Cushitic | |
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Geographic distribution | Egypt, Sudan, Horn of Africa, East Africa |
Linguistic classification | Afro-Asiatic
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Proto-language | Proto-Cushitic |
Subdivisions | |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-2 / 5 | cus |
Glottolog | cush1243 |
Distribution of the Cushitic languages in Africa | |
Map of the Cushitic languages |
The Cushitic languages are a branch of the Afroasiatic language family. They are spoken primarily in the Horn of Africa, with minorities speaking Cushitic languages to the north in Egypt and Sudan, and to the south in Kenya and Tanzania. As of 2012, the Cushitic languages with over one million speakers were Oromo, Somali, Beja, Afar, Hadiyya, Kambaata, and Sidama. [1]
The Cushitic languages with the greatest number of total speakers are Oromo (37 million), [2] Somali (22 million), [3] Beja (3.2 million), [4] Sidamo (3 million), [5] and Afar (2 million). [6]
Oromo serves as one of the official working languages of Ethiopia [7] and is also the working language of several of the states within the Ethiopian federal system including Oromia, [8] Harari and Dire Dawa regional states and of the Oromia Zone in the Amhara Region. [9]
Somali is the first of two official languages of Somalia and three official languages of Somaliland. [10] [11] It also serves as a language of instruction in Djibouti, [12] and as the working language of the Somali Region in Ethiopia. [9]
Beja, Afar, Blin and Saho, the languages of the Cushitic branch of Afroasiatic that are spoken in Eritrea, are languages of instruction in the Eritrean elementary school curriculum. [13] The constitution of Eritrea also recognizes the equality of all natively spoken languages. [14] Additionally, Afar is a language of instruction in Djibouti, [12] as well as the working language of the Afar Region in Ethiopia. [9]
Christopher Ehret argues for a unified Proto-Cushitic language in the Red Sea Hills as far back as the Early Holocene. [15] Based on onomastic evidence, the Medjay and the Blemmyes of northern Nubia are believed to have spoken Cushitic languages related to the modern Beja language. [16] Less certain are hypotheses which propose that Cushitic languages were spoken by the people of the C-Group culture in northern Nubia, [17] or the people of the Kerma culture in southern Nubia. [18]
Most Cushitic languages have a simple five-vowel system with phonemic length (/aa:ee:ii:oo:uu:/); a notable exception are the Agaw languages, which do not contrast vowel length, but have one or two additional central vowels. [19] [20] The consonant inventory of many Cushitic languages includes glottalic consonants, e.g. in Oromo, which has the ejectives /pʼtʼtʃʼkʼ/ and the implosive /ᶑ/. [21] Less common are pharyngeal consonants /ħʕ/, which appear e.g. in Somali or the Saho–Afar languages. [19] [21]
Most Cushitic languages have a system of restrictive tone also known as ‘pitch accent’ in which tonal contours overlaid on the stressed syllable play a prominent role in morphology and syntax. [19] [22]
Nouns are inflected for case and number. All nouns are further grouped into two gender categories, masculine gender and feminine gender. In many languages, gender is overtly marked directly on the noun (e.g. in Awngi, where all female nouns carry the suffix -a). [23]
The case system of many Cushitic languages is characterized by marked nominative alignment, which is typologically quite rare and predominantly found in languages of Africa. [24] In marked nominative languages, the noun appears in unmarked "absolutive" case when cited in isolation, or when used as predicative noun and as object of a transitive verb; on the other hand, it is explicitly marked for nominative case when it functions as subject in a transitive or intransitive sentence. [25] [26]
Possession is usually expressed by genitive case marking of the possessor. South Cushitic—which has no case marking for subject and object—follows the opposite strategy: here, the possessed noun is marked for construct case, e.g. Iraqw afé-r mar'i "doors" (lit. "mouths of houses"), where afee "mouth" is marked for construct case. [27]
Most nouns are by default unmarked for number, but can be explicitly marked for singular ("singulative") and plural number. E.g. in Bilin, dəmmu "cat(s)" is number-neutral, from which singular dəmmura "a single cat" and plural dəmmut "several cats" can be formed. Plural formation is very diverse, and employs ablaut (i.e. changes of root vowels or consonants), suffixes and reduplication. [28] [29]
Verbs are inflected for person/number and tense/aspect. Many languages also have a special form of the verb in negative clauses. [30]
Most Cushitic languages distinguish seven person/number categories: first, second, third person, singular and plural number, with a masculine/feminine gender distinction in third person singular. The most common conjugation type employs suffixes. Some languages also have a prefix conjugation: in Beja and the Saho–Afar languages, the prefix conjugation is still a productive part of the verb paradigm, whereas in most other languages, e.g. Somali, it is restricted to only a few verbs. It is generally assumed that historically, the suffix conjugation developed from the older prefix conjugation, by combining the verb stem with a suffixed auxiliary verb. [31] The following table gives an example for the suffix and prefix conjugations in affirmative present tense in Somali. [32]
suffix conjugation | prefix conjugation | |||
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"bring" | "come" | |||
1st person | singular | keen-aa | i-maadd-aa | |
plural | keen-naa | ni-maad-naa | ||
2nd person | singular | keen-taa | ti-maadd-aa | |
plural | keen-taan | ti-maadd-aan | ||
3rd person | singular | masc. | keen-aa | yi-maadd-aa |
fem. | keen-taa | ti-maadd-aa | ||
plural | keen-aan | yi-maadd-aan |
Basic word order is verb final, the most common order being subject–object–verb (SOV). The subject or object can also follow the verb to indicate focus. [33] [34]
The phylum was first designated as Cushitic in 1858. [35] The Omotic languages, once included in Cushitic, have almost universally been removed. The most influential recent classification, Tosco (2003), has informed later approaches. It and two more recent classifications are as follows:
Tosco (2000, East Cushitic revised 2020) [36] [37]
Geographic labels are given for comparison; Bender's labels are added in parentheses. Dahalo is made a primary branch, as also suggested by Kiessling and Mous (2003). Yaaku is not listed, being placed within Arboroid. Afar–Saho is removed from Lowland East Cushitic; since they are the most 'lowland' of the Cushitic languages, Bender calls the remnant 'core' East Cushitic.
These classifications have not been without contention. For example, it has been argued that Southern Cushitic belongs in the Eastern branch, with its divergence explained by contact with Hadza- and Sandawe-like languages. Hetzron (1980) and Fleming (post-1981) exclude Beja altogether, though this is rejected by other linguists. Some of the classifications that have been proposed over the years are summarized here:
Greenberg (1963) [40] | Hetzron (1980) [41] | Orel & Stolbova (1995) | Ehret (2011) [42] |
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For debate on the placement of the Cushitic branch within Afroasiatic, see Afroasiatic languages.
Beja constitutes the only member of the Northern Cushitic subgroup. As such, Beja contains a number of linguistic innovations that are unique to it, as is also the situation with the other subgroups of Cushitic (e.g. idiosyncratic features in Agaw or Central Cushitic). [43] [44] [45] Hetzron (1980) argues that Beja therefore may comprise an independent branch of the Afroasiatic family. [41] However, this suggestion has been rejected by most other scholars. [46] The characteristics of Beja that differ from those of other Cushitic languages are instead generally acknowledged as normal branch variation. [43]
Didier Morin (2001) assigned Beja to Lowland East Cushitic on the grounds that the language shared lexical and phonological features with the Afar and Saho idioms, and also because the languages were historically spoken in adjacent speech areas. However, among linguists specializing in the Cushitic languages, the standard classification of Beja as North Cushitic is accepted. [47]
There are also a few languages of uncertain classification, including Yaaku, Dahalo, Aasax, Kw'adza, Boon, Ongota and the Cushitic component of Mbugu (Ma'a). There is a wide range of opinions as to how the languages are interrelated. [48]
The positions of the Dullay languages and of Yaaku are uncertain. They have traditionally been assigned to an East Cushitic subbranch along with Highland (Sidamic) and Lowland East Cushitic. However, Hayward thinks that East Cushitic may not be a valid node and that its constituents should be considered separately when attempting to work out the internal relationships of Cushitic. [48] Bender (2020) suggests Yaaku to be a divergent member of the Arboroid group. [49]
The Afroasiatic identity of Ongota has also been broadly questioned, as is its position within Afroasiatic among those who accept it, because of the "mixed" appearance of the language and a paucity of research and data. Harold C. Fleming (2006) proposes that Ongota is a separate branch of Afroasiatic. [50] Bonny Sands (2009) thinks the most convincing proposal is by Savà and Tosco (2003), namely that Ongota is an East Cushitic language with a Nilo-Saharan substratum. In other words, it would appear that the Ongota people once spoke a Nilo-Saharan language but then shifted to speaking a Cushitic language while retaining some characteristics of their earlier Nilo-Saharan language. [51] [52]
Hetzron (1980) [53] and Ehret (1995) have suggested that the South Cushitic languages (Rift languages) are a part of Lowland East Cushitic, the only one of the six groups with much internal diversity.
Cushitic was formerly seen as also including most or all of the Omotic languages. An early view by Enrico Cerulli proposed a "Sidama" subgroup comprising most of the Omotic languages and the Sidamic group of Highland East Cushitic. Mario Martino Moreno in 1940 divided Cerulli's Sidama, uniting the Sidamic proper and the Lowland Cushitic languages as East Cushitic, the remainder as West Cushitic or ta/ne Cushitic. The Aroid languages were not considered Cushitic by either scholar (thought by Cerulli to be instead Nilotic); they were added to West Cushitic by Joseph Greenberg in 1963. Further work in the 1960s soon led to the putative West Cushitic being seen as typologically divergent and renamed as "Omotic". [54]
Today the inclusion of Omotic as a part of Cushitic has been abandoned. Omotic is most often seen as an independent branch of Afroasiatic, primarily due to the work of Harold C. Fleming (1974) and Lionel Bender (1975); some linguists like Paul Newman (1980) challenge Omotic's classification within the Afroasiatic family itself.
A number of extinct populations have been proposed to have spoken Afroasiatic languages of the Cushitic branch. Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst (2000) proposed that the peoples of the Kerma culture – which inhabited the Nile Valley in present-day Sudan immediately before the arrival of the first Nubian speakers – spoke Cushitic languages. [18] She argues that the Nilo-Saharan Nobiin language today contains a number of key pastoralism related loanwords that are of proto-Highland East Cushitic origin, including the terms for sheep/goatskin, hen/cock, livestock enclosure, butter and milk. However, more recent linguistic research indicates that the people of the Kerma culture (who were based in southern Nubia) instead spoke Nilo-Saharan languages of the Eastern Sudanic branch, and that the peoples of the C-Group culture to their north (in northern Nubia) and other groups in northern Nubia (such as the Medjay and Blemmyes) spoke Cushitic languages with the latter being related to the modern Beja language. [55] [56] [17] [57] The linguistic affinity of the ancient A-Group culture of northern Nubia—the predecessor of the C-Group culture—is unknown, but Rilly (2019) suggests that it is unlikely to have spoken a language of the Northern East Sudanic branch of Nilo-Saharan, and may have spoken a Cushitic language, another Afro-Asiatic language, or a language belonging to another (non-Northern East Sudanic) branch of the Nilo-Saharan family. [58] Rilly also criticizes proposals (by Behrens and Bechaus-Gerst) of significant early Afro-Asiatic influence on Nobiin, and considers evidence of substratal influence on Nobiin from an earlier now extinct Eastern Sudanic language to be stronger. [56] [55] [59] [17]
Julien Cooper (2017) states that in antiquity, Cushitic languages were spoken in Lower Nubia (the northernmost part of modern-day Sudan). [60] He also states that Eastern Sudanic-speaking populations from southern and west Nubia gradually replaced the earlier Cushitic-speaking populations of this region. [61]
In Handbook of Ancient Nubia, Claude Rilly (2019) states that Cushitic languages once dominated Lower Nubia along with the Ancient Egyptian language. [62] He mentions historical records of the Blemmyes, a Cushitic-speaking tribe which controlled Lower Nubia and some cities in Upper Egypt. [63] [64] He mentions the linguistic relationship between the modern Beja language and the ancient Blemmyan language, and that the Blemmyes can be regarded as a particular tribe of the Medjay. [65]
Additionally, historiolinguistics indicate that the makers of the Savanna Pastoral Neolithic (Stone Bowl Culture) in the Great Lakes area likely spoke South Cushitic languages. [66]
Christopher Ehret (1998) proposed on the basis of loanwords that South Cushitic languages (called "Tale" and "Bisha" by Ehret) were spoken in an area closer to Lake Victoria than are found today. [67] [68]
Also, historically, the Southern Nilotic languages have undergone extensive contact with a "missing" branch of East Cushitic that Heine (1979) refers to as Baz. [69] [70]
Christopher Ehret proposed a reconstruction of Proto-Cushitic in 1987, but did not base this on individual branch reconstructions. [71] Grover Hudson (1989) has done some preliminary work on Highland East Cushitic, [72] David Appleyard (2006) has proposed a reconstruction of Proto-Agaw, [73] and Roland Kießling and Maarten Mous (2003) have jointly proposed a reconstruction of West Rift Southern Cushitic. [74] No reconstruction has been published for Lowland East Cushitic, though Paul D. Black wrote his (unpublished) dissertation on the topic in 1974. [75] Hans-Jürgen Sasse (1979) proposed a reconstruction of the consonants of Proto-East Cushitic. [76] No comparative work has yet brought these branch reconstructions together.
Sample basic vocabulary of Cushitic languages from Vossen & Dimmendaal (2020:318) (with PSC denoting Proto-Southern Cushitic): [77]
Branch | Northern | Southern | Eastern | Central | ||
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Gloss | Beja [78] | Iraqw [79] [80] | Oromo [81] | Somali [82] | Awŋi [83] | Kemantney [84] |
'foot' | ragad/lagad | yaaee | miila/luka | lug | lɨkw | lɨkw |
'tooth' | kwire | siħinoo | ilkee | ilig | ɨrkwí | ɨrkw |
'hair' | hami/d.ifi | seʔeengw | dabbasaa | timo | ʧiʧifí | ʃibka |
'heart' | gin'a | muuná | onnee | wadne | ɨʃew | lɨbäka |
'house' | gau/'anda | doʔ | mana | guri/min | ŋɨn | nɨŋ |
'wood' | hindi | ɬupi | mukha | qori/alwaax | kani | kana |
'meat' | ʃa/dof | fuʔnaay | foon | so'/hilib | ɨʃʃi | sɨya |
'water' | yam | maʔay | biʃan | biyo/maayo | aɣu | axw |
'door' | ɖefa/yaf | piindo | balbala | irrid/albaab | lɨmʧi/sank | bäla |
'grass' | siyam/ʃuʃ | gitsoo | ʧ'itaa | caws | sigwi | ʃanka |
'black' | hadal/hadod | boo | gurraʧʧa | madow | ʧárkí | ʃämäna |
'red' | adal/adar | daaʕaat | diimaa | cas/guduud | dɨmmí | säraɣ |
'road' | darab | loohi | karaa/godaana | jid/waddo | dad | gorwa |
'mountain' | reba | tɬooma | tuullu | buur | kán | dɨba |
'spear' | fena/gwiʃ'a | *laabala (PSC) | waraana | waran | werém | ʃämärgina |
'stick' (n) | 'amis/'adi | *ħada | ulee/dullaa | ul | gɨmb | kɨnbɨ |
'fire' | n'e | ʔaɬa | ibidda | dab | leg | wɨzɨŋ |
'donkey' | mek | daqwaay | haare | dameer | dɨɣwarí | dɨɣora |
'cat' | bissa/kaffa | maytsí | adure | bisad/dummad | anguʧʧa | damiya |
'dog' | yas/mani | seeaay | seere | eey | gɨséŋ | gɨzɨŋ |
'cow' | ʃ'a/yiwe | ɬee | sa'a | sac | ɨllwa | käma |
'lion' | hada | diraangw | lenʧ'a | libaax | wuʤi | gämäna |
'hyena' | galaba/karai | *bahaa (PSC) | waraabo | waraabe | ɨɣwí | wäya |
'sister' | kwa | ħoʔoo | obboleeytii | walaalo/abbaayo | séná | ʃän |
'brother' | san | nana | obboleessa | walaal/abboowe | sén | zän |
'mother' | de | aayi | haaɗa | hooyo | ʧwá | gäna |
'father' | baba | taata | aabba | aabbe | tablí | aba |
'sit' | s'a/ʈaʈam | iwiit | taa'uu | fadhiiso | ɨnʤikw- | täkosɨm- |
'sleep' | diw/nari | guuʔ | rafuu | hurud | ɣur\y- | gänʤ- |
'eat' | tam/'am | aag | ɲaaʧʧu | cun | ɣw- | xw- |
'drink' | gw'a/ʃifi | wah | ɗugaaiti | cab | zɨq- | ʤax- |
'kill' | dir | gaas | aʤʤeesuu | dil | kw- | kw- |
'speak' | hadid/kwinh | ʔooʔ | dubbattu | hadal | dibs- | gämär- |
'thin' | 'iyai/bilil | *ʔiiraw (PSC) | hap'ii | caato | ɨnʧu | k'ät'än- |
'fat' | dah/l'a | *du/*iya (PSC) | furdaa | shilis/buuran | morí | wäfär- |
'small' | dis/dabali | *niinaw (PSC) | t'innoo | yar | ʧɨlí | ʃigwey |
'big' | win/ragaga | *dir (PSC) | guddaa/dagaaga | weyn | dɨngulí | fɨraq |
Comparison of numerals in individual Cushitic languages: [85]
Classification | Language | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 |
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North | Beja (Bedawi) | ɡaːl | ˈmale | mheːj | ˈfaɖiɡ | eːj (lit: 'hand') | aˈsaɡwir (5 + 1) | asaːˈrama (5 + 2) | asiˈmheːj (5 + 3) | aʃˈʃaɖiɡ (5 + 4) | ˈtamin |
Central | Bilin (Bilen) | laxw / la | ləŋa | səxwa | sədʒa | ʔankwa | wəlta | ləŋəta | səxwəta | səssa | ʃɨka |
Central, Eastern | Xamtanga | lə́w | líŋa | ʃáqwa | síza | ákwa | wálta | láŋta / lánta | sə́wta | sʼájtʃʼa | sʼɨ́kʼa |
Central, Southern | Awngi | ɨ́mpɨ́l / láɢú | láŋa | ʃúɢa | sedza | áŋkwa | wɨ́lta | láŋéta | sóɢéta | sésta | tsɨ́kka |
Central, Western | Kimant (Qimant) | laɣa / la | liŋa | siɣwa | sədʒa | ankwa | wəlta | ləŋəta | səɣwəta | səssa | ʃɨka |
East, Highland | Alaaba | matú | lamú | sasú | ʃɔːlú | ʔɔntú | lehú | lamalá | hizzeːtú | hɔnsú | tɔnnsú |
East, Highland | Burji | mitʃːa | lama | fadia | foola | umutta | lia | lamala | hiditta | wonfa | tanna |
East, Highland | Gedeo | mitte | lame | sase | ʃoole | onde | dʒaane | torbaane | saddeeta | sallane | tomme |
East, Highland | Hadiyya | mato | lamo | saso | sooro | onto | loho | lamara | sadeento | honso | tommo |
East, Highland | Kambaata | máto | lámo | sáso | ʃóolo | ónto | lého | lamála | hezzéeto | hónso | tordúma |
East, Highland | Libido | mato | lamo | saso | sooro | ʔonto | leho | lamara | sadeento | honso | tommo |
East, Highland | Sidamo (Sidaama) | mite | lame | sase | ʃoole | onte | lee | lamala | sette | honse | tonne |
East, Dullay | Gawwada | tóʔon | lákke | ízzaħ | sálaħ | xúpin | tappi | táʔan | sétten | kóllan | ħúɗɗan |
East, Dullay | Tsamai (Ts'amakko) | doːkːo | laːkːi | zeːħ | salaħ | χobin | tabːen | taħːan | sezːen | ɡolːan | kuŋko |
East, Konsoid | Bussa (Harso-Bobase) | tóʔo | lakki, lam(m)e, lamay | ezzaħ, siséħ | salaħ | xúpin | cappi | caħħan | sásse /sésse | kollan | húddʼan |
East, Konsoid | Dirasha (Gidole) | ʃakka(ha) (fem.) / ʃokko(ha) (masc.) | lakki | halpatta | afur | hen | lehi | tappa | lakkuʃeti | tsinqoota | hunda |
East, Konsoid | Konso | takka | lakki | sessa | afur | ken | lehi | tappa | sette | saɡal | kuɗan |
East, Oromo | Orma | tokkō | lamā | sadi | afurī | ʃanī | dʒa | torbā | saddeetī | saɡalī | kuɗenī |
East, Oromo | West Central Oromo | tokko | lama | sadii | afur | ʃani | dʒaha | torba | saddet | saɡal | kuɗan |
East, Saho-Afar | Afar | enèki / inìki | nammàya | sidòħu / sidòħoòyu | ferèyi / fereèyi | konòyu / konoòyu | leħèyi / leħeèyi | malħiini | baħaàra | saɡaàla | tàbana |
East, Saho-Afar | Saho | inik | lam:a | adoħ | afar | ko:n | liħ | malħin | baħar | saɡal | taman |
East, Rendille-Boni | Boni | kóów, hál-ó (masc.) / hás-só (fem) | lába | síddéh | áfar | ʃan | líh | toddóu | siyyéèd | saaɡal | tammán |
East, Rendille-Boni | Rendille | kôːw / ko:kalɖay (isolated form) | lámːa | sɛ́jːaħ | áfːar | t͡ʃán | líħ | tɛːbá | sijːɛ̂ːt | saːɡáːl | tomón |
East, Somali | Garre (Karre) | kow | lamma | siddeh | afar | ʃan | liʔ | toddobe | siyeed | saɡaal | tommon |
East, Somali | Somali | ków | labá | sáddeħ | áfar | ʃán | liħ | toddobá | siddèed | saɡaal | toban |
East, Somali | Tunni (Af-Tunni) | ków | lámma | síddiʔ | áfar | ʃán | líʔ | toddóbo | siyéed | saɡáal | tómon |
East, Arboroid | Arbore | tokkó (masc.) / takká (fem.), ˈtaˈka | laamá, ˈlaːma | sezzé, ˈsɛːze | ʔafúr, ʔaˈfur | tʃénn, t͡ʃɛn | dʒih, ˈd͡ʒi | tuzba, ˈtuːzba | suyé, suˈjɛ | saaɡalɗ, ˈsaɡal | tommoɲɗ, ˈtɔmːɔn |
East, Arboroid | Bayso (Baiso) | koo (masc.) too (fem.) | lɑ́ɑmɑ | sédi | ɑ́fɑr | ken | le | todobɑ́ | siddéd | sɑ́ɑɡɑɑl | tómon |
East, Arboroid | Daasanach | tɪ̀ɡɪ̀ɗɪ̀ (adj.) / tàqàt͡ʃ ̚ (ord.)/ ʔɛ̀ɾ (ord.) | nàːmə̀ | sɛ̀d̪ɛ̀ | ʔàfʊ̀ɾ | t͡ʃɛ̀n | lɪ̀h | t̪ɪ̀ːjə̀ | síɪ̀t̚ | sàːl | t̪òmòn |
East, Arboroid | El Molo | t'óko / t'áka | l'ááma | séépe | áfur | kên, cên | yíi | tíípa, s'ápa | fúe | s'áákal | t'ómon |
South or East | Dahalo | vattúkwe (masc.) / vattékwe (fem.) | líima | kʼaba | saʕála | dáwàtte, possibly ← 'hand' | sita < Swahili | saba < Swahili | nane | kenda / tis(i)a | kumi |
South | Alagwa (Wasi) | wák | ndʒad | tam | tsʼiɡaħ | kooʔan | laħooʔ | faanqʼw | dakat | ɡwelen | mibi |
South | Burunge | leyiŋ / leẽ | t͡ʃʼada | tami | t͡ʃʼiɡaħa | koːʔani | laħaʔu | faɴqʼu | daɡati | ɡweleli | mili |
South | Gorowa (Gorwaa) | wak | tsʼar | tám | tsʼiyáħ | kooʔán | laħóoʔ | fâanqʼw | dakáat | ɡwaléel / ɡweléel | mibaanɡw |
South | Iraqw | wák | tsár | tám | tsíyáħ | kooán | laħoóʔ | faaɴw | dakaát | ɡwaleél | mibaaɴw |
The Afroasiatic languages, also known as Hamito-Semitic or Semito-Hamitic, are a language family of about 400 languages spoken predominantly in West Asia, North Africa, the Horn of Africa, and parts of the Sahara and Sahel. Over 500 million people are native speakers of an Afroasiatic language, constituting the fourth-largest language family after Indo-European, Sino-Tibetan, and Niger–Congo. Most linguists divide the family into six branches: Berber, Chadic, Cushitic, Egyptian, Semitic, and Omotic. The vast majority of Afroasiatic languages are considered indigenous to the African continent, including all those not belonging to the Semitic branch.
The Omotic languages are a group of languages spoken in southwestern Ethiopia, in the Omo River region and southeastern Sudan in Blue Nile State. The Geʽez script is used to write some of the Omotic languages, the Latin script for some others. They are fairly agglutinative and have complex tonal systems. The languages have around 7.9 million speakers. The group is generally classified as belonging to the Afroasiatic language family, but this is disputed by some linguists.
Nubians are a Nilo-Saharan speaking ethnic group indigenous to the region which is now northern Sudan and southern Egypt. They originate from the early inhabitants of the central Nile valley, believed to be one of the earliest cradles of civilization. In the southern valley of Egypt, Nubians differ culturally and ethnically from Egyptians, although they intermarried with members of other ethnic groups, especially Arabs. They speak Nubian languages as a mother tongue, part of the Northern Eastern Sudanic languages, and Arabic as a second language.
Afar is an Afroasiatic language belonging to the Cushitic branch. It is spoken by the Afar people inhabiting Djibouti, Eritrea and Ethiopia.
Beja is an Afroasiatic language of the Cushitic branch spoken on the western coast of the Red Sea by the Beja people. Its speakers inhabit parts of Egypt, Sudan and Eritrea. In 2022 there were 2,550,000 Beja speakers in Sudan, and 121,000 Beja speakers in Eritrea according to Ethnologue. As of 2023 there are an estimated 88,000 Beja speakers in Egypt. The total number of speakers in all three countries is 2,759,000.
In linguistic typology, marked nominative alignment is an unusual type of morphosyntactic alignment similar to, and often considered a subtype of, a nominative–accusative alignment. In a prototypical nominative–accusative language with a grammatical case system like Latin, the object of a verb is marked for accusative case, and the subject of the verb may or may not be marked for nominative case. The nominative, whether or not it is marked morphologically, is also used as the citation form of the noun. In a marked nominative system, on the other hand, it is the nominative case alone that is usually marked morphologically, and it is the unmarked accusative case that is used as the citation form of the noun. The unmarked accusative is typically also used with a wide range of other functions that are associated with the nominative in nominative-accusative languages; they often include the subject complement and a subject moved to a more prominent place in the sentence in order to express topic or focus.
Lower Nubia is the northernmost part of Nubia, roughly contiguous with the modern Lake Nasser, which submerged the historical region in the 1960s with the construction of the Aswan High Dam. Many ancient Lower Nubian monuments, and all its modern population, were relocated as part of the International Campaign to Save the Monuments of Nubia; Qasr Ibrim is the only major archaeological site which was neither relocated nor submerged. The intensive archaeological work conducted prior to the flooding means that the history of the area is much better known than that of Upper Nubia. According to David Wengrow, the A-Group Nubian polity of the late 4th millenninum BCE is poorly understood since most of the archaeological remains are submerged underneath Lake Nasser.
Lowland East Cushitic is a group of roughly two dozen diverse languages of the Cushitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic family. Its largest representatives are Oromo and Somali.
The South Cushitic or Rift languages of Tanzania are a branch of the Cushitic languages. The most numerous is Iraqw, with half a million speakers. Scholars believe that these languages were spoken by Southern Cushitic agro-pastoralists from Ethiopia, who began migrating southward into the Great Rift Valley in the third millennium BC.
Yaaku is a moribund Afroasiatic language of the Cushitic branch, spoken in Kenya. Speakers are all older adults.
Proto-Afroasiatic (PAA), also known as Proto-Hamito-Semitic, Proto-Semito-Hamitic, and Proto-Afrasian, is the reconstructed proto-language from which all modern Afroasiatic languages are descended. Though estimations vary widely, it is believed by scholars to have been spoken as a single language around 12,000 to 18,000 years ago, that is, between 16,000 and 10,000 BC. Although no consensus exists as to the location of the Afroasiatic homeland, the putative homeland of Proto-Afroasiatic speakers, the majority of scholars agree that it was located within a region of Northeast Africa.
The languages of Ethiopia include the official languages of Ethiopia, its national and regional languages, and a large number of minority languages, as well as foreign languages.
The Aroid or Ari-Banna languages possibly belong to the Afro-Asiatic family and are spoken in Ethiopia.
The Somali languages form a group that are part of the Afro-Asiatic language family. They are spoken as a mother tongue by ethnic Somalis in Horn of Africa and the Somali diaspora. Even with linguistic differences, Somalis collectively view themselves as speaking dialects of a common language.
The Ethiopian language area is a hypothesized linguistic area that was first proposed by Charles A. Ferguson, who posited a number of phonological and morphosyntactic features that were found widely across Ethiopia and Eritrea, including the Ethio-Semitic, Cushitic and Omotic languages but not the Nilo-Saharan languages.
David Appleyard is a British academic and an specialist in Ethiopian languages and linguistics.
The Proto-Afroasiatic homeland is the hypothetical place where speakers of the Proto-Afroasiatic language lived in a single linguistic community, or complex of communities, before this original language dispersed geographically and divided into separate distinct languages. Afroasiatic languages are today mostly distributed in parts of Africa, and Western Asia.
Cushitic-speaking peoples are the ethnolinguistic groups who speak Cushitic languages natively. Today, the Cushitic languages are spoken as a mother tongue primarily in the Horn of Africa, with minorities speaking Cushitic languages to the north and south in Egypt, Sudan, Kenya, and Tanzania.
Ethiopia is considered the area from which anatomically modern humans emerged. Archeological discoveries in the country's sites have garnered specific fossil evidence of early human succession, including the hominins Australopithecus afarensis and Ardipithecus ramidus. Human settlements in present-day Ethiopia began at least in the Late Stone Age, and the agricultural revolution took place in the third millennium BCE. Ethnolinguistic groups of Afroasiatic speakers and Nilo-Saharan speakers—defined by new ethnic, cultural, and linguistic identities—emerged around 2000–1000 BCE.
Proto-Cushitic is the reconstructed proto-language common ancestor of the Cushitic language family. Its words and roots are not directly attested in any written works, but have been reconstructed through the comparative method, which finds regular similarities between languages not explained by coincidence or word-borrowing, and extrapolates ancient forms from these similarities.