The Spanish language has nouns that express concrete objects, groups and classes of objects, qualities, feelings and other abstractions. All nouns have a conventional grammatical gender. Countable nouns inflect for number (singular and plural). However, the division between uncountable and countable nouns is more ambiguous than in English.
Spanish nouns belong to either the masculine or the feminine grammatical gender. [1] [2] [3] Gender, in this case, refers to a grammatical system and is not necessarily connected with biological sex or gender. [2] For example, la mesa 'table' is feminine despite there being nothing inherently feminine about tables. Adjectives and determiners agree in gender with their associated nouns. [2] In a clause like las mesas grandes son más bonitas 'large tables are nicer', for instance, all adjectives and determiners associated with the head noun (mesas) must agree with it in gender. Mesas is feminine, so the article must be feminine too; thus, las is used instead of los. The two adjectives, whether next to the noun or after the verb, have to agree with the noun as well. Grande 'large' is invariable for gender, so it just takes a plural marker (grandes). Bonito 'nice' can be marked for both gender and number, so bonitas is used with mesas.
The question of whether -o, -a, and similar morphemes are inflectional gender morphemes is a matter of disagreement in grammars of Spanish. For terms like el hijo 'son' and la hija 'daughter', the terms seem to consist of a root like hij- and a suffix -o or-a that determines the noun's gender. But for terms like el escritor 'the (male) writer' and la escritora 'the (female) writer', only the feminine form seems to have an inflectional gender morpheme. Some grammars assume a null gender morpheme for the masculine forms of such terms (e.g., escritor-Ø/escritora) while others argue that such assumptions rely only on theoretical arguments and lack empirical grounds. [4]
The masculine gender is inclusive and is used for plural forms of groups of both genders. For example, los niños, grammatically masculine, may mean 'the children' or 'the boys'. The feminine gender is exclusive in the plural: las niñas 'the girls' refers only to girls, not children of both biological sexes or genders. However, some proponents of nonsexist language reform promote alternative forms with desdoblamiento, such as los niños y las niñas or las niñas y los niños.[ citation needed ]
The manner in which gender is assigned to nouns in Spanish works differently depending on which of two classes the noun belongs to. One class includes certain nouns referring to humans and animals, and the other class consists of nouns not in the first class. [1]
Though the gender of most Spanish nouns is assigned arbitrarily, the gender of certain nouns referring to humans and animals are determined by biological sex and gender. [5] [6] For this class of nouns, the masculine and feminine often take different forms. By convention, the masculine form is treated as the lemma (that is, the form listed in dictionaries) and the feminine form as the marked form. [7] For nouns of this class with the masculine form ending in -o, the feminine form typically replaces the -o with -a. For example, el abuelo 'grandfather' becomes la abuela 'grandmother'. Exceptionally, some nouns of this class with the masculine form ending in -o lack a distinct feminine form. In these cases, the gender of the noun is marked only by the determiners or adjectives that agree with it. For instance, the feminine form of el soldado 'the (male) soldier' is la soldado 'the (female) soldier', with only the gender of the article (el/la) distinguishing them in this case. For nouns of this class with the masculine form ending in -or, -ón, -ín, -és, and -án, the feminine form adds an -a. For example, el doctor 'the (male) doctor' becomes la doctora 'the (female) doctor'. [5] A few nouns ending in -e also take -a in the feminine such as el jefe and la jefa 'boss' and el presidente and la presidenta 'president'.
The remaining nouns in this class do not typically have distinct feminine forms, but the gender of the determiners or adjectives that agree with them still correspond to biological sex or gender. For instance, el artista refers to an artist who is male while la artista refers to an artist who is female. [5] These nouns are called common gender nouns. [8] Other examples include el/la periodista 'journalist', el/la testigo 'witness', and el/la estudiante 'student'.
For some nouns in this class called heteronyms (heterónimos), the masculine and feminine forms are distinct lemmas. Much as English has the distinct lemmas bull and cow, for example, Spanish has the distinct forms el toro 'bull' and la vaca 'cow'. For these nouns, the masculine plural form is typically used for groups containing both male and female members. A group containing both actors (los actores) and actresses (las actrices), for instance, is referred to as los actores 'actors'. [9] Exceptionally, an animal species may be represented by the feminine lemma rather than the masculine (much as the English goose can refer either to the species as a whole or specifically females of the species when contrasted with gander). For example, la vaca can refer to the species 'cattle' or the female of the species 'cow', but el toro refers only to the male of the species 'bull'. [5]
Notably, not all nouns that refer to humans and animals belong to this class of noun; thus, not all nouns that refer to humans and animals take different forms for the masculine and feminine. For example, la persona 'person' does not belong to this class and is always feminine, regardless of the sex or gender of the person. [5] Similarly, la araña 'spider' does not belong to this class and is always feminine, regardless of the sex of the spider. [10]
In Spanish, nouns not belonging to the class described above form another class of noun. [1] The gender of nouns in this other class are arbitrarily assigned. However, some general patterns help to predict the gender of nouns. [11] Notably, the endings of nouns give clues to the their genders. For instance, nouns ending in -o are usually masculine. [10] [12] The exceptions are la dínamo 'dynamo' (also el dínamo in Latin America), la disco 'disco', la foto 'photo', la líbido 'libido', la magneto 'magneto' (also el magneto), la mano 'hand', la moto 'motorcycle', and la radio 'radio' (also el radio in Latin America). Words ending in -aje, -or, -án, -ambre or a stressed vowel are also typically masculine. The exceptions are la flor 'flower', el hambre 'hunger', la labor 'labor', and la pelambre 'patch of hair' (also el pelambre). [10] Nouns ending in -men or -gen are also often masculine, but there are exceptions, such as la imagen 'image'. [11] [13] Finally, nouns that both end in -ma or -eta and are derived from Greek are typically masculine. [3]
Many grammars of Spanish suggest that nouns ending in -a are feminine, [14] [15] but there is no requirement that Spanish nouns ending in -a be feminine. [10] Thus, grammars that pose such a requirement also typically include a long list of exceptions, such as el alerta 'alert', el bocata 'sandwich', el caza 'fighter plane', and many others. More reliable markers of feminine nouns are -ez, -eza, -ción, -ía, -sión, -dad, -tad, -tud, -umbre, -ie, -nza, -cia, -sis, and -itis. The exceptions for -ez are el ajedrez 'chess' and el pez 'fish', and the exceptions for -sis are el análisis 'analysis', el éxtasis 'ecstasy', el apocalipsis 'apocalypse', el paréntesis 'parenthesis', and el énfasis 'emphasis'. [10]
Though the gender of nouns in this class does not correspond to biological sex, it can mark other kinds of differences. For example, gender marks the difference between a tree (typically masculine) and its fruit (typically feminine). Thus, el almendro and el cerezo refer to 'almond tree' and 'cherry tree', respectively, while la almendra and la cereza refer to 'almond' and 'cherry', respectively. [16] In many cases, these patterns with specific nouns can be traced to a common hypernym. [17] For example, el almendro and el cerezo are masculine because the hypernym el árbol 'tree' is masculine. The following table lists some of these patterns.
| Class | Gender | Example | Hyponym | Reference |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| automobiles | masculine | un Mercedes | el automóvil | [10] [18] |
| cardinal directions | masculine | el Sur | el punto cardinal | [6] [19] |
| centuries | masculine | el XV | el siglo | [6] |
| colors | masculine | el azul | el color | [6] [10] |
| companies | feminine | la Mercedes | la empresa | [10] [18] |
| days | masculine | el lunes | el día | [6] [10] [19] |
| fruits | feminine | la cereza | la fruta | [10] |
| highways | feminine | la Nacional IV | la carretera | [10] [20] |
| hours | feminine | las cuatro | las horas | [6] |
| islands | feminine | las Canarias | la isla | [10] [21] |
| lakes | masculine | el Titicaca | el lago | [10] [20] |
| languages | masculine | el ruso | el idioma | [6] |
| letters | feminine | la eme | la letra | [6] [10] |
| months | masculine | el agosto | el mes | [6] [10] [19] |
| motorcycles | feminine | una Vespa | la motocicleta | [18] |
| mountains | masculine | los Alpes | el monte | [10] [19] [21] |
| numbers | masculine | el cuatro | el número | [6] [10] [19] |
| oceans | masculine | el Pacífico | el océano | [10] [21] |
| rivers | masculine | el Amazonas | el río | [10] [19] [21] |
| seas | masculine | el Cantábrico | el mar/la mar | [10] [19] [21] |
| sports teams | masculine | el Peñarol | el equipo | [10] [22] |
| trees | masculine | el cerezo | el árbol | [10] [17] [19] |
| years | masculine | el 1999 | el año | [6] |
The gender of nouns in this class may also mark distinctions related to size and shape, such as the distinction between el cántaro 'pitcher' and la cántara 'large pitcher'. [16] Further, some polysemic nouns can be distinguished by their gender. For example, el margen (masculine) means 'margin' while la margen means 'river bank'. [23] Similarly, el cura (masculine) means 'priest' while la cura means 'cure'. [24]
Like all nouns in Spanish, borrowed nouns must also be masculine or feminine, even when the nouns are borrowed from languages that lack grammatical gender. In these cases, nouns referring to certain humans and animals behave as expected (taking their gender from the biological sex or gender of the referent), but there are no formal rules that determine the gender of borrowed nouns of the other class. Generally, a borrowed noun in this class will be feminine if it resembles a more established feminine noun in form or meaning or, less reliably, if it is grammatically feminine in its language of origin. For example, la boutique 'boutique' is a borrowing from French, in which it is also feminine. Further, its meaning is similar to more established Spanish noun la tienda 'shop', which is also feminine. La app 'app (in computing)' is a borrowing from English, which lacks a robust system of grammatical gender. It is generally treated as feminine in Spanish because it is similar in form and meaning to la aplicación 'application', which is also feminine. Borrowed nouns of this class that do not meet these criteria are typically treated as masculine. For example, el aftershave 'aftershave' cannot inherit a gender from its language of origin (English) and is not sufficiently similar to a more established Spanish noun, so it defaults to masculine. [10]
The gender of some nouns in Spanish are subject to variation. It is rare that the same speakers use these nouns in both genders without difference in meaning; that is, speakers do not just pick a form at random, but rather, something about the speaker or the intended meaning leads one gender or the other to be preferred in a particular context. [25] For example, mar 'sea' is typically masculine but may be feminine for those who work on or near the sea, especially in the context of that work. Similarly, radio 'radio' is feminine for many speakers in Spain but masculine for speakers in many parts of Latin America. [23] [26] Internet causes speakers to hesitate between making it masculine like other loanwords from English, or making it feminine to agree with red, 'net'. Meanwhile, azúcar 'sugar' can be masculine with el, feminine with la, or feminine with el (perhaps as a carry-over from Old Spanish, in which the singular definite article was invariably el before nouns beginning with a-, regardless of gender and regardless of stress). Arte 'art' is masculine in the singular and feminine in the plural, though it can be feminine in the singular when it means 'art-form' and masculine in the plural in the expression los artes de pesca 'fishing gear'.
Spanish has vestiges of a neuter gender; this is seen in pronouns like esto, eso, aquello, and ello, some instances of pronoun lo, and the article lo. Bello also notes that words such as nada, poco, algo, and mucho can be used as neuters in some contexts. However, all this doesn't affect nouns, which never have a neutral gender.[ citation needed ]
People's names agree with the sex of the person, even when the name ending might seem the opposite: Chema es guapo, Amparo es guapa. The same rule applies to those animals which have a name.[ citation needed ]
The gender of geographical names has no fixed rules, there are just tendencies:
In Nueva York (New York), the feminine nueva is a fixed part of the name, however it's still possible to deal with the name as masculine, though feminine would be more common. New Mexico is translated as Nuevo México and considered masculine, since México is a masculine noun.[ citation needed ]
Spanish has two grammatical numbers: singular and plural. [27] The singular form is the lemma, and the plural is the marked form. [28] Whether a noun is singular or plural generally depends on the referent of the noun, with singular nouns typically referring to one being and plural nouns to multiple. In this way, nouns differ from other Spanish words that show number contrast (i.e., adjectives, determiners, and verbs), which vary in number to agree with nouns. [27] In the clause aquellos intentos buenos resultaron vanos 'those good attempts were in vain', for example, the head of the noun phrase subject (intentos) gives its plural number to the other elements in the noun phrase (the determiner aquellos and the adjective buenos). The plural number is also reflected in the form of the verb (the third-person plural resultaron) and the predicative complement (the plural adjective vanos).
Two or more nouns coordinated via the coordinator y 'and' are typically treated as plural for agreement purposes. [29] [30] In the noun phrase el lápiz y el bolígrafo rojos 'the red pencils and pens', for example, the adjective rojos is plural because the two singular nouns (el lápiz and el bolígrafo) are coordinated via y. In cases in which an adjective precedes the coordinated nouns, however, that adjective is usually in the singular form. [30] For example, the adjective and both nouns are singular in the noun phrase enorme cuidado y precisión 'enormous care and precision'.
Some words are always grammatically plural. [31] Much as the English nouns mathematics and eyeglasses, for instance, are always plural, the Spanish nouns las matemáticas 'mathematics' and las gafas 'eyeglasses' are always plural. Some of these nouns do not share their always plural status with their English counterparts. [32] [33] For example, las vacaciones is rare in the singular form, corresponding to both 'vacation' and 'vacations' in English. Many of the always plural nouns fall into specific semantic classes. For example, many are related to foods (e.g., comestibles 'groceries', espaguetis 'spaghetti'), amounts of money (e.g., emolumentos 'emoluments', finanzas 'finances'), and places (e.g., estribaciones 'foothills', exteriores 'exteriors'). [34] Other Spanish nouns are always singular. Such nouns are often noncountable nouns, such as el caos 'chaos' and la grima 'disgust'. [35]
A noun that ends in an unstressed vowel adds -s to form the plural. [36] [37] [38] A noun that ends in a consonant (including y) adds -es to form the plural. [37] [38] [39] For nouns that end in -z, the -z changes to -c- when the -es plural morpheme is added. [40] [41] [42] The noun la luz 'light', for example, has the plural form las luces 'lights'. A noun that ends in a stressed vowel will add -s or -es to form the plural. [38] Generally, nouns ending in -á, -é, and -ó add -s to form the plural, [43] while nouns ending in -í and -ú can admit both variants (-s and -es) to form the plural. [44] For example, el café 'café' has the plural form los cafés while the noun el tabú 'taboo' has the plural forms los tabús and los tabúes. Polysyllabic nouns that end in an -s following an unstressed vowel do not add an overt plural morpheme while other nouns ending in -s behave as expected for a noun ending in a consonant, adding -es to form the plural. [38] [42] [45] For instance, the noun el jueves 'Thursday' has the plural form los jueves 'Thursdays'.
The formation of plurals for foreign words borrowed into Spanish do not always follow the same rules as more established Spanish nouns. [38] [46] As a general rule, borrowed words ending in a vowel (stressed or unstressed) will add an -s to the singular to form the plural. [47] For example, the plural form of the English borrowing el interviú 'interview' is los interviús 'interviews'. English loanwords often keep their English plural forms in Spanish. [38] For instance, el córner 'corner kick' has the plural form los córners 'corner kicks'. Many Latin nouns do not change in the plural at all (e.g., el confíteor 'confession' and los confíteor 'confessions') [38] [48] Some Latin nouns ending in -m may simply add -s to form the plural (e.g., el referéndum 'referendum' and los referéndums 'referenda/referendums'). [38] [49] Other Latin nouns ending in -m allow either an invariant plural form or a plural form ending in -s. For example, el quórum 'quorum' allows the plural forms los quórum and los quórums. [50] Due to the influence of English, some plurals of Latin words in Spanish occasionally occur with the plural marker -a, as in los córpora 'corpora' and los data 'data', but such plural forms are disprefered by some prescriptivists that favor either invariant plurals (e.g., los corpus) or Hispanicized forms (e.g., los datos). [51] Some loanwords enter Spanish in their plural forms but are reanalyzed as singular nouns (e.g., the Italian plurals el confeti 'confetti', el espagueti 'spaghetti', and el ravioli 'ravioli'). These words then follow the typical morphological rules of Spanish, essentially double marking the plural (e.g., los confetis, los espaguetis, and los raviolis). [52]
In some varieties of Antillean Spanish, an additional -e or -es is added to the more traditional forms of certain plurals. For example, las cásase can be found in place of las casas 'houses'. Similarly, los güisquises can be found in place of los güisquis 'whiskies'. [53]
In certain registers, nouns with plural referents can occur in the singular form when the plural is implied elsewhere, such as through the determiners mucho 'many' or tanto 'so many'. For example, a speaker might say mucha foto 'many photos' or tanto soldado 'so many soldiers' while a more formal register would require muchas fotos and tantos soldados, respectively. [54]
While nouns ending in -í often allow either -s or -es to form the plural, more formal registers typically prefer the -es ending, especially in demonyms and the names of ethnic groups. For example, bengalí 'Bengali' can take the plural form bengalíes or bengalís, but bengalíes is typically preferred in more formal registers. [55]
Suffixes expressing a wide range of affective meanings can be added to Spanish nouns. These affective meanings include size, affection, disapproval, irony, and the like. [56] [57] [58] However, the meanings of nouns derived from these suffixes is not always predictable. [57] For example, a diminutive form of el coche 'car' is el cochecito 'baby carriage' while the diminutive form of el carro 'car' formed from the same suffix is el carrito 'shopping cart'. Some Spanish nouns can take a large number of affective suffixes, creating words with subtle differences in meaning or connotation. For instance, chico 'boy' has the derived forms chicarrón, chicazo, chicoco, chicote, chicuelo, chiquete, chiquilín, chiquillo, chiquitico, chiquito, chiquitín and chiquituco, each with a subtle distinction in meaning. [59]
Affective suffixes are derivational rather than inflectional, but they share certain properties with inflectional suffixes. [60] Like inflectional suffixes, affective suffixes are so widespread that words created from them tend not to be included in traditional dictionaries except when the resulting words have drastically different meanings. [56] [61] Also like inflectional suffixes, affective suffixes do not typically change the grammatical category of the base word; that is, a noun that takes an affective suffix will remain a noun after doing so, much as a noun that takes a plural inflectional suffix will remain a noun after doing so. But unlike inflectional suffixes, affective suffixes tend to add lexical, rather than grammatical, information to the base. [60]
Certain kinds of nouns tend to disallow affective suffixes. Nouns that denote characteristics, qualities, and physical or mental states belong to this category. For example, altura 'height', bondad 'kindness', equilibrio 'equilibrium', and alegría 'joy' generally do not take affective suffixes. Some exceptions exist. For instance, the diminutives dudita and pasioncilla (from duda 'doubt' and pasión 'passion', respectively) are attested. [62] Similarly, noncount nouns are less likely than count nouns to take affective suffixes. In the clause me fue de poca ayuda 'he was of little help to me', for example, the noun ayuda 'help' is modified by the adjective poca 'little' instead of taking a diminutive suffix because the clause uses a noncount sense of the noun. In the clause le pidió una ayudita 'he asked for a little help', on the other hand, the diminutive form ayudita is possible because the clause uses a count sense of the noun. [63]
Various sociolinguistic factors affect the use of affective suffixes. For instance, they are generally used more often by speakers of Mexican Spanish than by speakers of European Spanish or Rioplatense Spanish and more often by women than by men. [57] [64] Additionally, affective suffixes are more common in registers directed toward children but less common in highly formal registers, such as in academic, legal, and administrative writing. [65]
Three classes of affective suffixes are traditionally distinguished: diminutives, augmentatives, and pejoratives (though the class of pejorative suffixes occasionally intersects with the other two). [66]
Diminutive suffixes generally convey small size. [67] They most often indicate size when applied to nouns referring to material entities. [68] Applying the diminutive suffix -ita to casa 'house', for example, produces casita, which refers to a small house.
When diminutive suffixes are applied to nouns of other semantic classes, the suffix may convey additional or alternate meanings. Applying a diminutive suffix to nouns that refer to professions, for instance, often signals contempt, as in un maestrillo mediocre 'a mediocre teacher'. [69] For nouns that denote actions and events, diminutive suffixes generally indicate short duration, as in paseíto 'short walk'. [70]
The most common diminutive suffix is -ito and its variants -cito and -ecito (as well as their respective feminine forms -ita, -cita, -ecita). [71] [72] The form of -ito used in the diminutive depends on both the gender and the pronunciation of the noun, and different varieties of Spanish occasionally follow different patterns.
In general, the -ito variant is used with nouns ending in unstressed -a or -o. For instance, casa 'house' forms the diminutive casita, and libro 'book' forms the diminutive librito. Exceptionally, in European Spanish, nouns ending in unstressed -a or -o generally takes the -ecito variant when the noun consists of two syllables and the stressed syllable contains the diphthong ⟨ie⟩ or ⟨ue⟩, as in hierbecita (from hierba 'grass') and jueguecito (from juego 'game'). This exception tends not to be observed in the Spanishes of America, where diminutive forms in -ito, such as hierbita, are more common. [73]
For nouns ending in unstressed -e, the variant used depends on the number of syllables in the base. When the base has three or more syllables, the -ito variant is used to form the diminutive. [74] For example, aceite 'oil' forms the diminutive aceitito. When the noun ending in -e has fewer than three syllables, the diminutive is usually formed with the -ecito variant. [75] For instance, aire 'air' forms the diminutive airecito.
Nouns ending in stressed vowels (specifically, -á and -é) typically form the diminutive with -cito. [76] For example, té 'tea' forms the diminutive tecito. Nouns ending in stressed -í, -ó, and ú do not typically allow diminutives. For instance, tabú 'taboo' does not have a diminutive form *tabucito. Exceptionally, some dialects of Spanish do allow diminutive forms of these nouns for certain words, as in ajicito from ají 'chili' in Caribbean and Andean Spanish. [77]
Monosyllabic nouns ending in consonants use different variants of -ito depending on the dialect. In Latin American Spanish, the -cito form is typically used while, in European Spanish, the -ecito form is generally used. [78] But even in Latin American Spanish, monosyllabic nouns ending in -s and -z tend to use the -ecito form. [79]
Polysyllabic nouns ending in -n and -r generally form diminutives with -cito, as in empujoncito from empujón 'push' and amorcito from amor 'love'. [80] Diminutive suffixes are not typically added to polysyllabic nouns ending in -d. [71] [81] For instance, el césped 'lawn' does not have a diminutive form *el céspedito. Polysyllabic nouns ending in consonants other than -n, -r, and -d typically use -ito to form the diminutive, as in arrocito from arroz 'rice'. [82]
The table below summarizes these typical patterns.
| Type of noun | Form of -ito |
|---|---|
| Noun ending in unstressed -a or -o | -ito |
| Two-syllable noun ending in unstressed -a or -o and containing diphthong ⟨ie⟩ or ⟨ue⟩ | -ecito (Europe) -ito (America) |
| Noun of three or more syllables ending in unstressed -e | -ito |
| Noun of fewer than three syllables ending in unstressed -e. | -ecito |
| Noun ending in stressed vowel | -cito |
| Monosyllabic noun ending in -s or -z | -ecito |
| Monosyllabic noun ending in consonant other than -s or -z | -cito (America) -ecito (Europe) |
| Polysyllabic noun ending in -n or -r | -cito |
| Polysyllabic noun ending in consonant other than -n or -r | -ito |
Generally, the diminutive suffix -ito is added to a noun more often than a noun is modified by chico 'small' or pequeño 'little'. Thus, una casita 'a small house' is generally encountered more often than una casa chica 'a small house'. [56]
The choice of diminutive is often a mark of regional varieties and influence of coexistent Romance languages. The diminutive suffixes -ico/-ica, -iño/-iña and -ín/-ina, for example, are especially common in Asturias specifically and northwestern Spain more generally. [83] [71] They are also found in Argentina and Uruguay. [84] The suffix -uco/-uca is often used in Cantabria. [85] The suffix -illo/-illa is especially common as a diminutive in Andalusia and southern Spain more generally. [86] [85] In the Spanishes spoken in the Americas, however, -illo often also carries a pejorative connotations. [87] The noun hombrecillo, for example, can be glossed as 'insignificant little man'. The suffix -ete is often used in Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia. [85] Other regional diminutive suffixes include -eto/-eta (used in Aragon) and -uelo/-uela.[ citation needed ]
Augmentative suffixes, such as the most frequently used -ón/-ona, generally convey large size. [88] [89] Compare, for instance, la silla 'chair' and the augmented el sillón 'armchair'. Because largeness sometimes carries negative overtones, augmentative suffixes sometimes carry negative associations, such as awkwardness, clumsiness, excess, and unpleasantness. [88] [89] For example, an augmented form of la soltera 'bachelorette' is the derogatory la solterona 'spinster'. [88] [90]
The augmentative suffix -azo is similar to -ón in that it is also often pejorative in addition to augmentative. [91] An augmented form of las manos 'hands', for example, is las manazas 'clumsy hands'. However, -azo can also imply admiration or greatness. [89] For instance, an augmented form of el éxito 'success' is el exitazo 'great success'.
The suffixes -ón and -azo have uses in addition to their uses as augmentative suffixes. These uses are not traditionally grouped with affective suffixes in grammars of Spanish and include deriving nouns and adjectives from verbs (such as abusón 'bully' and mirón 'voyeur') and forming nouns that denote a blow or sudden movement (such as flechazo 'arrow shot' and hachazo 'axe blow'). [92] [93]
In Mexico and Central America, -ote is generally preferred over -azo. For example, the augmentative form of mano 'hand' is typically manota in Mexico and Central America but manaza elsewhere. [94] Like with the diminutive suffix -ito, -ote takes variant forms in certain environments. For example, the variant -zote is used in the same contexts in which -ito would become -cito, such as when a polysyllabic noun ends in -n (as in camionzote from camión 'truck'). [95]
The suffix -aco is also augmentative. [89]
Though diminutive and augmentative suffixes occasionally add pejorative meanings in addition to other affective meanings, certain suffixes add meaning that is primarily pejorative. These suffixes include the following:
In linguistics, grammatical gender system is a specific form of noun class system, where nouns are assigned with gender categories that are often not related to their real-world qualities. In languages with grammatical gender, most or all nouns inherently carry one value of the grammatical category called gender; the values present in a given language are called the genders of that language.
Latin declension is the set of patterns according to which Latin words are declined—that is, have their endings altered to show grammatical case, number and gender. Nouns, pronouns, and adjectives are declined, and a given pattern is called a declension. There are five declensions, which are numbered and grouped by ending and grammatical gender. Each noun follows one of the five declensions, but some irregular nouns have exceptions.
In grammar, the vocative case is a grammatical case which is used for a noun that identifies a person being addressed, or occasionally for the noun modifiers of that noun. A vocative expression is an expression of direct address by which the identity of the party spoken to is set forth expressly within a sentence. For example, in the sentence "I don't know, John," John is a vocative expression that indicates the party being addressed, as opposed to the sentence "I don't know John" in which "John" is the direct object of the verb "know".
The Royal Spanish Academy is Spain's official royal institution with a mission to ensure the stability of the Spanish language. It is based in Madrid, Spain, and is affiliated with national language academies in 22 other Hispanophone nations through the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language. The RAE's emblem is a fiery crucible, and its motto is Limpia, fija y da esplendor.
Catalan grammar, the morphology and syntax of the Catalan language, is similar to the grammar of most other Romance languages. Catalan is a relatively synthetic, fusional language. Features include:
Spanish is a grammatically inflected language, which means that many words are modified ("marked") in small ways, usually at the end, according to their changing functions. Verbs are marked for tense, aspect, mood, person, and number. Nouns follow a two-gender system and are marked for number. Personal pronouns are inflected for person, number, gender, and a very reduced case system; the Spanish pronominal system represents a simplification of the ancestral Latin system.
Standard Romanian shares largely the same grammar and most of the vocabulary and phonological processes with the other three surviving varieties of Balkan Romance, namely Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian.
Spanish adjectives are similar to those in most other Indo-European languages. They are generally postpositive, and they agree in both gender and number with the noun they modify.
Spanish orthography is the orthography used in the Spanish language. The alphabet uses the Latin script. The spelling is fairly phonemic, especially in comparison to more opaque orthographies like English, having a relatively consistent mapping of graphemes to phonemes; in other words, the pronunciation of a given Spanish-language word can largely be predicted from its spelling and to a slightly lesser extent vice versa. Spanish punctuation includes the use of inverted question and exclamation marks: ⟨¿⟩⟨¡⟩.
Yiddish grammar is the system of principles which govern the structure of the Yiddish language. This article describes the standard form laid out by YIVO while noting differences in significant dialects such as that of many contemporary Hasidim. As a Germanic language descended from Middle High German, Yiddish grammar is very similar to that of German, though it also has numerous linguistic innovations as well as grammatical features influenced by or borrowed from Hebrew, Aramaic, and various Slavic languages.
Romanian nouns, under the rules of Romanian grammar, are declined, varying by gender, number, and case.
Asturian is a West Iberian Romance language spoken in the Principality of Asturias, Spain. Asturian is part of a wider linguistic group, the Asturleonese languages. The number of speakers is estimated at 100,000 (native) and 450,000. The dialects of the Astur-Leonese language family are traditionally classified in three groups: Western, Central, and Eastern. For historical and demographic reasons, the standard is based on Central Asturian. Asturian has a distinct grammar, dictionary, and orthography. It is regulated by the Academy of the Asturian Language. Although it is not an official language of Spain it is protected under the Statute of Autonomy of Asturias and is an elective language in schools. For much of its history, the language has been ignored or "subjected to repeated challenges to its status as a language variety" due to its lack of official status.
Portuguese and Spanish, although closely related Romance languages, differ in many aspects of their phonology, grammar and lexicon. Both belong to a subset of the Romance languages known as West Iberian Romance, which also includes several other languages or dialects with fewer speakers, all of which are mutually intelligible to some degree. A 1949 study by Italian-American linguist Mario Pei, analyzing the degree of difference from a language's parent by comparing phonology, inflection, syntax, vocabulary, and intonation, indicated the following percentages : In the case of Spanish it was 20%, the third closest Romance language to Latin, only behind Sardinian and Italian. Portuguese was 31%, making it the second furthest language from Latin after French.
Gender neutrality in languages with grammatical gender is the usage of wording that is balanced in its treatment of the genders in a non-grammatical sense. For example, advocates of gender-neutral language challenge the traditional use of masculine nouns and pronouns when referring to two or more genders or to a person of an unknown gender in most Indo-European and Afro-Asiatic languages. This stance is often inspired by feminist ideas about gender equality. Gender neutrality is also used colloquially when one wishes to be inclusive of people who identify as non-binary genders or as genderless.
This article discusses the grammar of the Western Lombard (Insubric) language. The examples are in Milanese, written according to the Classical Milanese orthography.
The grammar of the Marathi language shares similarities with other modern Indo-Aryan languages such as Odia, Gujarati or Punjabi. The first modern book exclusively about the grammar of Marathi was printed in 1805 by Willam Carey.
Gramática de la lengua castellana is a book written by Antonio de Nebrija and published in 1492. It was the first work dedicated to the Spanish language and its rules, and the first grammar of a modern European language to be published. When it was presented to Isabella of Castile at Salamanca in the year of its publication, the queen questioned what the merit of such a work might be; Fray Hernando de Talavera, bishop of Avila, answered for the author in prophetic words, as Nebrija himself recalls in a letter addressed to the monarch:
After Your Highness has subjected barbarous peoples and nations of varied tongues, with conquest will come the need for them to accept the laws that the conqueror imposes on the conquered, and among them our language; with this work of mine, they will be able to learn it, as we now learn Latin from the Latin Grammar.
Feminist language reform has proposed gender neutrality in languages with grammatical gender, such as Spanish. Grammatical gender in Spanish refers to how Spanish nouns are categorized as either masculine or feminine. As in other Romance languages—such as Portuguese, to which Spanish is very similar—a group of both men and women, or someone of unknown gender, is usually referred to by the masculine form of a noun and/or pronoun. Advocates of gender-neutral language modification consider this to be sexist, and exclusive of gender non-conforming people. They also stress the underlying sexism of words whose feminine form has a different, often less prestigious meaning. Some argue that a gender neutral Spanish can reduce gender stereotyping, deconstructing sexist gender roles and discrimination in the workplace.
In Spanish, grammatical gender is a concept that affects different types of words and how they agree with each other. This concept applies to nouns, adjectives, determiners, and pronouns in the Spanish language. Every Spanish noun has a specific gender, either masculine or feminine. Generally, nouns referring to males or male animals are considered masculine, while those referring to females are considered feminine. In terms of importance, the masculine gender is considered the default or "unmarked," while the feminine gender is considered "marked" or distinct.
Catalan nouns are inflected for gender, and number. There is no case inflection. Articles and adjectives agree in gender and number with the noun they refer to.
