Anti-Black racism in the Arab world

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Anti-Black racism in the Arab world stems from a long history of racial hierarchies established during the trans-Saharan and Indian Ocean slave trades, which have left lasting legacies in social attitudes and power structures. Despite Islamic teachings on racial equality, Black Africans were historically enslaved, marginalised, and stereotyped, particularly the Zanj and other East African groups. In modern times, discrimination persists in the form of social exclusion, derogatory language, unequal access to jobs and education, and media portrayals that reinforce negative stereotypes. Black citizens in countries like Tunisia and migrants in Libya frequently report racist abuse, while blackface and caricatured roles remain common in entertainment across the region. [1]

Contents

Though some countries have introduced anti-discrimination laws, Tunisia being the first Arab country to criminalize racial discrimination in 2018, implementation is uneven, and public awareness remains limited. Surveys by Arab Barometer show that many citizens do not recognise anti-Black racism as a specific problem, and victims often avoid reporting incidents. Scholars also highlight the role of "white fragility" in Arab contexts, where defensiveness and denial hinder conversations about race and the acknowledgment of Black Arab identities.

History

Medieval Arab attitudes to Black people varied over time and individual attitude, but tended to be negative. Though the Qur'an expresses no racial prejudice, ethnocentric prejudice towards black people is widely evident among medieval Arabs, for a variety of reasons: [2] their extensive conquests and slave trade; the influence of Aristotelian ideas regarding slavery, which some Muslim philosophers directed towards Zanj [3] and the influence of Judeo-Christian ideas regarding divisions among humankind. [4] On the other hand, the Afro-Arab author Al-Jahiz, himself having a Zanj grandfather, wrote a book entitled Superiority of the Blacks to the Whites, [5] and explained why the Zanj were black in terms of environmental determinism in the "On the Zanj" chapter of The Essays. [6] By the 14th century, a significant number of slaves came from either West or Central Africa; Lewis argues that this led to the likes of Egyptian historian Al-Abshibi (1388–1446) writing that "[i]t is said that when the [black] slave is sated, he fornicates, when he is hungry, he steals." [7]

Forms

Ethnic cleansing

In Sudan, including the southern Sudan, Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile region, from 1955 to 2005, it is estimated that many black people were killed or ethnically cleansed. During the First and Second Sudanese Civil War, about 2.5 – 3.5 million people were killed in attacks widely regarded as racially motivated against black indigenous Africans. [8] [9]

Slavery

Although slavery was officially abolished in 1981 (codified in 2007 [10] ), a 2012 CNN report suggested that 10% to 20% of the Mauritanian population was enslaved with a correlation with skin color – darker-skinned Mauritanians were often enslaved by lighter-skinned. [11]

Apartheid

In Sudan, Beginning in 1991, elders of the Zaghawa people of Sudan complained that they were victims of an intensifying Arab apartheid campaign. [12] Vukoni Lupa Lasaga has accused the Sudanese government of "deftly manipulat(ing) Arab solidarity" to carry out policies of apartheid and ethnic cleansing against non-Arabs in Darfur. [13] Alan Dershowitz has pointed to Sudan as an example of a government that deserves the appellation "apartheid", [14] and former Canadian Minister of Justice Irwin Cotler has also criticized Sudan in similar terms. [15]

In Mauritania, according to Holly Burkhalter of Human Rights Watch, in a statement made in testimony before the Congress of the United States, "It is fair to say that the Mauritanian government practices undeclared apartheid and severely discriminates on the basis of race." [16]

Discrimination and verbal abuse

Some of the persecuted victims of racism and discrimination in the Arab world include: Sub-Saharan Africans in Egypt, [17] [18] including on Eritreans, [19] and oppressing Darfurian refugees, [20] Algeria, Mauritania – fighting off racist policies in these countries, [21] [22] [23] in Iraq where blacks face racism, [24] [25] Al-Akhdam in Yemen, [26] as well as slaves who fight the stigma of their status as 'slaves' in impoverished Yemen.

In Algeria, victims of racism include Sub-Saharan immigrants who suffer daily from verbal attacks and other forms of discrimination. Many Sub-Saharan immigrants find themselves on the street due to lack of public resources. The homeless immigrants often quote the Quran in an effort to appeal to the country's Muslim unity and divert attention from their race. [27] On the world stage the country has declared that members of its national football team must undergo a stricter selection process if they possess dual citizenship to ensure their loyalty to the country. [28]

In Egypt, Nubian Egyptian President Anwar Sadat faced insults of not looking "Egyptian enough" and "Nasser's black poodle". [18] An Egyptian Nubian soccer player Shikabala stopped playing football for some time due to racist slurs by rival Egyptian fans during a game. [29] A group was shouting out "Shikabala" while pointing a black dog wearing the number 10, which was Zamalek football shirt. [30] Mona Eltahawy, the Egyptian journalist, found a deep-seated anti-black racism in her country, mainly against Sudanese, Nubian or other darker-skinned people. [31]

Racism has been documented in Libya, [32] including the 2000 anti-African racist violence. [33] They have reported facing racism in the country, with one witness reporting being called a "slave" and "animal." [34] [35] From the start of Libyan Civil War in 2011, blacks were massacred for their skin color according to an Amnesty International report. [36] [37]

Use of blackface

Blackface was frequently used in Arab comedy series in the 1980s and 1990s for characters portraying Africans or Sudanese men in particular. [38] [39] [40] Historically, blackface in Arab media can be traced back to the legacy of the trans-Saharan slave trade, which has left enduring racial hierarchies in the region. [41] Eve Troutt Powell, a professor of Arab history, notes that the cultural impact of this slave trade is intrinsically linked to the presence of blackface in Arab entertainment. [42]

The use of blackface continued into the third millennium in many Arab series and programs. Saudi actors Nasser al-Qasabi and Abdullah al-Sadhan  [ ar ] appeared numerous times in blackface playing Sudanese men. During that period, this tradition did not arouse any criticism and was accepted by the Arab people with some ease. [43] However, it started to garner significant severe criticism and public anger, especially since most of them devoted the use of blackface to reinforcing some misleading stereotypes about the Sudanese people, such as laziness and stupidity. [44] [45] This is particularly highlighted in Al Jazeera English's report, "Blackface: The Ugliness of Racism in Arab Media," [46] which delves into the prevalence of blackface in Arab entertainment, examining its historical roots and contemporary implications. [47]

In modern times, blackface has appeared in various television programs and comedy sketches across the Arab world. [48] [49] For instance, the Egyptian TV series Azmi we Ashgan  [ ar ] (among many other Egyptian shows) [50] [40] [41] featured actors, including Samir Ghanem and his daughter Amy, in blackface portraying black characters with exaggerated stereotypes. [51] [52] Similarly, the Kuwaiti comedy show Block Ghashmara aired an episode where actors donned blackface to depict Sudanese individuals, leading to public outcry and subsequent apologies from the actors involved. [52] [53] Moreover, the Yemeni comedy show Cappuccino featured actors in blackface, leading to calls to cancel the show. [54] Most of these shows are aired during Ramadan month, as broadcasters compete to promote new comedy shows, [55] [56] [52] leading to the month being dubbed blackface celebration month. [54]

During the Black Lives Matter protests, Iraqi-Moroccan actress Mariam Hussein, Lebanese singer Tania Saleh, and Algerian singer Souhila Ben Lachhab appeared in blackface in solidarity with protest. [57] The move was described as "tasteless" [54] and "tone deaf and blatantly offensive". [58]

In 2022, Lebanese singer Nancy Ajram wore blackface during a comedy sketch. [59] Egyptian singer Boshra, Kuwaiti makeup artist Ghadeer Sultan, [60] and Lebanese singer Myriam Fares also donned blackface. [40]

Denial and minimisation

Black Arabs are excluded from major institutions in Arab-majority societies and are largely invisible. Anti-Blackness in the Arab world has long been denied but began to be addressed more openly by critics like Nader Kadhim. Efforts to raise awareness, through writing, lectures, and translation, are often met with rejection, accusations of cultural betrayal, and concern that such discussions damage the image of Arabs. Publicly addressing anti-Blackness risks professional and personal consequences, including exclusion from intellectual circles and political targeting. Despite this, the author continues this work, recognising both its urgency and the tension between cultural pride and accountability. [61]

Denial and minimisation of anti-Black racism in the Arab world persist due to a combination of historical, cultural, and societal factors. Surveys indicate that while racial discrimination is perceived as a problem in various Arab countries, discussions around anti-Black racism are often limited. Non-Black Arabs often deny or deflect conversations about anti-Black racism using phrases like "I don't see colour". Anti-Black racism in Arab societies includes blackface, racial slurs, and exploitation of Black workers. Many remain silent or engage only superficially, especially on social media, sometimes out of concern for appearance. Movements like Black Lives Matter have prompted limited regional reflection, but systemic and cultural racism persists. Nubians in Egypt face marginalisation and state repression. [61]

Kadhem points to a tendency of self-deception in Arab societies, where people reject racism publicly while maintaining exclusionary practices. Interracial relationships remain rare and often unacknowledged, and Black history in the region is widely ignored. [62] National identity is prioritised over racial awareness, creating a colour-blind framework that denies past and present racism. This fragility blocks open conversation, preserves privilege, and impedes solidarity with Black liberation movements, and acts as a defensive reactions to discussions on race, such as denial, anger, or appeals to colour-blindness. In Arab societies, light-skinned individuals frequently respond to racism discussions by referencing Islamic equality, personal morality, or nationalist unity, which deflects accountability. [62] [63]

Incidents of discrimination may go unreported or unaddressed, and victims often choose to ignore the incidents rather than report them. In countries like Morocco, the legacy of the trans-Saharan slave trade has left enduring impacts. Terms such as "abd" (slave) and "khadem" (servant) are still used colloquially to refer to Black individuals. Despite the offensive nature of these terms, their continued use indicates a societal reluctance to acknowledge and address underlying racism. [64]

Arab media has often portrayed Black individuals through stereotypical and derogatory lenses. Practices like blackface in television and theater, as well as the depiction of Black characters in subordinate or comedic roles, have normalized negative stereotypes. Such representations contribute to the minimization of anti-Black racism by embedding it within cultural norms. [39]

Political figures have, at times, made statements that downplay or deny the existence of anti-Black racism. For instance, Tunisian President Kais Saied denied accusations of stoking racism following his comments targeting sub-Saharan African migrants. [65] Additionally, Al-Jazeera's critical coverage of the Darfur crisis led to the arrest and conviction of its Khartoum bureau chief. [66] The Darfur conflict has been characterized by racially motivated violence, with reports indicating that Arab militias, known as Janjaweed, targeted non-Arab ethnic groups, leading to allegations of ethnic cleansing and genocide. [67]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Al-Azraki, Amir (2021-06-09). "Uncovering anti-Blackness in the Arab world". The Conversation. Retrieved 2025-05-18.
  2. ↑ Bernard Lewis (1992). Race and slavery in the Middle East: an historical enquiry . Oxford University Press. p.  53. ISBN   978-0-19-505326-5.
  3. ↑ Kevin Reilly; Stephen Kaufman; Angela Bodino (2002-09-30). Racism: A Global Reader. M.E. Sharpe. pp.  52–58. ISBN   978-0-7656-1060-7.
  4. ↑ El Hamel, Chouki (2002). "'Race', slavery and Islam in Maghribi Mediterranean thought: the question of the Haratin in Morocco". The Journal of North African Studies. 7 (3): 29–52 [39–40]. doi:10.1080/13629380208718472. S2CID   219625829.
  5. ↑ Yosef Ben-Jochannan (1991). African origins of the major "Western religions". Black Classic Press. p. 231. ISBN   978-0-933121-29-4.
  6. ↑ "Medieval Sourcebook: Abû Ûthmân al-Jâhiz: From The Essays, c. 860 CE". Medieval Sourcebook. July 1998. Retrieved 2008-12-07.
  7. ↑ Lewis, Bernard (2002). Race and Slavery in the Middle East. Oxford University Press. p.  93. ISBN   978-0-19-505326-5.
  8. ↑ Martell, Peter (2019-04-15). First Raise a Flag: How South Sudan Won the Longest War but Lost the Peace. Oxford University Press. p. 14. ISBN   978-0-19-008338-0.
  9. ↑ "De re Militari: muertos en Guerras, Dictaduras y Genocidios". remilitari.com. Retrieved 2025-05-26.
  10. ↑ Okeowo, Alexis (2014-09-01). "Freedom Fighter". The New Yorker. ISSN   0028-792X . Retrieved 2025-05-24.
  11. ↑ Sutter, John D. (March 2012). "Slavery's last stronghold". CNN .
  12. ↑ Hilde F. Johnson, Waging Peace in Sudan: The Inside Story of the Negotiations That Ended, Trans Pacific Press, 2011, p. 38.
  13. ↑ Vukoni Lupa Lasaga Archived 2014-09-01 at the Wayback Machine "The slow, violent death of apartheid in Sudan," 19 September 2006, Norwegian Council for Africa.
  14. ↑ Alan Dershowitz, The Case Against Israel's Enemies: Exposing Jimmy Carter and Others Who Stand in the Way of Peace, John Wiley and Sons, 2009, p. 24.
  15. ↑ Hubert Bauch "Ex-minister speaks out against Sudan's al-Bashir" Montreal Gazette, March 6, 2009.
  16. ↑ Yambo Ouologuem: postcolonial writer, Islamic militant, Christopher Wise, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999, p. 4.
  17. ↑ Racism The Arab world's dirty secret, Mona Eltahawy, New York Times, December 10, 2008
  18. 1 2 Khalid, Sunni M. (February 7, 2011). "The Root: Race And Racism Divide Egypt". npr.org. Retrieved March 3, 2011.
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  33. ↑ "Libya: Dreamland of "One Africa" Betrayed". Theperspective.org. 2000-10-23. Retrieved 2011-04-22.
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  38. ↑ Parham, Jason. "TikTok and the Evolution of Digital Blackface". Wired. ISSN   1059-1028 . Retrieved 2025-05-17.
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  41. 1 2 Walsh, Declan (2019-08-18). "Blackface, Staple of Arab Comedy, Faces Surge of Criticism". The New York Times. ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved 2025-05-17.
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  60. ↑ "Kuwaiti makeup artist slammed for posting blackface photo". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 2025-05-17.
  61. 1 2 Salem, Zena (2020-06-29). "Anti-Black Racism in the Arab World: Denial, Ignorance, or Both? | Egyptian Streets" . Retrieved 2025-05-17.
  62. 1 2 "How 'white' fragility perpetuates anti-Black racism in Arab societies". Yahoo News. 2024-04-10. Retrieved 2025-05-17.
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  64. ↑ J. King, Stephen (2020-08-28). "Ending Denial: Anti-Black Racism in Morocco". Arab Reform Initiative.
  65. ↑ "Facing uproar, Tunisian president denies he's stoking racism". AP News. 2023-03-09. Retrieved 2025-05-17.
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  67. ↑ Ahmed, Kaamil (2024-11-03). "'We will make you have Arab babies': fears of genocide amid rape and torture in Sudan's Darfur". The Observer. ISSN   0029-7712 . Retrieved 2025-04-03.
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