Environmental injustice is the exposure of poor and marginalised communities to a disproportionate share of environmental harms such as hazardous waste, when they do not receive benefits from the land uses that create these hazards. [1] Environmental racism is environmental injustice in a racialised context. These issues may lead to infringement of environmentally related human rights. [2] : 10 [3] : 252 Environmental justice is a social movement to address these issues.
In Europe, environmental racism has been postulated in particular toward Romani communities. According to Trehan and Kocze (2009), "EU accession for the post-socialist countries has resulted in a de facto centre and periphery within Europe itself, thus exacerbating the already marginal economic and political position of Roma in Europe whose communities continue to subsist as internal colonies within Europe." [3] : 264 This peripheral position, in which segregated Romani settlements and their inhabitants become viewed as de-territorialized zones "beyond the pale" of government responsibility and European Union citizenship, [3] : 264 has been identified by some scholars as an aggravating factor in the prevalence of environmental hazards (such as proximity to industrial facilities and illegal or toxic waste dumps). [2] : 19–20 [3] : 252, 263 [4] : 74–5 This practice has been identified in relation to the lack of basic services such as water, housing, sanitation [2] : 19–20 [3] : 263 and access to education [5] : 238–9 affecting marginalized Romani communities.
In Central and Eastern Europe, socialist governments have generally prioritized industrial development over environmental protection, in spite of growing public and governmental environmental awareness in the 1960s and 1970s. [3] : 255 Even though public concern over the environmental effects of industrial expansion such as mine and dam construction grew in the late 1980s and early 1990s, policy makers continued to focus on privatization and economic development. [3] : 255 Following the market transition, environmental issues have persisted, despite some improvements during the early stages of transition. [3] : 255 Throughout this time, significant social restructuring took place alongside environmental changes. [3] : 255
Environmental racism is a prevalent issue in all of Western Europe which primarily impacts individuals of minority ethnic backgrounds and racial groups.
There are between 500,000 and 2.5 million Romani people in Turkey. [6] : 43 Most Romani, both itinerant and sedentary, live in Trakya (Thrace) and Marmara regions in the northwest of the country, [6] : 43 and generally inhabit settlements that are socio-geographically distinct and isolated from majority populations. [6] : 43 Romani in Turkey "suffer much higher levels of ill-health, have poorer housing, and higher incidences of discrimination on the basis of their ethnicity." [6] : 43 In at least two cases (the 2010 demolition of Sulukule and the 1970 Bayramiç forest products industry dispute), conflicts surrounding access to land and natural resources has led to the dislocation of entire Romani communities.
In February 2010, [7] the predominantly Romani community of Sulukule in Istanbul, an ancient neighbourhood included on the UNESCO World Heritage list and Istanbul City Wall Preservation Zone, [4] : 50 as well as the oldest Romani settlement in Europe [7] was demolished as part of an urban renewal scheme. Earlier demolitions had taken place in the mid-1960s and in 1982 when the old core of Sulukule was torn down. [8] : 45 As a central area of Istanbul, Sulukule was subject to land speculation, [8] : 45 while underlying ecological and environmental issues were potentially exploited as part of the arguments for demolition. [4] : 49–50 According to Aslı Kıyak İngin and Pelin Tan
Throughout the year 2000, Istanbul witnessed the emergence of large-scale urban transformation projects under the headings of "urban renovation/urban development" which legitimised 'demolishment' and 'reconstruction' via abstract discourses of urban fear, ecology, cultural heritage and natural disasters. In 2005, the Urban Transformation and Renewal policy of 5366 accelerated the urban renovation/developments and it gave power to the municipalities to declare any district as an urban transformation area and to control what property rights, urban planning and architectural projects could be applied. [4] : 49–50
According to architecture scholar Neyran Turan, notions of "urban renewal" as a critical component of ecological sustainability have gained prominence within urban planning discourse in Istanbul. [9] : 225–227 In the words of Turan, "the 'ecological turn' of Istanbul is currently limited to specific managerial perspectives on urban governance—such as 'resource management,' 'environmental risk,' or 'urban renewal and transformation.'" [9] : 227 A major argument for the demolition and "urban renewal" of Sulukule was to replace existing housing stock with purportedly more earthquake-resistant construction; [10] : 20 however, the impetus behind the demolition was allegedly influenced by stigma towards its predominantly Romani inhabitants. [10] : 17 Some critics have claimed that Renewal Policy 5366 is often selectively applied toward neighbourhoods with large minority or Romani populations. [10] : 18–19 In a June 17, 2008 interview, Mustafa Ciftci, Sulukule Renewal Project Coordinator, stated
It is not easy to integrate these [Romani] people to society, but we have to accomplish it, in the end these are our people; we have to save them. If it was up to me, as a state policy, I would take all the kids under the age of ten from their parents, put them in boarding schools, educate them and make them members of society. This is the only way. [11]
Evicted tenants were offered houses 48 kilometres away in Taşoluk, where high mortgage rates were unworkable for most residents, most of whom were low-income. [4] : 50 According to Kıyak and Tan, "The renewal process as a whole has caused the disintegration of the community by dispersing the existing social fabric, their inability to continue their cultural activities, their severance from social networks of solidarity, and even graver livelihood problems." [4] : 50 Without access to nearby medical care, education, or transportation to the city centre, the relocated residents left Taşoluk. [7] Many returned to the former Sulukule district, currently renamed "Karagümrük", where they subsequently constructed shanties "on the ruins of their former homes", [7] according to Demirovski and Marsh.
According to Rahmi Ozel, the former attorney of Bayramiç, a series of violent attacks against the Romani community there took place between January 18 and February 22, 1970. [6] : 114 Part of a larger conflict surrounding access to forest resources, [6] : 57 the attacks were triggered by a dispute over ownership of a logging truck. [6] : 114 While no one was killed in the attacks, the events caused significant terror among both Romani and non-Romani members of the community, [6] : 132 and led to the expulsion of the Bayramiç Romani. [6] : 3 Social and behavioral sciences scholar Gül Ӧzateşler has argued that the attacks, whose timing closely correlated to important dates in the logging industry season [6] : 57 reflected insecurities about ethnic Turkish loss of power to Romani persons, who were gaining socioeconomic influence due to their role in the transportation sector [6] : 169–170 of the forestry industry. [6] : 57, 157
In the 1960s, forestry became an increasingly profitable industry in Turkey, as lumber consumption rapidly increased. [6] : 56 Due to increased investment in forestry management and production, Turkey became recognized for its timber industry, to the extent that its supplies were viewed as competitive within a globalized international context. [6] : 56 In 1963–1964, new mountain roads near Bayramiç were created to enable timber extraction, coupled with improvements in highway networks. [6] : 57 On August 26, 1967, The Regional Administration of Forestry in Bayramiç city and the surrounding Bayramiç district was founded. [6] : 56 At the time, 53.8% of provincial territory was covered by timber stands. [6] : 56 As a result of these developments, employment in the forestry transportation sector increased from 30 individuals to 200 in Bayramiç during this time. [6] : 57
In Bayramiç, conflicts over the processing, handling, and transport of timber were commonplace among locals. [6] : 57 According to Ӧzateşler, "The competition was especially acute, as at that time forestry offered the best jobs for many villagers and townspeople. It is no coincidence that the attacks on the Gypsies started in January and stopped at the end of February, before the annual start date of the forestry business in the town, in the month of March." [6] : 57
Few cars existed in the Bayramiç region during the 1950s and 1960s; for example, there were only five jeeps in the town during the late 1950s, and animals were used as primary means for transportation. [6] : 157 During the late 1950s, timber was the primary economic product exported from the town, [6] : 157 and by 1960, there were eight logging trucks stationed in the city. [6] : 157 Romani people became involved in logging truck driving beginning in the late 1950s. [6] : 157 According to Ӧzateşler, Romani people "became powerful in a prestigious position" by becoming logging truck drivers. [6] : 157 According to one truck driver from the era, the driving profession was viewed as having higher prestige than a state official. [6] : 158 Ӧzateşler states "it was not easy to find a good driver; experienced drivers therefore had a very strong bargaining position, including a high social status. They were said to be more prestigious even than their own bosses. They were treated as kings in the coffeehouses. When they came in, people would stand up and greet them." [6] : 158 However, the reason for the success of Romani truck drivers was their willingness to work an extremely dangerous job. [6] : 157 In the words of Ӧzateşler, "They were just doing the dirty job at that time; as it was very tiring and dangerous due to lack of proper roads to the mountain ... one was supposed to be a little mad to be a driver as the risks were considerable." [6] : 157
In 1970, a Leyland truck was purchased by a Romani family in partnership with an ethnic Turkish driver (who later helped start the attacks), and became subject of great interest. [6] : 160 As a symbol of wealth, it also became a source of resentment toward the socio-economic success of the Romani community. [6] : 160 According to Ӧzateşler, "All of the Gypsies mentioned the lorry as the object that triggered the attacks." [6] : 161 One of the individuals responsible for orchestrating the attacks, Huseyin Kiltas, stated "What it came down to was the Leyland [logging truck]." [6] : 161
Following allegations against Romani truck drivers of sexual harassment toward non-Romani Turkish high school girls, [6] : 126–127 a series of violent attacks took place against the Romani community of Bayramiç. [6] : 162 The first attack targeted the muhacir sub-group of Romani, who were engaged in the logging truck driving industry. [6] : 3 38 houses were damaged. [6] : 114 This attack then grew into a second assault against all Romani persons in the area, involving 3,000 individuals who stoned Romani houses [6] : 3 and beat Romani residents. [6] : 162 The crowd marched on the municipal building, which was located on the main avenue leading to the "neighbourhoods where the Gypsies lived". [6] : 114 When the city's attorney attempted to stop the crowd, [6] : 140 he was nearly beaten to death by a gang of 30–40 individuals. [6] : 114 The Romani were subsequently forced to leave the city. [6] : 3 Many Romani went into hiding, while individuals who employed Romani experienced threats. [6] : 133 Some employers chose to risk their own safety and social status by protecting Romani people from the violence. [6] : 140 Verbal threats of sexual assault were directed towards Romani women. [6] : 132–133 According to Ӧzateşler
In cases of conflicts and war, the female body is often treated as an arena for masculine honor and prestige along with nationalistic territorial claims ... Gypsies making passes at Turkish girls was seen as a violation of the national border and the territory of Turkish men ... female agency was entirely lacking in this scenario. The actual attackers were men and the supposedly abused women remained anonymous; nobody knew anything about them not even whether they really existed or not. [6] : 169–170
From the perspective of Rana Kocayar, the oldest daughter of the Romani family that had purchased the logging truck, and Bidon Hilmi, a Romani truck driver at the time who was beaten during the violence, the allegations of sexual harassment were a means to cover the primary motives of the attacks, which were an attempt to prevent Romani people from participating in the forestry sector. [6] : 161 The violence ended on February 22, 1970 when word spread that one of the key perpetrators, a logging truck driver named Halit Er, was in critical medical condition. [6] : 114 His injuries had been caused during an altercation with Romani in Çanakkale, who attacked him due to his role provoking the Bayramiç attacks. [6] : 114 Some Romani returned to Bayramiç in the following months and years, while others did not. [6] : 113 To date, no one has been prosecuted for inciting or taking part in the violence. [6] : 174
The Romani, also spelled Romany or Rromani and colloquially known as the Roma, are an ethnic group of Indo-Aryan origin who traditionally lived a nomadic, itinerant lifestyle. Linguistic and genetic evidence suggests that the Romani originated in the Indian subcontinent, in particular the region of present-day Rajasthan. Their subsequent westward migration, possibly in waves, is now believed by historians to have occurred c. 1000 CE. Their original name is from the Sanskrit word डोम, ḍoma and means a member of the Dom caste of travelling musicians and dancers. The Roma population moved west into the Ghaznavid Empire and later into the Byzantine Empire. The Roma are thought to have arrived in Europe around the 13th to 14th century. Although they are widely dispersed, their most concentrated populations are located in Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Spain, and Turkey.
Romani music is the music of the Romani people who have their origins in northern India but today live mostly in Europe.
The Dom are descendants of the Dom caste with origins in the Indian subcontinent which through ancient migrations are found scattered across the Middle East and North Africa, the Eastern Anatolia Region, and parts of the Balkans and Hungary. The traditional language of the Dom is Domari, an endangered Indo-Aryan language, thereby making the Dom an Indo-Aryan ethnic group.
Roma, traditionally Țigani, constitute one of Romania's largest minorities. According to the 2011 census, their number was 621,573 people or 3.3% of the total population, being the second-largest ethnic minority in Romania after Hungarians. There are different estimates about the size of the total population of people with Romani ancestry in Romania, varying from 4.6 per cent to over 10 percent of the population, because many people of Romani descent do not declare themselves Roma. For example, in 2007 the Council of Europe estimated that approximately 1.85 million Roma lived in Romania, based on an average between the lowest estimate and the highest estimate available at the time. This figure is equivalent to 8.32% of the population.
The Romani people are a distinct ethnic and cultural group of peoples living all across the globe, who share a family of languages and sometimes a traditional nomadic mode of life. Though their exact origins were unclear, recent studies show Kashmir in Northwest India is the most probable point of origin. Their language shares a common origin with, and is similar to, modern-day Gujarati and Rajasthani, borrowing loanwords from languages they encountered as they migrated from India. In Europe, even though their culture has been victimized by other cultures, they have still found a way to maintain their heritage and society. Indian elements in Romani culture are limited, with the exception of the language. Romani culture focuses heavily on family. The Roma traditionally live according to relatively strict moral codes. The ethnic culture of the Romani people who live in central, eastern and southeastern European countries developed through a long, complex process of continuous active interaction with the culture of their surrounding European population.
Romani people in Bulgaria constitute Europe's densest Roma minority. The Romani people in Bulgaria may speak Bulgarian, Turkish or Romani, depending on the region.
Anti-Romani sentiment is a form of bigotry which consists of hostility, prejudice, discrimination, racism and xenophobia which is specifically directed at Romani people. Non-Romani itinerant groups in Europe such as the Yenish, Irish and Highland Travellers are frequently given the name "gypsy" and as a result, they are frequently confused with the Romani people. As a result, sentiments which were originally directed at the Romani people are also directed at other traveler groups and they are frequently referred to as "antigypsy" sentiments.
The following outline is provided as an overview of and guide to forestry:
The Romani people have several distinct populations, the largest being the Roma and the Calé, who reached Anatolia and the Balkans in the early 12th century, from a migration out of the Indian subcontinent beginning about 1st century – 2nd century AD. They settled in the areas of present-day Turkey, Greece, Serbia, Romania, Croatia, Moldova, Bulgaria, North Macedonia, Hungary, Albania, Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Czech Republic, Slovenia and Slovakia, by order of volume, and Spain. From the Balkans, they migrated throughout Europe and, in the nineteenth and later centuries, to the Americas. The Roma population in the United States is estimated at more than one million.
Romani people, or Roma, are the fourth largest ethnic group in Serbia, numbering 131,936 (1.98%) according to the 2022 census. However, due to a legacy of poor birth registration and some other factors, this official number is likely underestimated. Estimates that correct for undercounting suggest that Serbia is one of countries with the most significant populations of Roma people in Europe at 250,000-500,000. Anywhere between 46,000 to 97,000 Roma are internally displaced from Kosovo after 1999.
Romani hip hop is a musical genre from Eastern Europe, formed through a fusion of hip hop with Romani melodies and lyrics.
This is a list of dances of the Romani people.
Sulukule is a historic quarter in the Fatih district of Istanbul, Turkey. It is within the area of Istanbul’s historic peninsula, adjacent to the western part of the city walls. The area has historically been occupied by Romani communities. Roma presence in this part of Istanbul dates back to Byzantine times, while it is in the 15th century, upon Ottoman conquest, that the quarter became (reportedly) the first district in the world permanently settled by sedentary Romani people in Turkey.
The Romani people of Greece, or Romá, are called Tsinganoi, Athinganoi (Αθίγγανοι), or the more derogatory term Gyftoi. On 8 April 2019, the Greek government stated that the number of Greek Roma citizens in Greece is around 110,000. Other estimates have placed the number of Romani people resident in Greece as high as 350,000.
Its members are referred to as Turkish Gypsy, Türk Çingeneler, Turski Tsigani, Turkogifti (τουρκο-γύφτοι), Țigani turci, Török Cigányok, Turci Cigani. Through self-Turkification and assimilation in the Turkish culture over centuries, this Muslim Roma have adopted the Turkish language and lost Rumelian Romani language, in order to establish a Turkish identity to become more recognized by the host population and deny their Romani background to show their Turkishness. During a population census they declared themselves as Turks instead as Roma, however Turks consider them as fake-Turks, and Christian Romani do not consider them as part of the Romani society. They are cultural Muslims who adopted Sunni Islam of Hanafi madhab and religious male circumcision at the time of the Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate and Ottoman Empire.
Muslim Romani people are people who are ethnically Roma and profess Islam. There are many different Roma groups and subgroups that predominantly practice Islam, as well as individual Romani people from other subethnic groups who have accepted Islam. Xoraxane Roma in Balkan Romani language, are non-Vlax Romani people, who adopted Sunni Islam of the Hanafi madhhab at the time of the Ottoman Empire. Some of them are Derviş of Sufism belief, and the biggest Tariqa of Jerrahi is located at the largest Arlije and Gurbeti Muslim Roma settlement in Europe in Šuto Orizari, locally called Shutka in North Macedonia have their own Romani Imam and the Muslim Roma in Šuto Orizari use the Quran in Balkan Romani language. Many Romanlar in Turkey, are members of the Hindiler Tekkesi a Qadiriyya-Tariqa, founded in 1738 by the Indian Muslim Sheykh Seyfullah Efendi El Hindi in Selamsız. Roma Muslims in Turkey and the Balkans are mostly cultural Muslims or nominal Muslims.
The Romani people in Turkey or Turks of Romani background are Turkish citizens and the biggest subgroup of the Turkish Roma. They are Sunni Muslims mostly of Sufi orientation, who speak Turkish as their first language, in their own accent, and have adopted Turkish culture. Many have denied their Romani background over the centuries in order to establish a Turkish identity, to become more accepted by the host population. They identify themselves as Turks of Oghuz ancestry. More specifically, some have claimed to be members of the Yörüks, Amuca, Gajal or Tahtacı.
Selamsız is a quarter in Üsküdar district on the Asian side of Istanbul, Turkey. It corresponds more or less to the current officially recognized neighborhoods of Selamiali and Muratreis. These neighborhoods are bounded on the north by Sultantepe, on the north and northeast by İcadiye, on the east by Altunizade, on the south by Valide-i Atik, and on the west by Mimarsinan.
Sepečides Romani, also known as Sevlengere Roma, is the Romani dialect of the traditionally basketweaving Roma originally from Thessaloniki. Their ancestors lived there as nomads during the Ottoman Empire until the population exchange between Greece and Turkey. The Sepečides dialect is considered to be non-Vlax. It belongs to the Southern Balkan group of Romani dialects, although the RomArchive claims the language is practically extinct.
Environmental racism is a form of institutional racism leading to landfills, incinerators, and hazardous waste disposal being disproportionally placed in communities of colour. This includes the lack of minority and indigenous representation in environmental decision-making and inequality in resource development. Internationally, it is also associated with extractivism, which places the environmental burdens of mining, oil extraction, and industrial agriculture upon Indigenous peoples and poorer nations largely inhabited by people of colour.