Orphic Hymns

The Orphic Hymns are a collection of eighty-seven ancient Greek hymns addressed to various deities, which are among the few extant works of Orphic literature. They were composed in Asia Minor, most likely around the time of the 2nd or 3rd centuries AD. The poems, which are in dactylic hexameter, are relatively short in length, and the collection is prefaced by a dedication entitled "Orpheus to Musaeus"; each individual hymn comes alongside a prescribed offering. Among the deities praised in the Hymns, Dionysus is given the place of highest importance. The poems survive through a manuscript which also contained the Homeric Hymns , the Orphic Argonautica , and the hymns composed by Callimachus and Proclus. At the beginning of the 20th century, Otto Kern postulated that the poems belonged to a religious community in Pergamon, a view which some later scholars have accepted.

Date and composition

Estimates for the date of the Orphic Hymns' composition vary widely. ^[1] While there are several Greek authors who mention hymns attributed to Orpheus, the earliest certain reference to the collection of 87 hymns comes from the Byzantine writer Johannes Galenos. ^[2] It is possible that they were composed at an early date without being mentioned, though it is more likely that they were produced somewhere from the 1st to 4th centuries AD. ^[3] Christian Petersen, who saw the influence of Stoicism in the Hymns, posited that they must have been composed after the flourishing of Stoic thought, though others have instead seen Platonic or Neoplatonic influence in the collection. ^[4] On the basis of the language and meter of the Hymns, Wilamowitz judged that they can not have been composed before the 2nd century AD, ^[5] but were earlier than Nonnus, ^[6] and van Liempt saw their language as the same used in 3rd and 4th-century AD poetry. ^[7] More recently, most scholars have dated the collection to around the 2nd or 3rd centuries AD, ^[8] with Gabriella Ricciardelli pointing to the prominence of Dionysism at that time in Asia Minor. ^[9]

A number of early scholars believed that the Hymns were produced in Egypt, primarily on the basis of stylistic similarities to Egyptian magical hymns, and the mention of deities which are found elsewhere in Egyptian literature. ^[10] Modern scholarship, however, now essentially unanimously agrees upon Asia Minor as the place of composition; ^[11] in particular, the names of deities such as Mise, Hipta, and Melinoe, otherwise known only through the Hymns, have been found in inscriptions in the region. ^[12] In 1910, a number of such inscriptions were discovered in a temenos of Demeter in Pergamon, which led Otto Kern to postulate that the city was the location in which the collection was composed. ^[13] While Christian Lobeck conceived of the collection as a "purely literary work", written by a scholar as an exercise, ^[14] others such as Albrecht Dieterich argued that the Hymns were liturgical in function, designed for ritual performance by a cult community, a perspective almost universally accepted by modern scholars. ^[15] Kern argued that this group existed at the temenos in Pergamon itself, a view with which some have subsequently agreed. ^[16] Scholars have at times stated that the collection was the product of a single author, ^[17] though it has also been questioned whether or not the proem was composed separately. ^[18]

The Orphic Hymns are one of the few extant works of Orphic literature. ^[19] The collection is attributed to Orpheus in the manuscripts in which it survives, ^[20] and is written in the voice of Orpheus, opening with the dedication "Orpheus to Musaeus", in which the poet addresses his pupil. ^[21] In the Hymns themselves, there are a few traces of Orpheus as their composer: ^[22] Orphic Hymn 76 to the Muses mentions "mother Calliope", ^[23] and Orphic Hymn 24 to the Nereids refers to "mother Calliope and lord Apollo", alluding to the parentage of Orpheus (whose father was sometimes considered to be Apollo). ^[24] The collection can be seen as an example of the broader genre of hymns in Orphic literature, ^[25] of which there are examples dating back at least as far as the 5th century BC; ^[26] though some scholars have brought into question how "Orphic" the collection can be considered, partly due to the apparent lack of Orphic narratives and eschatological ideas, ^[27] there are several places in which the language bears similarity to other works of Orphic literature. ^[28] W. K. C. Guthrie, who placed the Hymns at the temenos in Pergamon, went so far as to state that the group to whom they belonged was an "Orphic society"; ^[29] Ivan Linforth, however, contests that it is equally likely that the name of Orpheus was simply stamped upon the work for its "prestige". ^[30]

Structure and style

In addition to the proem, the Orphic Hymns consist of eighty-seven very brief poems, ^[31] which range from 6 to 30 lines in length. ^[32] In the surviving manuscripts, the hymn addressed to Hecate is appended to the proem, ^[33] though modern editions present it separately, as the first hymn of the collection. ^[34] In the order of the hymns there occurs a progression from life to death: ^[35] the second hymn is addressed to Prothyraia, a goddess associated with birth, while the last is dedicated to Thanatos (Death), and ends in the word γῆρας ("old age"). ^[36] The collection is also arranged in such a way that the earliest primordial deities appear in the first hymns, while later gods are found further on. ^[37] As such, the earliest hymns are addressed to deities who feature in Orphic cosmogony, such as Nyx (OH 3), Uranus (OH 4), Aether (OH 5), and Protogonos (OH 6). ^[38] There often exists a link between adjacent hymns—such as the shared "allness" of Pan (OH 11) and Heracles (OH 12)—and a "logic of cosmogonies" is present in, for example, the placement of the hymns to Cronus (OH 13) and Rhea (OH 14) ahead of those to their children (OH 15–8). ^[39] Fritz Graf also sees religious significance in the ordering of the hymns. ^[40]

The collection begins with a poem entitled "Orpheus to Musaeus", ^[41] often referred to as the proem, ^[42] proemium, or prologue, ^[43] in which Orpheus speaks to Musaeus (who is usually described as his son or student in Greek literature). ^[44] The proem has 54 lines, including the final ten which make up the hymn to Hecate (which is attached without separation or a title). ^[45] It opens with a two-line dedication in which Orpheus asks Musaeus to learn the rite (θυηπολίη) and prayer (εὐχή), the latter of these referring to the address which follows from lines 3 to 44, in which around 70 different deities are called upon to attend the rite in question (which would go alongside the performance of the text). ^[46] The purpose of this prayer is seemingly to name and devote a hymn to "all" the gods, ^[47] though it addresses numerous deities not mentioned in the collection itself, and omits others who are subjects of hymns. ^[48] Partly on the basis of this difference in the deities mentioned, as well as the presence of the word θυηπολίη ("a ritual usually linked with sacrifice"), ^[49] which does not appear in the rest of the collection, at the beginning and end of the proem, M. L. West argues that the proem was originally a separate Orphic poem, and that this poem was called Θυηπολικόν (a title listed among the works of Orpheus in the Suda ). ^[50] Anne-France Morand, however, argues for the common authorship of the proem and the rest of the collection, pointing to the similarities in the usage of epithets, and in the way deities are characterised between the two. ^[51]

Each individual hymn in the collection has three internal parts: the invocation, the development, and the request. ^[52] In some hymns, however, especially those shorter in length, these three parts can be difficult to distinguish, and may not occur in order. ^[53] The invocation is brief, typically appears at the start of the hymn, and is designed to gain the attention of the hymn's addressee. ^[54] It names the deity (sometimes using an epiclesis), and usually calls upon them with a verb, which may be in the imperative, ^[55] though sometimes no such verb is present, in which case the god is simply named. ^[56] The development (also referred to as the amplification) ^[57] makes up the main, central portion of the hymn, and is the longest section; ^[58] it follows immediately from the invocation, with the point at which it begins often being difficult to distinguish. ^[59] It consists mostly of descriptions of the deity, particularly in the form of numerous epithets, and may discuss different features or aspects of the god, as well as include information such as their familial relations, or locations in which they are worshipped; ^[60] the purpose of this section is to gratify the deity so that they choose to make themselves present. ^[61] The request (also referred to as the prayer) ^[62] generally finishes the hymn, and is usually only around one or two lines in length. ^[63] It opens with several verbs which typically ask for the god to listen to what the speaker has to say, and for them to be present. ^[64]

The hymns in the collection are similar to each other in their style and language (with several exceptions, which Ricciardelli suggests may not have been part of the original collection). ^[65] They are written in dactylic hexameter, and also display a consistency in metrical composition. ^[66] According to Jean Rudhardt  [ fr ], in terms of vocabulary and grammar, the Hymns find a "distant model" in the works of Hesiod and Homer, but also contain a number of words and forms from later literature, spanning up to the imperial period. ^[67] In particular, the language of the collection bears similarity to that of late works such as Nonnus's Dionysiaca , the Greek Magical Papyri , and several poems from the Greek Anthology . ^[68] The most distinctive feature of the Hymns is their use of concatenations of epithets, which make up a large part of their content. ^[69] They also contain a number of language devices, such as anaphora, alliteration, assonance, and repetition, ^[70] as well as forms of wordplay, such as etymologies on the names of gods. ^[71] Other notable stylistic elements include the frequent use of compound adjectives as epithets, the tendency to juxtapose contrasting descriptions of deities, and the use of asyndeton. ^[72]

Religious significance

It is largely accepted in modern scholarship that the Orphic Hymns were liturgical in function, and were used in religious rites by a cult which existed in Asia Minor. ^[73] According to Morand, this group performed initiations into some form of mysteries. ^[74] Within the Hymns themselves, a number of different members of the group's religious hierarchy are mentioned: ^[75] the μύσται, the regular members of the cult (and the group mentioned most frequently); ^[76] the νεομύστης, the "new initiates"; ^[77] the μυστιπόλος, who were likely members involved in initiations and ritual activity; ^[78] and the ὀργιοφάντης, who seem to have been members involved in initiation rites (similarly to the μυστιπόλος), and who may also have been responsible for displaying holy objects. ^[79] The term βουκόλος ("cowherd") is also found in the Hymns, a religious title which is often used elsewhere to refer to worshippers of Dionysus, and is connected to Orpheus in some contexts. ^[80] The use of the word βουκόλος and the prominence of Dionysus in the collection indicate that he was the central god of the cult which used the Hymns. ^[81]

Most of the hymns in the collection contain a specification of an offering to be made to the deity, which is given as part of the title of the hymn; ^[82] only eight hymns lack such an offering in the title. ^[83] In ritual, these offerings would likely have been burned. ^[84] For most of the hymns, the offering specified is an aromatic, incense (or incense powder or granules), storax, or myrrh. ^[85] In some cases a combination of offerings is asked for. ^[86] Several hymns specify a unique offering to be given to the deity, such as torches to Nyx, saffron to Aether, poppies to Hypnos, and grain (excluding beans or herbs) to Earth; Orphic Hymn 53 to Amphietes asks for a libation of milk in addition to an offering. ^[87] While in a few cases there is a recognisable link between a deity and their offering, as with poppies for Hypnos, or grain for Earth, for most of the hymns there is no clear reasoning behind the choice of offering. ^[88] The absence of animals from the offerings may be related to the supposed prohibition of animal sacrifice in Orphic belief. ^[89]

The ceremony in which the Hymns played a role was the τελετή, ^[90] a rite of initiation into the mysteries. ^[91] Within the Hymns, there are numerous references to the τελετή, ^[92] including several mentions of the πάνθειος τελετή, an initiation rite to all of the gods. ^[93] This rite appears to have occurred at nighttime, and may have included the playing of a tambourine at points. ^[94] The Hymns also contain several instances of the term ὄργιον, which may refer to sacred objects which featured in the rite. ^[95] According to Fritz Graf, the placement of the hymn to Hecate (OH 1) at the beginning of the collection may reflect the placement of a hekataion at the entry to the building in which the rite took place, which participants would have walked past before its commencement. ^[96] Graf also argues that the presence of the hymn to Nyx (OH 3) early on is an indication that the Hymns accompanied a nocturnal ritual, which began at dusk and lasted through the night. ^[97]

Scholars have noted the apparent dearth of Orphic doctrines in the Hymns. ^[98] As a whole, the collection shows little concern for the afterlife, and at no point references the idea of metempsychosis, which is often associated with Orphism; ^[99] according to Paul Veyne, the Hymns are essentially uninterested in what happens after death, being concerned only with "this world". ^[100] Morand, however, points to, within the collection, the references to souls, and the roles played by memory and purity (on the latter, see below), as well as parallels between the Hymns and similar evidence such as the gold lamellae, ultimately concluding that this information is "reconcilable with Orphism" ("conciliable avec l'orphisme"). ^[101] Throughout the collection, however, there is no explicit mention of any major Orphic myth, ^[102] including the story of the dismemberment of Dionysus by the Titans, ^[103] which has often been considered the central myth of Orphsim; ^[104] one element of the myth, however, the so-called "Orphic anthropogony", may be alluded to in the hymn to the Titans, which calls its addressees the "ancestors of our fathers". ^[105] The Hymns also make no concrete prescriptions as to a certain way of life, though the absence of meat in the offerings could imply a prohibition of animal sacrifice, and the explicit disallowing of beans in the offering to Gaia may similarly indicate a forbiddenness around eating beans, ^[106] both of which could suggest an Orphic way of life. ^[107] In addition, the idea of purity holds significance in the Hymns, with the hymn to Eros asking the god to come to the initiates and "banish from them vile impulses", ^[108] which potentially indicates adherence to some form of "sexual ethics". ^[109]

Deities in the Hymns

One of the most salient characteristics of the Orphic Hymns is the strings of epithets which comprise a significant portion of their content. ^[110] In contrast to the Homeric Hymns , where the middle part of individual hymns often presents a narrative involving the god, in the Orphic Hymns the development section consists mostly of these concatenations of epithets, ^[111] which themselves serve as the primary vehicle of mythic content in the collection. ^[112] The purpose of these chains of epithets is to acquire the attention of the god and to summon their powers; ^[113] to this end, and to gain the goodwill of their addressee, various appellations are used, each of which serves to highlight an aspect of the deity, such as elements of their power, locations of worship, or their part in myths. ^[114] In addition, a significant portion of the epithets used are applied to more than one deity, contributing to the broader syncretistic tendencies of the text. ^[115] While a number of the epithets in the collection are hapax legomena , quite a few are derived from earlier literature, especially the works of Homer and Hesiod, while others, though without prior attestation, are references to the deity's role in an existing myth; ^[116] others still are allusions to known cult titles of the god, which were utilised in certain geographical locations. ^[117] According to Rudhardt, while the paratactic clusters of epithets in the Hymns may seem to indicate "rudimentary thought", within them is contained a sort of syntax, where adjacent terms bear relation to each other in subtle ways. ^[118]

A number of the gods featured in the Hymns are identified with one another. ^[119] On the basis of shared attributes or associations, two deities in the collection may be brought closer together to the point of coalescing, partially or fully; ^[120] these linkings of pairs of gods are not complete assimilations, however, as each deity, while adopting features of the other god, still retains their own individual characteristics. ^[121] Though earlier scholars such as Jane Ellen Harrison saw this identifying tendency as conferring upon the collection an "atmosphere of mystical monotheism", ^[122] this idea of a monotheistic bent to the Hymns has been largely rejected by modern scholarship. ^[123] One of the most prominent instances of identification in the collection is that of the Orphic god Protogonos-Phanes with Dionysus, the latter of whom is referred to under several names of the former, such as Eubuleus and Protogonos. ^[124] Other examples of deities who are identified in the Hymns include Artemis and Hecate, ^[125] Rhea and the Mother of the gods, ^[126] and Demeter and the Mother Antaia. ^[127] Scholars have also noted the similarity between how deities are identified in the Hymns and other works of Orphic literature, ^[128] with the collection seeming to follow an existing Orphic tradition in linking certain pairs of gods. ^[129]

Most of the gods mentioned in the Orphic Hymns are known within mainstream Greek mythology. ^[130] The only definitively Orphic deity in the collection is Protogonos, ^[131] the "first-born god" who emerges from an egg, also referred to as Ericepaios, Phanes, Priapus and Antauges; ^[132] he is addressed in Orphic Hymn 6, a hymn which scholars see as congruent with earlier Orphic literature. ^[133] Of all the deities featured in the Hymns, however, the most prominent is Dionysus, ^[134] as the recipient of around eight separate hymns, more than any other god; ^[135] they address him in various manifestations, ^[136] and comprise the central portion of the collection (OH 30–8). ^[137] He is explicitly mentioned in twenty-two of the eighty-seven hymns: ^[138] throughout the collection, he is referred to under a myriad of epithets, ^[139] and is described as the son of Zeus and either Semele or Persephone, as having been stitched into the thigh of Sabazius before his birth, as having been nursed by nymphs or other figures as an infant, as well as being connected with a number of other deities. ^[140] Also prominent in the Hymns is Zeus, who receives four hymns, and is depicted in a manner largely in line with his characterisation in the standard Greek tradition; ^[141] other major Greek gods of importance in the collection include Demeter and Persephone. ^[142] Certain deities are portrayed quite differently from traditional depictions, such as Heracles, who is made both a Titan and a solar deity. ^[143] Also mentioned are a variety of personifications whose names are common words, such as the Sea, the Sun, Sleep, and Death; in addition, the Hymns contain several references to known non-Greek gods, such as Isis and Men. ^[144]

Several gods addressed in the Orphic Hymns have little or no literary attestation outside of the collection; three of these deities— Mise, Hipta, and Melinoe —were discovered in inscriptions in Asia Minor in the early 20th century, ^[145] leading scholars to consider the region as the collection's place of origin. ^[146] The first of these figures addressed in the Hymns, Mise, is depicted as an androgynous deity, identified with Dionysus, and described as the daughter of the Egyptian goddess Isis, ^[147] and inscriptions from around Pergamon mentioning her indicate that she featured in cult in the region. ^[148] Hipta is portrayed by the collection as the nurse of the infant Dionysus, and described as "glorifying" the mysteries of Sabazios; ^[149] inscriptions near Lydian Philadelphia, dating between the 1st and 4th centuries AD, similarly associate her with Sabazios, and evince that she was the subject of cult in the area (and perhaps indicate that she had her own sanctuary there). ^[150] Melinoe, in the Hymns, seems to be the offspring of Zeus and Persephone, and is associated with Hecate, ^[151] also being mentioned on a bronze tablet from Pergamon. ^[152] According to Morand, this epigraphic evidence, which is roughly contemporaneous with the Orphic Hymns, ^[153] indicates deities such as Mise and Hipta were not invented by the author of the Hymns. ^[154]

Transmission and scholarship

There exist no references to the Orphic Hymns in antiquity; ^[155] though hymns attributed to Orpheus are mentioned in works such as the Derveni papyrus and Pausanias's Description of Greece , these almost certainly do not refer to the collection of 87 hymns. ^[156] The earliest definite reference to the Hymns comes from the Byzantine writer John Galenos, who mentions the collection thrice in his scholium on Hesiod's Theogony . ^[157] He refers to epithets from the hymns to Helios and Selene, ^[158] and quotes lines from those to Helios and Hecate, ^[159] and according to Rance Hunsucker it is relatively likely that Galenos was in possession of a full copy of the collection. ^[160]

In the early Middle Ages (or perhaps late antiquity), the Orphic Hymns were collected into a single codex, which also contained the Homeric Hymns , the Orphic Argonautica , and the Hymns of Callimachus and Proclus. ^[161] The earliest known codex containing the Orphic Hymns to arrive in Western Europe was brought to Venice from Constantinople by Giovanni Aurispa in 1423 ^[162] —a manuscript which likely dated to the 12th or 13th century ^[163] —and shortly afterwards, in 1427, Francesco Filelfo brought to Italy another codex containing the collection; both of these manuscripts are among those which are now lost. ^[164] The surviving codices, of which there are around thirty-seven, all date roughly between 1450 and 1550, and often include the Homeric Hymns, the Orphic Argonautica, Hesiodic works, or the Hymns of Callimachus or Proclus. ^[165] All of the extant codices descend from the archetype Ψ, ^[166] which may have been the manuscript transported by Aurispa to Venice. ^[167] From this manuscript are derived four apographs—φ, θ, A, and B, in chronological order of transcription—which resulted from the gradual degeneration of the archetype. ^[168] The hyparchetypes φ and θ themselves sit at the head of stemmata, ^[169] with both manuscripts being recoverable only from their descendants, ^[170] while A and B, which omit the Homeric Hymns (and in the latter case the Hymns of Callimachus also), are preserved in surviving editions. ^[171] Another manuscript, h, of less clear origin, was likely also an apograph of Ψ, though it may not have been an immediate descendant. ^[172]

Editions and translations

• Hermann, G., Orphica, Leipzig, C. Fritsch, 1805. Internet Archive.
• Abel, Eugenius, Orphica, Leipzig, Sumptibus Fecit G. Freytag, 1885. Internet Archive. Online version at Wikisource.
• Taylor, Thomas, The Mystical Hymns of Orpheus, London, Bertram Dobell, 1824. Internet Archive. Originally published in 1792; completely outdated.
• Quandt, Wilhelm, Orphei Hymni, Berlin, Weidmann, 1955.
• Athanassakis, Apostolos N., The Orphic Hymns: Text, Translation, and Notes, Scholars Press, 1977. ISBN   978-0-89130-119-6. Uses the Greek text of Quandt.
• Ricciardelli, Gabriella, Inni Orfici, Fondazione Lorenzo Valla, 2000. ISBN   978-8-804-47661-0.
• Athanassakis, Apostolos N., and Benjamin M. Wolkow, The Orphic Hymns, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013. ISBN   978-1-4214-0882-8. Internet Archive. Google Books.
• Fayant, Marie-Christine, Hymnes Orphiques, Paris, Collection Budé , Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 2014. ISBN   978-2-251-00593-5.

Notes

1. Morand 2001, p. 35; Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxx.
2. Morand 2001, p. 35.
3. Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. x.
4. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxx.
5. Linforth, pp. 182–3; Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxi n. 2.
6. Quandt, p. 44*.
7. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxi n. 2.
8. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxi; West 1983, pp. 28–9; Otlewska-Jung, p. 77; Morand 2015, p. 209.
9. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxi.
10. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxviii.
11. Herrero de Jáuregui 2010, p. 47; Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxviii.
12. Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. x.
13. Ricciardelli 2008, p. 325; Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. x.
14. Linforth, p. 183; Morand 2001, p. 36.
15. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxiv; Graf 2009, pp. 169–70.
16. Linforth, p. 185.
17. Morand 2001, p. 36; Graf 1992, p. 161; West 1983, p. 28; cf. Rudhardt 2008, Introduction, para. 25.
18. Morand 2014, pp. 209–10; Morand 2001, p. 36; West 1968, pp. 288–9.
19. Meisner, pp. 4–5; Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxviii.
20. Linforth, p. 186; Herrero de Jáuregui 2015, p. 230.
21. Morand 2015, p. 211.
22. Herrero de Jáuregui 2015, p. 230.
23. Morand 2015, p. 212; OH 76.10 (Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. 60; Quandt, p. 52).
24. Herrero de Jáuregui 2015, p. 231; Morand 2015, p. 212; OH 24.12 (Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. 23; Quandt, p. 21).
25. Herrero de Jáuregui 2015, p. 229.
26. Morand 2001, p. 89; see also Brill's New Pauly, s.v. Orphism, Orphic poetry.
27. Rudhardt 2008, Introduction, para. 6.
28. Linforth, p. 187.
29. Guthrie 1935, p. 258.
30. Linforth, pp. 188–9.
31. Otlewska-Jung, p. 77; Rudhardt 2008, Chapter I, para. 19.
32. Otlewska-Jung, p. 77 n. 1; Linforth, p. 180.
33. Ricciardelli 2008, p. 329; Morand 2015, p. 213.
34. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xlii.
35. Morand 2001, p. 43; Morand 2015, p. 213.
36. Morand 2015, p. 213.
37. Morand 2001, p. 43.
38. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xli.
39. Morand 2015, pp. 213–4.
40. Graf 2009, pp. 171–3. See Religious significance below.
41. Otlewska-Jung, p. 77. In a number of manuscripts, the phrase Εὐτυχῶς χρῶ, ἑταῖρε ("use it favourably, friend") is added behind the title; see Morand 2015, p. 211 with n. 9; Ricciardelli 2008, p. 328; West 1968, p. 288 n. 3.
42. Morand 2015, p. 209; Herrero de Jáuregui 2015, p. 224.
43. Morand 2001, p. 36.
44. West 1968, p. 288; Herrero de Jáuregui 2015, p. 232. According to Herrero de Jáuregui, this kind of address, from the teacher figure to the student, is a "typical feature of didactic poetry", and Orpheus can here be seen as the "prototype of the poet and the priest who would compose and sing hymns", while Musaeus can be seen as the "prototype of the initiates who would listen to them".
45. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xlii; Ricciardelli 2008, p. 329.
46. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xliii; Ricciardelli 2008, p. 329.
47. Herrero de Jáuregui 2015, p. 224.
48. Ricciardelli 2000, pp. xliv–xlv.
49. Morand 2015, p. 210.
50. West 1968, p. 288–9. West states that "[t]he title would naturally be derived from the references to a θυηπολίη at the beginning and end of the poem".
51. Morand 2015, p. 210; Morand 2001, pp. 36–7.
52. Rudhardt 1991, p. 264; Rudhardt 2008, Chapter I, para. 21.
53. Morand 2001, pp. 41–2. For an outline of the ways in which various hymns deviate from this standard structure, see Rudhardt 2008, Chapter I, paras. 23–4.
54. Morand 2001, pp. 42, 47.
55. Morand 2001, p. 47; Morand 2015, p. 215; Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxii.
56. Morand 2001, p. 45. In several hymns the addressee is not named at all; see Morand 2001, p. 48. For example, Orphic Hymn 69 does not name its recipients, the Erinyes, as saying their name was believed to bring strife upon the person who spoke it.
57. Morand 2015, p. 215.
58. Morand 2001, p. 75.
59. Morand 2015, pp. 215–6.
60. Morand 2001, p. 58. Myths in which the god features are usually only ever briefly alluded to (often through the use of epithets), though there are a few exceptions to this; see Morand 2001, p. 59 with n. 91. Some hymns also contain an intermediate request, which is located within the development; see Morand 2001, pp. 48–9.
61. Morand 2001, p. 59.
62. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter I, paras. 146–90.
63. Morand 2001, p. 49. The point at which the request begins is almost always easily distinguishable; see Rudhardt 2008, Chapter I, para. 146.
64. Morand 2001, pp. 49–50.
65. Ricciardelli 2008, p. 345; Ricciardelli 2000, pp. xxxi–ii; Rudhardt 2008, Introduction, para. 25. Ricciardelli 2000 cites OH 59 to the Moirai, OH 55 to Aphrodite, OH 38 to the Kouretes, and OH 57 to Hermes Cthonias as examples of such hymns; cf. Rudhardt 2008, Introduction, paras. 8–16.
66. Rudhardt 2008, Introduction, para. 26.
67. Rudhardt 2008, Introduction, para. 18–9, 22; see also Hopman-Govers, p. 37.
68. Morand 2001, pp. 81–8.
69. Hopman-Govers, p. 44.
70. Morand 2001, pp. 61–8; Morand 2015, p. 218.
71. Morand 2010b, p. 157, et passim; Ricciardelli 2008, p. 344–5.
72. Ricciardelli 2008, pp. 343–4; Morand 2001, pp. 96–7.
73. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxiv; Graf 2009, p. 170; see also Linforth, p. 186. For a discussion of where this group existed, and when the Hymns were composed, see Date and Composition above.
74. Morand 2001, p. 238; cf. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxv.
75. Morand 2001, pp. 282–3.
76. Morand 2001, pp. 235–7.
77. Morand 2001, pp. 237–9.
78. Morand 2001, pp. 240–2. The term means "clothed with mystical power", or "with the power of mysteries".
79. Morand 2001, pp. 243–4.
80. Morand 2001, p. 286. The term appears twice, in OH 1 to Hecate, and OH 31 to the Kouretes. For an extensive discussion of βουκόλος, see Morand, pp. 249–82.
81. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxv. According to Morand 2001. pp. 232–5, the group may have been called a thiasus .
82. Morand 2001, pp. 101, 103; Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxvii; Ricciardelli 2008, p. 335. Titles which include offerings contain the name of the deity, after which comes the word θυμίαμα, and then a specification of the offering; see Morand, p. 103.
83. Morand 2001, p. 103. For a discussion of these eight hymns, and the possible reasoning for them not having an offering, see Morand 2001, pp. 111–5.
84. Morand 2001, pp. 150–1. Morand states that grain, the offering to Earth, might be the possible exception to this.
85. Morand 2001, pp. 322–4. For a discussion of these substances, see Morand 2001, pp. 118–26.
86. Morand 2001, pp. 324
87. Morand, p. 324. For an extensive discussion of these offerings, see Morand 2001, pp. 126–37.
88. Ricciardelli 2008, pp. 337–8.
89. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xxxvii; Morand 2001, pp. 151–2.
90. Ricciardelli 2000, p. 333.
91. Morand 2001, p. 140.
92. Morand, p. 140.
93. Morand, p. 141. According to Morand, the proem may have been a πάνθειος τελετή.
94. Morand 2001, pp. 141–2.
95. Morand 2001, pp. 145–6.
96. Graf 2009, p. 171.
97. Graf 2009, pp. 171–2.
98. Ricciardelli 2008, p. 346.
99. Morand 2001, p. 209.
100. Veyne, pp. 12–3; cf. Vian, p. 137.
101. Morand 2001, pp. 209–30. In her discussion of the afterlife in the Hymns, she also considers the role of the underworld and underworld deities in the collection, and how concepts such as death, fate, and salvation are treated. In addition, she posits that the lack of interest in the afterlife might be due to the collection's audience and genre, or due to religious reasons, pointing to mysteries having often kept cult secrets.
102. Rudhardt 1991, p. 269. West, p. 252, does, however, see several mythic parallels between the Hymns and the Orphic Rhapsodies .
103. Hopman-Govers, p. 40; Ricciardelli 2008, p. 346.
104. Meisner, p. 238. For an extensive discussion of this myth and its sources, see Zagreus § Orphic Dionysus Zagreus.
105. Morand, pp. 216–7; Ricciardelli 2000, pp. 381–3; OH 37.1–2 (Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. 33; Quandt, p. 29).
106. Ricciardelli 2008, p. 346; Morand, pp. 151–2.
107. Morand 2001, p. 152.
108. Graf 2009, pp. 181–2; OH 58.9–10 (Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. 48; Quandt, p. 42). See also OH 61.11–2 (Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. 50; Quandt, p. 44), which asks Nemesis to "grant nobility of mind", and "put an end to repulsive thoughts, thoughts unholy, fickle and haughty".
109. Graf 2009, p. 181 no. 58; Morand 2001, p. 218–9.
110. Guthrie 1930, p. 216; Hopman-Govers, p. 35; Ricciardelli 2008, p. 343.
111. Morand 2015, p. 217; Ricciardelli 2000, pp. xxxi–xxxii; Morand 2010a, p. 144.
112. Morand 2001, p. 59.
113. Rudhardt 1991, p. 264.
114. Ricciardelli 2008, pp. 341–2.
115. Hopman-Govers, p. 37; Lebreton, p. 204.
116. Hopman-Govers, p. 37.
117. Lebreton, p. 204.
118. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter I, paras. 229, 285; cf. Rudhardt 1991, pp. 265–8.
119. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, para. 9.
120. Rudhardt 1991, p. 273. Rudhardt 1991, pp. 273–4 also points out that deities who are identified with each other tend to be genealogically connected.
121. Rudhardt 1991, p. 274; Morand 2001, p. 158; Morand 2010, p. 152.
122. Morand 2010, p. 149.
123. Rudhardt 1991, p. 274; Morand 2010, pp. 152–3.
124. Otlewska-Jung, pp. 91–2. For a more detailed discussion of their association, see Morand 2010, pp. 146–8.
125. Rudhardt 1991, pp. 275–6.
126. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 145, 155.
127. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, para. 155.
128. Morand 2001, p. 158.
129. For example, see Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 155 with n. 229, 177, 266.
130. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, para. 3; Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. xvi.
131. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, para. 3.
132. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 12–9.
133. Morand 2001, p. 164; Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 11–9.
134. West 1983, p. 29.
135. Morand 1997, p. 169; Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, para. 5; Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. xvi. According to Athanassakis and Wolkow, the number of hymns addressed to him can be seen as anywhere between seven and nine.
136. Ricciardelli 2008, p. 343.
137. Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. xviii.
138. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, para. 5.
139. Ricciardelli 2008, p. 343.
140. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, para. 5; see also Ricciardelli 2008, p. 332. Further examples given by Rudhardt include Tyche being born from his blood, Aphrodite being his companion, and Palaemon being his foster brother. For a more detailed discussion of the role of Dionysus in the Hymns, see Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 51–80.
141. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 6, 22. For a detailed discussion of Zeus's role in the collection, see Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 22–50.
142. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 7–8.
143. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 186–95.
144. Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, para. 3.
145. Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. xi. Athanassakis and Wolkow state that "all three [were] previously known only from the Hymns" before the discovery of the Anatolian inscriptions"; Mise and Hipta do have some attestation elsewhere in literature, whereas Melinoe, outside of the Hymns, is only mentioned in an inscription.
146. Herrero de Jáuregui 2010, p. 47.
147. Morand 2001, pp. 169–72; Athanassakis and Wolkow, pp. 148–9; similarly, see Rudhardt 2008, Chapter II, paras. 163–8. According to Rudhardt, the Hymns see in Mise "the feminine form of a bisexual divinity who manifests himself elsewhere in Dionysus, in Iacchos and in other gods".
148. Morand 2001, pp. 173–4.
149. Morand 1997, p. 175; Morand 2001, pp. 174–5.
150. Morand 1997, pp. 173–4, 177; Morand 2001, pp. 180–1; Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. 157.
151. Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. 195–6.
152. Morand 2001, pp. 185–8.
153. Morand 2001, p. 198.
154. Morand 1997, p. 174; Morand 2001, p. 174.
155. Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. ix; Hunsucker, pp. 4–5.
156. Ricciardelli 2000, pp. xlv–xlvi.
157. West 1968, p. 288; Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. ix; Quandt, p. 3*. On the dating of this work, Hunsucker, p. 5 n. 3 gives a terminus ante quem of the early 14th century, and West 1968, p. 288 n. 3 sees a date of composition in or after the 9th century.
158. Hunsucker, p. 5; Flach, p. 328.
159. Hunsucker, p. 6; Flach, p. 330.
160. Hunsucker, p. 5.
161. West 2003, p. 21.
162. Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. ix; Quandt, p. 10*; cf. Hunsucker, pp. 6–7.
163. Richardson, p. 33; cf. West 2003, p. 22. The codex also included the Homeric Hymns and the Hymns of Callimachus.
164. Quandt, p. 10*; Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. ix. In total, there are six now-lost codices listed by Quandt.
165. Quandt, pp. 3–9*; Athanassakis and Wolkow, p. ix.
166. Quandt, p. 45*. The one possible exception to this is the manuscript h (see below). For Quandt's analysis of the defects in ϕ and its descendents, see pp. 12–4; in θ and its descendents, see pp. 14–7; in A and its child, see pp. 17–8; and in B, see p. 19.
167. Pfeiffer, pp. lxxxi–lxxxii; Richardson, p. 33; West 2003, p. 22.
168. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xlvi; Quandt, p. 29*.
169. Quandt, pp. 12*, 14*; Ricciardelli 2000, pp. xlvi–xlvii.
170. Quandt, p. 11*.
171. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xlvii; Quandt, p. 11*.
172. Ricciardelli 2000, p. xlvii. For a more detailed discussion of this codex, see Quandt, pp. 19–22*.

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