of Muslims, stating:
"At the end of the book he turns against Muslims, hoping for a “rediscovery of ourselves” by stoking fear and loathing against those who he says do not share “our” religious or political inheritance. He knows how this will sound to many of his readers, so he warns them against thinking he’s just being racist. But one doesn’t have to be politically correct or to participate in what Scruton calls the “culture of repudiation” to find it unfortunate that a philosopher should stoop so low. The “great tradition” Scruton describes can attract study and respect without stimulating nasty chauvinism."
Joseph Hogan in The Nation struck a negative tone, calling the book "anachronistic and hopelessly obscure"—asserting that when Scruton "could apply his airy defenses of 'tradition' and 'custom' to today’s most urgent problems...he is either blandly silent or quaintly anachronistic. And when he manages to gesture toward issues of present importance—immigration and nationalism—he attempts, euphemistically, to dignify nativism and xenophobia". [7] Hogan took aim at Scruton's claim that the book is intended to attract liberals, concluding the review by saying:
"What is most impressive about Conservatism is, in the end, its aloofness. It is difficult even to imagine young conservatives seeing themselves in the book. Easier to imagine, however, is the likely reaction of liberal readers, especially those who once yearned for a “philosophical” conservatism of custom and tradition. Scruton’s vision of conservatism is so unrelated to the current project of the right that it couldn’t produce in its liberal readers anything like nostalgia for a “Burkean” conservatism—but rather the felt sense that such a conservatism could never have existed."
Conservatism is a cultural, social, and political philosophy and ideology that seeks to promote and preserve traditional institutions, customs, and values. The central tenets of conservatism may vary in relation to the culture and civilisation in which it appears. In Western culture, depending on the particular nation, conservatives seek to promote and preserve a range of institutions, such as the nuclear family, organised religion, the military, the nation-state, property rights, rule of law, aristocracy, and monarchy. Conservatives tend to favour institutions and practices that enhance social order and historical continuity.
Classical liberalism is a political tradition and a branch of liberalism that advocates free market and laissez-faire economics and civil liberties under the rule of law, with special emphasis on individual autonomy, limited government, economic freedom, political freedom and freedom of speech. Classical liberalism, contrary to liberal branches like social liberalism, looks more negatively on social policies, taxation and the state involvement in the lives of individuals, and it advocates deregulation.
Political philosophy, or political theory, is the philosophical study of government, addressing questions about the nature, scope, and legitimacy of public agents and institutions and the relationships between them. Its topics include politics, justice, liberty, property, rights, law, and authority: what they are, if they are needed, what makes a government legitimate, what rights and freedoms it should protect, what form it should take, what the law is, and what duties citizens owe to a legitimate government, if any, and when it may be legitimately overthrown, if ever.
Communitarianism is a philosophy that emphasizes the connection between the individual and the community. Its overriding philosophy is based on the belief that a person's social identity and personality are largely molded by community relationships, with a smaller degree of development being placed on individualism. Although the community might be a family, communitarianism usually is understood, in the wider, philosophical sense, as a collection of interactions, among a community of people in a given place, or among a community who share an interest or who share a history. Communitarianism is often contrasted with individualism, and opposes laissez-faire policies that deprioritize the stability of the overall community.
Right-wing politics is the range of political ideologies that view certain social orders and hierarchies as inevitable, natural, normal, or desirable, typically supporting this position based on natural law, economics, authority, property, religion, biology, or tradition. Hierarchy and inequality may be seen as natural results of traditional social differences or competition in market economies.
The left–right political spectrum is a system of classifying political positions, ideologies and parties, with emphasis placed upon issues of social equality and social hierarchy. In addition to positions on the left and on the right, there are centrist and moderate positions, which are not strongly aligned with either end of the spectrum. It originated during the French Revolution based on the seating in the French National Assembly.
A Red Tory is an adherent of a centre-right or paternalistic-conservative political philosophy derived from the Tory tradition. It is most predominant in Canada; however, it is also found in the United Kingdom, where it is more commonly known as one nation conservatism. This philosophy tends to favour communitarian social policies, while maintaining a degree of fiscal discipline and a respect of social and political order. It is contrasted with "Blue Tory" or "High Tory". Some Red Tories view themselves as small-c conservatives.
Sir Roger Vernon Scruton, was an English philosopher, writer, and social critic who specialised in aesthetics and political philosophy, particularly in the furtherance of traditionalist conservative views.
Frank Straus Meyer was an American philosopher and political activist best known for his theory of "fusionism" – a political philosophy that unites elements of libertarianism and traditionalism into a philosophical synthesis which is posited as the definition of modern American conservatism. Meyer's philosophy was presented in two books, primarily In Defense of Freedom: A Conservative Credo (1962) and also in a collection of his essays, The Conservative Mainstream (1969). Fusionism has been summed up by E. J. Dionne, Jr. as "utilizing libertarian means in a conservative society for traditionalist ends".
Postliberalism is an emergent political philosophy that critiques and seeks to move beyond the dominant liberal paradigm of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Proponents argue that liberalism, with its emphasis on individual rights, free markets, and limited government, has failed to adequately address societal challenges such as economic inequality, environmental degradation, social alienation, family breakdown, and a perceived loss of community and social cohesion.
Conservatism in the United States is based on a belief in individualism, traditionalism, republicanism, and limited federal governmental power in relation to U.S. states. Conservatism is one of two major political ideologies of the United States with the other being liberalism. Conservative and Christian media organizations and American conservative figures are influential, and American conservatism is a large and mainstream ideology in the Republican Party and nation. As of 2021, 36 percent of Americans consider themselves conservative, according to polling by Gallup, Inc.
Sonderweg refers to the theory in German historiography that considers the German-speaking lands or the country of Germany itself to have followed a course from aristocracy to democracy unlike any other in Europe.
For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto is a book by American economist and historian Murray Rothbard, in which the author promotes anarcho-capitalism. The work has been credited as an influence on modern libertarian thought and on part of the New Right.
The Constitution of Liberty is a book written by Friedrich Hayek, first published in 1960 by the University of Chicago Press. Many scholars have considered The Constitution of Liberty as the most important work by Hayek.
Conservatism in Germany has encompassed a wide range of theories and ideologies in the last three hundred years, but most historical conservative theories supported the monarchical/hierarchical political structure.
Libertarian conservatism, also referred to as conservative libertarianism and, more rarely, conservatarianism, is a political and social philosophy that combines conservatism and libertarianism, representing the libertarian wing of conservatism and vice versa.
Traditionalist conservatism, often known as classical conservatism, is a political and social philosophy that emphasizes the importance of transcendent moral principles, manifested through certain posited natural laws to which it is claimed society should adhere. It is one of many different forms of conservatism. Traditionalist conservatism, as known today, is rooted in Edmund Burke's political philosophy, which represented a combination of Whiggism and Jacobitism, as well as the similar views of Joseph de Maistre, who attributed the rationalist rejection of Christianity during previous decades of being directly responsible for the Reign of Terror which followed the French Revolution. Traditionalists value social ties and the preservation of ancestral institutions above what they perceive as excessive rationalism and individualism. One of the first uses of the phrase "conservatism" began around 1818 with a monarchist newspaper named "Le Conservateur", written by Francois Rene de Chateaubriand with the help of Louis de Bonald.
Liberalism is a political and moral philosophy based on the rights of the individual, liberty, consent of the governed, political equality, right to private property and equality before the law. Liberals espouse various and often mutually warring views depending on their understanding of these principles but generally support private property, market economies, individual rights, liberal democracy, secularism, rule of law, economic and political freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom of religion. Liberalism is frequently cited as the dominant ideology of modern history.
Paternalistic conservatism is a strand of conservatism which reflects the belief that societies exist and develop organically and that members within them have obligations towards each other. There is particular emphasis on the paternalistic obligation, referencing the feudal concept of noblesse oblige, of those who are privileged and wealthy to the poorer parts of society. Consistent with principles such as duty, hierarchy, and organicism, it can be seen as an outgrowth of traditionalist conservatism. Paternalistic conservatives do not support the individual or the state in principle but are instead prepared to support either or recommend a balance between the two depending on what is most practical.
The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin is a 2011 book written by political theorist Corey Robin. It argues that conservatism from the 17th century to today is based on the principle "that some are fit, and thus ought, to rule others". Robin argues that rather than being about liberty, limited government, resistance to change, or public virtue, conservatism is a "mode of counterrevolutionary practice" to preserve hierarchy and power.