Choctaw language

Last updated

Choctaw
Chahta anumpa
Native to United States
RegionFrom Southeastern Oklahoma, to east-central Mississippi and into Louisiana and Tennessee
Ethnicity20,000 Choctaw (2007) [1]
Native speakers
9,600 (2015 census) [1]
Muskogean
  • Western
    • Choctaw
Official status
Official language in
Flag of the United States.svg  United States
  Flag of Oklahoma.svg  Oklahoma (Choctaw Nation only)
Language codes
ISO 639-2 cho
ISO 639-3 cho
Glottolog choc1276
ELP Choctaw
Choctaw USC2000 PHS.svg
Current geographic distribution of the Choctaw language
Oklahoma Indian Languages.png
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.
People Chahta
LanguageChahta anumpa
CountryChahta Yakni

The Choctaw language (Choctaw: Chahta anumpa [2] ), spoken by the Choctaw, an Indigenous people of the Southeastern Woodlands, US, is a member of the Muskogean language family. Chickasaw is a separate but closely related language to Choctaw. [3]

Contents

The Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma published the New Choctaw dictionary in 2016.

Dialects

There are three dialects of Choctaw (Mithun 1999):

  1. "Native" Choctaw on the Choctaw Nation in southeastern Oklahoma
  2. Mississippi Choctaw of Oklahoma on Chickasaw Nation of south-central Oklahoma (near Durwood)
  3. Choctaw of the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians near Philadelphia, Mississippi

Other speakers live near Tallahassee, Florida, and with the Koasati in Louisiana, and also a few speakers live in Texas and California.

Phonology

Consonants

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
central lateral
Nasal m n
Stop 1 p   b t k ʔ 2
Affricate ch [ ]
Fricative f s 3 ɬ sh [ ʃ ] 3 h
Approximant l y [ j ] w
  1. ^ The only voiced stop is /b/. The voiceless stops /p/, /t/, and /k/ may become partially voiced between vowels, especially /k/ and for male speakers. Also, the voiceless stops are slightly aspirated at the onset of words [4] and before stressed syllables, behaving like English voiceless plosives.
  2. ^ Controversially, some analyses suggest that all nouns end in an underlying consonant phoneme. [5] Nouns apparently ending in a vowel actually have a glottal stop /ʔ/ or a glottal fricative /h/ as the final consonant. Such consonants become realized when suffixes are attached.
  3. ^ The distinction between phonemes /s/ and /ʃ/ is neutralized at the end of words.

Free variation

  1. /ɬ/, the voiceless lateral fricative, is pronounced as a voiceless dental fricative [θ]: [6] /ɬ/[θ].
  2. The voiceless labiodental fricative /f/ is pronounced as a voiceless bilabial fricative [ɸ]: [6] /f/[ɸ].

Phonological processes of consonants

/k/[ɣ]/V_V
imofi-aki-lih→imofiy-əɣə̃꞉-lih
/h/[ç]/_
katihchish→katiçtʃiʃ

Vowels

Short 1 Long Nasal 2
tenselax
Close front iɪĩː~ẽː
Close-mid back oʊõː
Open central aəãː
  1. ^ Lax vowels occur more often in closed syllables. [7] In traditional orthography, ʋ usually indicates [ə] and u usually indicates [ʊ]. Exceptions include pokoli (traditional) for /pʊk.koli/, imalakusi for /imaːlakosi/. The traditional orthography does not distinguish lax and tense front vowels; instead it indicates /iː/ with e.
  2. ^ Nasal vowels are intrinsically long.

Pitch

  1. In Choctaw, very few words are distinguished only by pitch accent. [7] Nouns in Choctaw have pitch realization at the penultimate syllable or the ultimate syllable. [7] Verbs in Choctaw will have pitch realization at morphemes indicating tense, but sometimes, pitch directly precedes the tense morpheme. [7]

Syllable structure

Syllables of Choctaw [8]
SyllableTypeExample
VLighta.bih
CVLightno.sih
VVHeavyii.chih
CVVHeavypii.ni'
VHeavya.chi'
CVHeavyta.chi'
VCHeavyish.ki'
CVCHeavyha.bish.ko'
VVCSuper Heavyóok.cha-cha
CVVCSuper Heavynáaf.ka
VCSuper Heavyat
CVCSuper Heavyok.hish
*(C)VCCSuper Heavytablit.tapt
*CCVSuper Heavyski.tii.nnih
  1. As is in the chart above, there are three syllable structure types in Choctaw: light, heavy, and super heavy. Possible syllables in Choctaw must contain at least one vowel of any quality. [9]
  2. Syllables cannot end with a consonant clusters CC. However, there is an exception with the structure *(C)VCC if a word in Choctaw ends with the suffix /-t/. [9]
  3. Syllables do not begin with consonant clusters CC, but there is an exception in an initial /i-/ deletion, which results in a syllable *CCV . [9]

Rhythmic lengthening

  • Rhythmic lengthening is the process of lengthening the vowel duration of an even-numbered CV syllable in Choctaw. However, vowels at the end of words are not permitted to undergo that process. Also, if an even-numbered syllable is a verbal prefixes class I or III, the affix's vowel may not undergo lengthening, and the same holds true for noun prefixes class III as well. [10]
CV-CV-CVC→CV-CV-CVC
salahatok→sala꞉hatok

Smallest possible word

  • The smallest possible word in Choctaw must contain either two short vowels or one long vowel. [8]
a꞉t
  • /a-/ insertion: there are verbs with only one short vowel in their roots. Without an affix attached to the verb root, the verbs become impossible utterances because Choctaw requires either two short vowels or a long vowel for a word to be formed. An initial A-prefix is thus attached to the root of the verb. [11]
*bih → a-bih

Phonological processes

Glide insertion

  • When a verb root ends with a long vowel, a glide /w/ or /j/ is inserted after the long vowel. [12]
  • ∅→/wa/ / V꞉____
  1. Where V꞉ is oo
  2. boo-a-h→bóowah
  • ∅→/ja/ / V꞉____
  1. Where V꞉ can be either ii or aa
  2. talaa-a-h→talaayah

/i-/ deletion

  • In Choctaw, there is a group of nouns which contain an initial /i-/ that encodes for 3rd person possession. It may be deleted, but if the /i/ is part of a VC syllable structure, the C is also deleted, because the resulting CCV syllable is rarely a permissible syllable structure at the onset of words. [13]
/i/→∅ / #____
Part 1: /i + C/→∅ + /C/ / #____
Part 2: /∅ + C/→∅ / #____
ippókni'→ppókni'→pókni'

/-l-/ infix assimilation

  • The verbal infix /l/ is pronounced /h, ch, or ɬ/ when /l/ precedes a voiceless consonant. [14]
l → {h, tʃ, ɬ} /_C[-voice]
ho-l-tinah → ho-ɬ-tinah

Phonological processes of the suffix /-li/

  • There are several assimilation processes that occur with the suffix /-li/. When the verbal suffix /-li/ is preceded by /f/ /ɫ/ /h/ /m/ /n/ or /w/, the /l/ assimilates to the corresponding consonant that precedes it. [15] Also, the verbal suffix /-li/ is preceded by the consonant /b/, the /l/ is realized as /b/. [15] Third, when the verbal suffix /-li/ is preceded by the consonant /p/, the /p/ is pronounced as /b/. [15] Lastly, when the verbal suffix /-li/ is preceded by the consonant /t/, the /t/ is pronounced as /l/. [15]
/l/→/f, ɫ, h, m, n, w/ / /f, ɫ, h, m, n, w/____
/kobaf-li-h/→ kobaaffih
/l/→/b/ / /b/____
/atob-li-h/→ atobbih
/p/→/b/ / ____/l/
/tap-li-h/→ tablih
/t/→/l/ / ____/l/
/palhat-li-h/→ pallalih
  • There are two deletion processes that occur with the suffix /-li/. If the verbal suffix /-li/ precedes the verbal suffix /-tʃi/, the suffix /-li/ may be deleted if the resulting syllable, after deletion, is a consonant cluster. [16] The other process occurs when the verbal suffix /-li/ precedes the suffix /-t/, which results with the suffix /-li/ being sometimes deleted if the syllable /-li/ has not already gone under phonological processes as described above. [17]
/li/→∅ / ____/tʃi/
balii-li-chi-h→balii-chi-h
/li/→∅ / ____/t/
balii-li--h→balii-t

Schwa insertion

  • Schwa insertion: when a glottal fricative /h/ or a velar stop /k/ precedes a voiced consonant within a consonant cluster, a schwa /ə/ is inserted to break up the consonant cluster. [18]
∅→/ə///h/____[+voiced] consonant
∅→/ə///k/____[+voiced] consonant
'ahnih'→/ahənih/

Vowel deletion

  • Vowel deletion is the process of a short vowel being deleted at a morpheme boundary. It occurs when an affix containing a short vowel at the morpheme boundary binds to a word that also contains a short vowel at the morpheme boundary. [19]
  1. For most vowel deletion cases, the preceding short vowel is deleted at the morpheme boundary. [19]
V→∅ / ____V
/baliili-aatʃĩ-h/→baliilaatʃĩh
  1. If a class II suffix attaches to a word that results with two short vowels occurring together, the short vowel that follows the class II suffix is deleted. [19]
V→∅ / V____
/sa-ibaa-waʃoohah/→sabaa-waʃoohah

Morphology and grammar

Verbal morphology

Choctaw verbs display a wide range of inflectional and derivational morphology. In Choctaw, the category of verb may also include words that would be categorized as adjectives or quantifiers in English. Verbs may be preceded by up to three prefixes and followed by as many as five suffixes. In addition, verb roots may contain infixes that convey aspectual information.

Verb prefixes

The verbal prefixes convey information about the arguments of the verb: how many there are and their person and number features. The prefixes can be divided into three sorts: agreement markers, applicative markers, and anaphors (reflexives and reciprocals). The prefixes occur in the following order: agreement-anaphor-applicative-verb stem.

Agreement affixes

The agreement affixes are shown in the following chart. The only suffix among the personal agreement markers is the first-person singular class I agreement marker /-li/. Third-person is completely unmarked for class I and class II agreement arguments and never indicates number. [20]

person markersclass Iclass IIclass IIIclass Nimperative
+s+C+V+C/i+a/o+C+V+C+V+C+V
first-personsingularinitial-lisa-si-a̱-am-ak-n/a
medial-sa̱--sam-
paucal ii-il-pi-pi̱-pim-kii-kil-
pluralhapi-hapi̱-hapim-
second-personsingularis-ish-chi-chi̱-chim-chik-
pluralhas-hash-hachi-hachi̱-hachim-hachik-ho-oh-
third-personi̱-im-ik-

Some authors (Ulrich 1986, Davies, 1986) refer to class I as actor or nominative, class II as patient or accusative and class III as dative. Broadwell prefers the neutral numbered labels because the actual use of the affixes is more complex. This type of morphology is generally referred to as active–stative and polypersonal agreement.

Class I affixes always indicate the subject of the verb. Class II prefixes usually indicate direct object of active verbs and the subject of stative verbs. Class III prefixes indicate the indirect object of active verbs. A small set of stative psychological verbs have class III subjects; an even smaller set of stative verbs dealing primarily with affect, communication and intimacy have class III direct objects.

Active verbs

As the chart above shows, there is no person-number agreement for third person arguments. Consider the following paradigms:

hablitok ("kicked", past tense)
DIRECT OBJECT
SUBJECT
first-personsecond-personthird-person
singular paucal pluralsingularplural
first-personsingularili-habli-li-tok 1
'I kicked myself'
pi-habli-li-tok
'I kicked us (few)'
hapi-habli-li-tok
'I kicked us (all)'
chi-habli-li-tok
'I kicked you'
hachi-habli-li-tok
'I kicked you (pl.)'
habli-li-tok
'I kicked her/him/it/them'
pluralii-sa-habli-tok
'we kicked me'
il-ili-habli-tok 1
'we kicked ourselves'
ii-chi-habli-tok
'we kicked you'
ii-hachi-habli-tok
'we kicked you (pl.)'
ii-habli-tok
'we kicked her/him/it/them'
second-personsingularis-sa-habli-tok
'you kicked me'
ish-pi-habli-tok
'you kicked us (few)'
ish-hapi-habli-tok
'you kicked us (all)'
ish-ili-habli-tok 1
'you kicked yourself'
ish-hachi-habli-tok
'ýou kicked you (pl.)'
ish-habli-tok
'you kicked her/him/it/them'
pluralhas-sa-habli-tok
'you (pl.) kicked me'
hash-pi-habli-tok
'you (pl.) kicked us (few)'
hash-hapi-habli-tok
'you (pl.) kicked us (all)'
hash-chi-habli-tok
'you (pl.) kicked you'
hash-ili-habli-tok 1
'you (pl.) kicked yourselves'
hash-habli-tok
'you (pl.) kicked her/him/it/them'
third-personsa-habli-tok
'she/he/it/they kicked me'
pi-habli-tok
'she/etc. kicked us (few)'
hapi-habli-tok
'she/etc. kicked us (all)'
chi-habli-tok
'she/etc. kicked you'
hachi-habli-tok
'she/etc. kicked you (pl.)'
habli-tok
"she/etc. kicked her/him/it/them"
ili-habli-tok 1
'she/etc. kicked herself/etc.'
  1. ^ When the subject and object refer to the same thing or person (coreference), the reflexive ili- prefix is mandatory and used in place of the coreferent object.

Transitive active verbs seemingly with class III direct objects:

  • Am-anoli-tok 'She/he/it/they told me.'
  • Chim-anoli-tok 'She/he/it/they told you.'
  • Im-anoli-tok 'She/he/it/they told him/her/it/them.'
  • Pim-anoli-tok 'She/he/it/they told us.'
  • Hachim-anoli-tok 'She/he/it/they told y'all.'

When a transitive verb occurs with more than one agreement prefix, I prefixes precede II and III prefixes:

Iichipi̱satok.

Ii-

1P.I-

chi-

2S.II-

pi̱sa

seeNGR

-tok

-PT

Ii- chi- pi̱sa -tok

1P.I- 2S.II- seeNGR -PT

'We saw you.'

Ishpimanoolitok.

Ish-

2S.I-

pim-

1P.III-

anooli

tell

-tok.

-PT

Ish- pim- anooli -tok.

2S.I- 1P.III- tell -PT

'You told us.'

For intransitive verbs, the subjects of active verbs typically have class I agreement. Because third-person objects are unmarked, intransitive active verbs are indistinguishable in form from transitive active verbs with a third-person direct object.

Stative verbs
Rev. Cyrus Byington worked nearly 50 years translating the Bible into Choctaw. He traveled with the Choctaws from Mississippi to Indian Territory after their forced relocation. Cyrus Byington.png
Rev. Cyrus Byington worked nearly 50 years translating the Bible into Choctaw. He traveled with the Choctaws from Mississippi to Indian Territory after their forced relocation.

The subjects of stative verbs typically have II agreement. A small set of psychological verbs have subjects with class III agreement. [21]

Baliililitok.

Baliili

run

-li

-1S.I

-tok

-PT

Baliili -li -tok

run -1S.I -PT

'I ran.'

Saniyah.

Sa-

1S.II-

niya

fat

-h.

-TNS

Sa- niya -h.

1S.II- fat -TNS

'I am fat.'

A̱ponnah.

A̱-

1S.III-

ponna

skilled

-h.

-TNS

A̱- ponna -h.

1S.III- skilled -TNS

'I am skilled.'

Negatives

The set of agreement markers labelled N above is used with negatives. [22] Negation is multiply marked, requiring that an agreement marker from the N set replace the ordinary I agreement, the verb appear in the lengthened grade (see discussion below), and that the suffix /-o(k)-/ follow the verb, with deletion of the preceding final vowel. The optional suffix /-kii/ may be added after /-o(k)-/. Consider the following example:

Akiiyokiittook.

Ak-

1S.N-

iiya

goLGR

-o

-NEG

-kii

-NEG

-ttook

-DPAST

Ak- iiya -o -kii -ttook

1S.N- goLGR -NEG -NEG -DPAST

'I did not go.'

Compare this with the affirmative counterpart:

Iyalittook.

Iya

go

-li

-1S.I

-ttook.

-DPAST

Iya -li -ttook.

go -1S.I -DPAST

'I went'.

To make this example negative, the 1sI suffix /-li/ is replaced by the 1sN prefix /ak-/; the verb root iya is lengthened and accented to yield íiya; the suffix /-o/ is added, the final vowel of iiya is deleted, and the suffix /-kii/ is added.

Anaphoric prefixes

Reflexives are indicated with the /ili-/ prefix, and reciprocals with /itti-/: [23]

Ilipi̱salitok.

Ili-

REFL-

pi̱sa

seeNGR

-li

-1S.I

-tok.

-PT

Ili- pi̱sa -li -tok.

REFL- seeNGR -1S.I -PT

'I saw myself'.

Verb suffixes

While the verbal prefixes indicate relations between the verb and its arguments, the suffixes cover a wider semantic range, including information about valence, modality, tense and evidentiality.

The following examples show modal and tense suffixes like /-aachii̱/ 'irrealis'(approximately equal to future), /-tok/ 'past tense', /-h/ 'default tenses': [24]

Baliilih.

Baliili

run

-h.

-TNS

Baliili -h.

run -TNS

'She runs.'

Baliilaachi̱h.

Baliili

run

-aachi̱

-IRR

-h.

-TNS

Baliili -aachi̱ -h.

run -IRR -TNS

'She will run.'

There are also suffixes that show evidentiality, or the source of evidence for a statement, as in the following pair: [25]

Nipi awashlihli.

Nipi

meat

awashli

fry

-hli

-FIRST:HAND

Nipi awashli -hli

meat fry -FIRST:HAND

'She fried the meat.' (I saw/heard/smelled her do it.)

Nipi awashlitoka̱sha.

Nipi

meat

awashli

fry

-tok

-PT

-a̱sha

-GUESS

Nipi awashli -tok -a̱sha

meat fry -PT -GUESS

'She fried the meat.' (I guess)

There are also suffixes of illocutionary force which may indicate that the sentence is a question, an exclamation, or a command: [26]

Awashlitoko̱?

Awashli

fry

-tok

-PT

-o̱

-Q

Awashli -tok -o̱

fry -PT -Q

'Did she fry it?'

Chahta siahokii!

Chahta

Choctaw

si-

1S.II-

a

be

-h

-TNS

-okii

-EXCL

Chahta si- a -h -okii

Choctaw 1S.II- be -TNS -EXCL

'I'm Choctaw!' or 'I certainly am a Choctaw!'

Verbal infixes

Choctaw verb stems have various infixes that indicate their aspect. [27] These stem variants are traditionally referred to as 'grades'. The table below shows the grades of Choctaw, along with their main usage.

Name of GradeHow it is formedWhen it is used
n-gradeinfix n in the next to last (penultimate) syllable; put accent on this syllableto show that the action is durative (lasts some definite length of time)
l-gradeput accent on next to last (penultimate) syllable; lengthen the vowel if the syllable is openbefore a few common suffixes, such as the negative /-o(k)/ and the switch-reference markers /-cha/ and /-na/
hn-gradeinsert a new syllable /-hV̱/ after the (original) next to last (penultimate) syllable. V̱ is a nasalized copy of the vowel that precedes it.to show that the action of the verb repeats
y-gradeinsert -Vyy- before the next to last (penultimate) syllableto show delayed inception
g-gradeformed by lengthening the penultimate vowel of the stem, accenting the antepenultimate vowel, and geminating the consonant that follows the antepenult.to show delayed inception
h-gradeinsert -h- after the penultimate vowel of the stem.to show sudden action

Some examples that show the grades follow:

In this example the l-grade appears because of the suffixes /-na/ 'different subject' and /-o(k)/ 'negative':

... lowat taahana falaamat akiiyokiittook.

lowa

burn

-t

-SS

taaha

completeLGR

-na

-DS

falaama

return

-t

-SS

ak-

1S.N-

iiya-

goLGR

o

-NEG

-kii

-NEG

-ttook

-DPAST

lowa -t taaha -na falaama -t ak- iiya- o -kii -ttook

burn -SS completeLGR -DS return -SS 1S.N- goLGR -NEG -NEG -DPAST

'... (the school) burned down and I didn't go back.'

The g-grade and y-grade typically get translated into English as "finally VERB-ed":

Taloowah.

Taloowa

sing

-h

-TNS

Taloowa -h

sing -TNS

'He sang.'

Tálloowah.

Tálloowa

singGGR

-h

-TNS

Tálloowa -h

singGGR -TNS

'He finally sang.'

The hn-grade is usually translated as 'kept on VERBing':

Ohó̱bana nittak pókkooli oshtattook.

Ohó̱ba

rainHNGR

-na

-DS

nittak

day

pókkooli

ten

oshta

four

-ttook

-DPAST

Ohó̱ba -na nittak pókkooli oshta -ttook

rainHNGR -DS day ten four -DPAST

'It kept on raining for forty days.'

The h-grade is usually translated "just VERB-ed" or "VERB-ed for a short time":

Nóhsih.

Nóhsi

sleepHGR

-h

-TNS

Nóhsi -h

sleepHGR -TNS

'He took a quick nap.

Nominal morphology

Noun prefixes

Nouns have prefixes that show agreement with a possessor. [28] Agreement markers from class II are used on a lexically specified closed class of nouns, which includes many (but not all) of the kinship terms and body parts. This is the class that is generally labeled inalienable.

sanoshkobo

sa-

1S.II-

noshkobo

head

sa- noshkobo

1S.II- head

'my head'

chinoshkobo

chi-

2S.II-

noshkobo

head

chi- noshkobo

2S.II- head

'your head'

noshkobo

noshkobo

head

noshkobo

head

'his/her/its/their head'

sashki

sa-

1S.II-

ishki

mother

sa- ishki

1S.II- mother

'my mother'

chishki

chi-

2S.II-

ishki

mother

chi- ishki

2S.II- mother

'your mother'

Nouns that are not lexically specified for II agreement use the III agreement markers:

a̱ki

a̱-

1S.III-

ki'

father

a̱- ki'

1S.III- father

'my father'

amofi

am-

1S.III-

ofi

dog

am- ofi

1S.III- dog

'my dog'

Although systems of this type are generally described with the terms alienable and inalienable, this terminology is not particularly appropriate for Choctaw, since alienability implies a semantic distinction between types of nouns. The morphological distinction between nouns taking II agreement and III agreement in Choctaw only partly coincides with the semantic notion of alienability.

Noun suffixes

Choctaw nouns can be followed by various determiner and case-marking suffixes, as in the following examples, where we see determiners such as /-ma/ 'that', /-pa/ 'this', and /-akoo/ 'contrast' and case-markers /-(y)at/ 'nominative' and /-(y)a̱/ 'accusative': [29]

alla naknimat

alla

child

nakni

male

-m

-that

-at

-NOM

alla nakni -m -at

child male -that -NOM

'that boy (nominative)'

Hoshiit itti chaahamako̱ o̱biniilih.

Hoshi

bird

-at

-NOM

itti

tree

chaaha

tall

-m

-that

-ako̱

-CNTR:ACC

o̱-

SUPE-

biniili

sit

-h

-TNS

Hoshi -at itti chaaha -m -ako̱ o̱- biniili -h

bird -NOM tree tall -that -CNTR:ACC SUPE- sit -TNS

'The bird is sitting on that tall tree.' (Not on the short one.)

The last example shows that nasalizing the last vowel of the preceding N is a common way to show the accusative case.

Word order and case marking

The simplest sentences in Choctaw consist of a verb and a tense marker, as in the following examples: [30]
O̱batok.

O̱ba

rain

-tok

-PT

O̱ba -tok

rain -PT

'It rained.'

Niyah.

niya

fat

-h

-TNS

niya -h

fat -TNS

'She/he/it is fat, they are fat.'

Pi̱satok.

Pi̱sa-

seeNGR

tok

-PT

Pi̱sa- tok

seeNGR -PT

'She/he/it/they saw her/him/it/them.'

As these examples show, there are no obligatory noun phrases in a Choctaw sentence, nor is there any verbal agreement that indicates a third person subject or object. There is no indication of grammatical gender, and for third person arguments there is no indication of number. (There are, however, some verbs with suppletive forms that indicate the number of a subject or object, e.g. iyah 'to go (sg.)', ittiyaachih 'to go (du.)', and ilhkolih 'to go (pl)'.)

When there is an overt subject, it is obligatorily marked with the nominative case /-at/. Subjects precede the verb

Hoshiyat apatok.

hoshi

bird

-at

-NOM

apa

eat

-tok

-PT

hoshi -at apa -tok

bird -NOM eat -PT

'The birds ate them.'

When there is an overt object, it is optionally marked with the accusative case /-a̱/

Hoshiyat sho̱shi(-ya̱) apatok.

hoshi

bird

-at

-NOM

sho̱shi

bug

(-a̱)

-(ACC)

apa

eat

-tok.

-PT

hoshi -at sho̱shi (-a̱) apa -tok.

bird -NOM bug -(ACC) eat -PT

'The birds ate the bugs.'

The Choctaw sentence is normally verb-final, and so the head of the sentence is last.

Some other phrases in Choctaw also have their head at the end. Possessors precede the possessed noun in the Noun Phrase:

ofi

dog

hohchifo

name

ofi hohchifo

dog name

'the dog's name'

Choctaw has postpositional phrases with the postposition after its object:

tamaaha

town

bili̱ka

near

tamaaha bili̱ka

town near

'near a town'

Orthography

Choctaw alphabet comparison
Choctaw alphabet (Speller).svg
The Choctaw "Speller" alphabet as found in the chata Holisso Ai Isht Ia Ʋmmona – The Choctaw Spelling Book, 1800s.
Choctaw alphabet (Byington).svg
The Choctaw linguistic alphabet as found in the Choctaw Language Dictionary by Cyrus Byington and edited by John Swanton, 1909.
Choctaw alphabet.svg
The Modern Choctaw alphabet as used by the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians, Present.
IPALinguisticCBTC MississippiTraditionalByington/Swanton
Vowels
aa
ii
oo
Long
aaááa
ā
iiííe, i
ī
ooóóo
ō
Nasal
ãːąaⁿ
+Cam, an
ĩːįiⁿ
+Cim, in
õːǫoⁿ
+Com, on, um, un
Lax
əaʋ
ɪi
ʊou
Consonants
bb
chčch
ff
hh
kk
ll
ɬlhłhl, lh ł, lh
mm
nn
pp
ss
ʃshšsh
tt
ww
jy
ʔ

The written Choctaw language is based upon the English version of the Roman alphabet and was developed in conjunction with the "civilization program" of the United States, a program to westernize and forcefully assimilate Indigenous Americans, particularly those adhering to what were to become the Five Civilized Tribes (of which the Choctaw are a part) into Anglo-American Culture and Sympathies during the early 19th century. Although there are other variations of the Choctaw alphabet, the three most commonly seen are the Byington (Traditional), Byington/Swanton (Linguistic), and Modern (Mississippi Choctaw).

Many publications by linguists about the Choctaw language use a slight variant of the "modern (Mississippi Choctaw)" orthography listed here, where long vowels are written as doubled. In the "linguistic" version, the acute accent shows the position of the pitch accent, rather than the length of the vowel.

The discussion of Choctaw grammar below uses the linguistic variant of the orthography.

  1. ^ Choctaw Bible Translation Committee
  2. ^ Substituted with 'v' according to typesetting or encoding constraints.
  3. ^ The former is used before a vowel; the latter, before a consonant. The intervocalic use of hl conflated the common consonant cluster /hl/ with /ɬ/.
  4. ^ Dictionary editors John Swanton and Henry Halbert systematically replaced all instances of hl with ł, regardless whether hl stood for /ɬ/ or /hl/. Despite the editors' systematic replacement of all hl with ł, the digraph lh was allowed to stand.

Examples

Some common Choctaw phrases (written in the "Modern" orthography):

Other Choctaw words:

Counting to twenty:

At "Native Nashville" web , there is an Online Choctaw Language Tutor, with Pronunciation Guide and four lessons: Small Talk, Animals, Food and Numbers.

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Crow language</span> Missouri Valley Siouan language of Montana, US

Crow is a Missouri Valley Siouan language spoken primarily by the Crow Tribe in present-day southeastern Montana. The word Apsáalooke translates to "Children of the Large Beaked Bird", which was later incorrectly translated into English as 'Crow'. It is one of the larger populations of American Indian languages with 4,160 speakers according to the 2015 US Census.

Consonant mutation is change in a consonant in a word according to its morphological or syntactic environment.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Neo-Mandaic</span> Modern Mandaean language from West Asia

Neo-Mandaic, also known as Modern Mandaic, sometimes called the "ratna", is the modern reflex of the Mandaic language, the liturgical language of the Mandaean religious community of Iraq and Iran. Although severely endangered, it survives today as the first language of a small number of Mandaeans in Iran and in the Mandaean diaspora. All Neo-Mandaic speakers are multilingual in the languages of their neighbors, Arabic and Persian, and the influence of these languages upon the grammar of Neo-Mandaic is considerable, particularly in the lexicon and the morphology of the noun. Nevertheless, Neo-Mandaic is more conservative even in these regards than most other Neo-Aramaic languages.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Supyire language</span> Language

Supyire, or Suppire, is a Senufo language spoken in the Sikasso Region of southeastern Mali and in adjoining regions of Ivory Coast. In their native language, the noun sùpyìré means both "the people" and "the language spoken by the people".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Tunica language</span> Extinct language isolate of the Mississippi Valley

The Tunica or Luhchi Yoroni language is a language isolate that was spoken in the Central and Lower Mississippi Valley in the United States by Native American Tunica peoples. There are no native speakers of the Tunica language, but there were 32 second-language speakers in 2017, and as of 2023, there are 60 second-language speakers.

Argobba is an Ethiopian Semitic language spoken in several districts of Afar, Amhara, and Oromia regions of Ethiopia by the Argobba people. It belongs to the South Ethiopic languages subgroup, and is closely related to Amharic.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Seneca language</span> Iroquoian language

Seneca is the language of the Seneca people, one of the Six Nations of the Hodinöhsö꞉niʼ ; it is an Iroquoian language, spoken at the time of contact in the western part of New York. While the name Seneca, attested as early as the seventeenth century, is of obscure origins, the endonym Onödowáʼga꞉ translates to "those of the big hill." About 10,000 Seneca live in the United States and Canada, primarily on reservations in western New York, with others living in Oklahoma and near Brantford, Ontario. As of 2022, an active language revitalization program is underway.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Comanche language</span> Uto-Aztecan language spoken by the Comanche people in the United States

Comanche is a Uto-Aztecan language spoken by the Comanche, who split from the Shoshone soon after the Comanche had acquired horses around 1705. The Comanche language and the Shoshoni language are quite similar, but certain consonant changes in Comanche have inhibited mutual intelligibility.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Eastern Pomo language</span> Pomoan language

Eastern Pomo, also known as Clear Lake Pomo, is a nearly extinct Pomoan language spoken around Clear Lake in Lake County, California by one of the Pomo peoples.

The Yimas language is spoken by the Yimas people, who populate the Sepik River Basin region of Papua New Guinea. It is spoken primarily in Yimas village, Karawari Rural LLG, East Sepik Province. It is a member of the Lower-Sepik language family. All 250-300 speakers of Yimas live in two villages along the lower reaches of the Arafundi River, which stems from a tributary of the Sepik River known as the Karawari River.

Ixcatec is a language spoken by the people of the Mexican village of Santa María Ixcatlan, in the northern part of the state of Oaxaca. The Ixcatec language belongs to the Popolocan branch of the Oto-manguean language family. It is believed to have been the second language to branch off from the others within the Popolocan subgroup, though there is a small debate over the relation it has to them.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Nukak language</span> Endangered indigenous language of Colombia

The Nukak language is a language of uncertain classification, perhaps part of the macrofamily Puinave-Maku. It is very closely related to Kakwa.

Arbore is an Afro-Asiatic language spoken by the Arbore people in southern Ethiopia in a few settlements of Hamer woreda near Lake Chew Bahir.

This article is about the sound system of the Navajo language. The phonology of Navajo is intimately connected to its morphology. For example, the entire range of contrastive consonants is found only at the beginning of word stems. In stem-final position and in prefixes, the number of contrasts is drastically reduced. Similarly, vowel contrasts found outside of the stem are significantly neutralized. For details about the morphology of Navajo, see Navajo grammar.

Highland Oaxaca Chontal, or Chontal de la Sierra de Oaxaca, is one of the Chontal languages of Oaxaca, Mexico. It is sometimes called Tequistlatec, but is not the same as Tequistlatec proper, which is extinct.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Duna language</span> Language spoken in Papua New Guinea

Duna is a Papuan language of Papua New Guinea. It may belong to the Trans New Guinea language family and is often further classified as a Duna-Pogaya language, for Bogaya appears to be Duna's closest relative, as evidenced by the similar development of the personal pronouns. Estimates for number of speakers range from 11,000 (1991) to 25,000 (2002).

Qaqet, or Baining, is a non-Austronesian language from the Baining family spoken in East New Britain Province on the island of New Britain, Papua New Guinea.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ute dialect</span> Colorado River Numic dialect used in the US

Ute is a dialect of the Colorado River Numic language, spoken by the Ute people. Speakers primarily live on three reservations: Uintah-Ouray in northeastern Utah, Southern Ute in southwestern Colorado, and Ute Mountain in southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah. Ute is part of the Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family. Other dialects in this dialect chain are Chemehuevi and Southern Paiute. As of 2010, there were 1,640 speakers combined of all three dialects Colorado River Numic. Ute's parent language, Colorado River Numic, is classified as a threatened language, although there are tribally-sponsored language revitalization programs for the dialect.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Avá-Canoeiro language</span> Tupian language spoken in Brazil

Avá-Canoeiro, known as Avá or Canoe, is a minor Tupi–Guaraní language of the state of Goiás, in Brazil. It can be further divided into two dialects: Tocantins Avá-Canoeiro and Araguaia Avá-Canoeiro. All speakers of the language are monolingual.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Matlatzinca language</span> Endangered Oto-Manguean language of Mexico

Matlatzinca, or more specifically San Francisco Matlatzinca, is an endangered Oto-Manguean language of Western Central Mexico.[3] The name of the language in the language itself is pjiekak'joo.[4] The term "Matlatzinca" comes from the town's name in Nahuatl, meaning "the lords of the network." At one point, the Matlatzinca groups were called "pirindas," meaning "those in the middle."[5]

References

  1. 1 2 Choctaw at Ethnologue (21st ed., 2018) Closed Access logo transparent.svg
  2. Martin, Jack (2016). New Choctaw Dictionary. Durant, Oklahoma: The Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma. p. 40. ISBN   978-0-9840968-7-9.
  3. Munro 1984
  4. 1 2 3 Broadwell (2006:15)
  5. Broadwell (2006:19-20)
  6. 1 2 3 Broadwell (2006:15-20)
  7. 1 2 3 4 Broadwell (2006:16-18)
  8. 1 2 Broadwell (2006:18-20)
  9. 1 2 3 Broadwell (2006:18-19)
  10. Broadwell (2006:21-26)
  11. Broadwell (2006:18-21)
  12. Broadwell (2006:125)
  13. Broadwell (2006:60-62)
  14. Broadwell (2006:124-125)
  15. 1 2 3 4 Broadwell (2006:26-27)
  16. Broadwell (2006:130)
  17. Broadwell (2006:219)
  18. Broadwell (2006:16)
  19. 1 2 3 Broadwell (2006:26)
  20. Broadwell (2006:137-140)
  21. Broadwell (2006:140-142)
  22. Broadwell (2006:148-152)
  23. Broadwell (2006:98-99)
  24. Broadwell (2006:169-183)
  25. Broadwell (2006:184-190)
  26. Broadwell (2006:191-193)
  27. Broadwell (2006:161-168)
  28. Broadwell (2006:52-63)
  29. Broadwell (2006:64-92)
  30. Broadwell (2006:32)

Sources

Further reading