This article needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(January 2015)
The external debt is the amount of debt a country owes to foreign or international creditors. The debtors can be the government, corporations or citizens of that country. The estimated Philippines foreign debt under the Aquino administration in early 2016 was US$110000.
The public debt is the total amount of debt a central government or country owes. It is also known as national debt. The debtors can be the government, corporations or citizens of that country. The estimated Philippines public debt under the Aquino administration in 2016 was $978000.
Public debt per person: $1,515.28
Population: 109,805,464
Public debt as % of GDP: 45.8%
Total annual debt change: 8.4%
Debt process
Developing countries use external borrowing as a mechanism to address the gap between domestic savings and desired investment and the export-import gap.
In practice, debt management involves coordinating several major aspects of economic decision-making that have a bearing on loan contracting, utilization and the debt servicing needs and capabilities.[1]
Institutional creditors
A creditor is a party (e.g. person, organization, company, or government) that has a claim on the services of a second party. It is a person or institution to whom money is owed.[2]
International Monetary Fund (IMF)
Since its establishment in 1947, the IMF has been the primary institution responsible for the maintenance of a smoothly operating international monetary system.[3]
According to the IMF, the lending process should follow the following procedures: Upon request by a member country, IMF resources are usually made available under a lending "arrangement", which may, depending on the lending instrument used, stipulate specific economic policies and measures a country has agreed to implement to resolve its balance of payments problem. The economic policy program underlying an arrangement is formulated by the country in consultation with the IMF and is in most cases presented to the Fund's Executive Board in a "letter of intent" and is further detailed in the annexed "memorandum of understanding". Once an arrangement is approved by the board, IMF resources are usually released in phased installments as the program is implemented. Some arrangements provide strong-performing countries with a one-time up-front access to IMF resources and thus not subject to policy understandings.[4]
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD)
The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was created in 1944 to help Europe rebuild after World War II. Today, IBRD provides loans and other assistance primarily to middle income countries. IBRD is the original World Bank institution. It works closely with the rest of the World Bank Group to help developing countries reduce poverty, promote economic growth, and build prosperity. Unlike commercial lending, IBRD's financing not only supplies borrowing countries with needed financing, but also serves as a vehicle for global knowledge transfer and technical assistance.[5]
The bank procedures, according to the World Bank operations manual,[6] follow the cycle: identification, preparation, appraisal, approval, implementation, and completion. The documentation requirements and decision points differ depending on whether a bank loan or a bank guarantee is proposed, and on project risk and special considerations. Additional financing and restructurings of investment project financing during implementation also have differing documentation requirements and decision points as set out by the manual.
Due to the large amount of debt that the National Government (NG) has incurred, the Bureau of Treasury publishes data of the allocation and grouping by categories regularly. Divided generally into two categories, these are
National Government Debt, which includes both outstanding debt and guaranteed debt of domestic and external origin; and
National Government Debt Service, which includes both principal payments and interest payments of debt paid domestically and externally.
Under each category, other types of data are also included. For domestic debt, these data are as follows:
By maturity (short-term, medium-term, long-term)
By type of borrowing (Treasury Bills, Treasury Bonds/Notes, Loans, others)
By type of liability (Direct Liabilities, Assumed Liabilities)
For external debt, these data are as follows:
By maturity (medium-term, long-term)
By creditor type (multilateral, bilateral, commercial, foreign debt securities)
By type of securities (Loans, US Dollar bonds/notes, Eurobonds, Yen bonds, Peso denominated bonds)
By type of currency (US dollar, Japanese Yen, Euro, French Franc, Deutsche Mark, PhP, other currencies)
By type of Liabilities (Direct Liabilities such as Loans and foreign debt securities, Assumed Liabilities)
Balance of payments
The balance of payments (BOP) is included within the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) annual report which shows the difference of the total value of payments into (credit) and out of (debit) the country. Also known as the "balance of international payments", the yearly published BOP contains all transactions between the residents and non-residents, including the trade of goods and services, income, investment, debt services and financial instruments.[8] Having recorded the monetary credit and debit, the total asset and liabilities should zero out. But, in practice, the BOP shows the deficit or surplus and where it is coming from.[9]
Since 1999, the Philippines fluctuates between deficit and surplus. What is most ideal[dubious–discuss][citation needed] is a high surplus since this indicates more money coming into the country. In 2008, despite the global financial crisis, the country still received a surplus of US$89 million.[10] This was followed by a growth of surplus in 2009 (US$5.3 billion)[11] and 2010 (US$14.4 billion).[12] In 2014, the country experienced its first deficit in a number of years, with a US$2.9 billion deficit.[13]
External debt ratios
Debt-to-GDP ratio
The Debt-to-GDP ratio is the proportion of a country's federal debt in relation to its total output or GDP.[14] According to the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), the ratio of what the Philippines owes from foreign creditors (external debt) to what it has been producing (GDP) has gone through a significant growth from 61.6% in 1999 to 68.2% in 2001. The ratio fluctuated until 2004 when it started a steady decline up to 2008. It rose again to 38.4% in 2009, but eventually fell down to 36.9% in 2010.[15] Up until 2015, the trend was declining, with a 27.3% ratio at the end of 2014. Figures have generally been fluctuating (in terms of public and private external debt). Governments basically aim for low debt-to-GDP ratios because such is an indicator that the economy is producing high enough output to pay off its borrowings.
Debt-to-revenue ratio
The debt-to-revenue, according to the National Tax Research Center (NTRC), is an important calculation in evaluating the government's ability to manage its debt. It measures the percentage of total revenue that is allocated to debt principal and interest payments. With the constant increase in the debt to revenue ratio, it becomes more difficult for the government to handle its national debt.[16]
From almost a steady ratio of 420% in 2000–2001, the country's debt-to-revenue ratio went down to 364% and 354% in 2011 and 2012, respectively. However, ratio then started to soar and reached as high as 539% in 2004. Between 2005 and 2007, the ratio slipped to as low as 327% then rose again to 391% in 2010.[16]
Debt service ratio
Republic Act 6142 of 1970 defined the debt service ratio as the proportion of the Philippines' principal and interest payments on medium- and long-term debt to total external receipts or export earnings.[17] For the past 15 years, the Philippines' debt service burden (DSB) to exports on goods and receipts from services and income noticeably fell by more than a half, from 14.6% in 1999 to 6.2% in 2014. From 2001 to 2009, the figures have been fluctuating. However, the ratios from 2009 until 2014 maintained a trend of decline. This is preferred since low debt service ratio characterizes better international finances.
Assessment of government performance on external debt
During 1966–1969, then president Marcos borrowed a great amount of money to finance his domestic expansion and reforms. This expansion in the government budget led to increases in the current account deficit and crisis in the balance of payments (BOP). According to the Political Economy of Growth and Impoverishment in the Marcos Era, the Philippines' foreign debt rose from $360 million in 1962 to $26.2 billion by the end of 1985.[18] During the early 1970s, the government aimed at reviving growth and establishing an economic stabilization plan as well as a standby credit arrangement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).[19][20]
Under Republic Act 6142 of 1970, all external borrowing by the public and the private sector, with the exception of commercial bank sector, must be approved by the Monetary Board. The Management of External Debts and Investment Accounts Department (MEDIAD) within the BSP screened application for all external borrowings and maintained statistics on the country's external debt; this then was a limitation on debt service and on total external indebtedness.[21] The Foreign Currency Deposit System (FCDS), on the other hand, was in charge of permitting the external borrowing of banking sector—both domestic and foreign owned.
When Ferdinand Marcos became president in 1965, he continued Macapagal's economic liberalization policies, in turn causing debt to rise from US$277.7 million to US$840.2 million by the end of his term. On September 21, 1972, Marcos declared martial law, and in the next five years real GNP grew at an average of 7% per year. The next few years were also characterized by strong economic performance with the rise of exports and booming of investment, alongside the rise of capital flight and crony capitalism. The end of the 1970s was of high levels of foreign debt and external debt from the public sector. With the second oil price shock during the 1980s, interest rates rose and the government implemented countercyclical policy to increase public investment to maintain domestic incomes.[17]
Under Marcos, the Philippines saw its external debt balloon from US$360 million in 1962 to US$27.2 billion in 1986.[22][23] Much of this debt was for the government to finance economic development projects, which had to rely on borrowing from international lenders—such as theIMF—thus, the characterization of Marcos's administration as being "debt-driven". A prime example of a project to be funded through loans is the Bataan Nuclear power plant, which until this day has not been used.
By 1983, the Philippines had racked up a debt of US$24.4 billion and was unable to meet its payment obligations to the IMF and World Bank. The Philippines had subsequently had to agree to IMF and World Bank conditions to be granted another loan, which had led to the extreme[clarification needed] devaluation of the Philippine peso.[24]
In 1982, the Philippines turned to the IMF once again due to BOP difficulties and increase in outstanding oil import credit (85%). During 1983, the debt-to-GDP ratio grew to 56% (compared to 35% during 1980) as well as the debt service ratio with 38% (versus 21% during 1980).[17] The government also called for emergency loans from the World Bank and transaction commercial banks. By December 1984, the country chose to abide by the IMF conditions (such as those on the peso, etc.) to receive additional funds. BOP targets were met in 1985 as the current account turned positive in FY 1986.[25] But there was a cost; interest rates rose to as high as 40 percent, and real GNP declined 11 percent over 1984 and 1985.[25] By 1986, the ratio of external debt to GNP in the Philippines had peaked at 97 percent.[26][27]
Corazon "Cory" Aquino started her administration with a total debt of US$60.2 billion. Domestic debt was US$32.06 billion, while external debt totaled around US$28.2 billion.[28] The external debt problem was inherited from the Marcos regime. Aquino had the choice to repudiate the debts acquired by the Marcos regime due to their fraudulent nature. The NEDA secretary believed that, in order to restore growth, the country should not repay the debt. Creditors did not give much consideration to the country's situation and initially refused any renegotiation. On the other hand, Jaime Ongpin, the finance secretary, and José B. Fernández Jr., Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas governor, together with World Bank representatives and various countries, were against Philippines repudiating its debt. The consequence of not honoring the debt, according to them, was loss of financial aid/support from foreign countries which the Philippines needed to bring back the economy. Jaime Ongpin also threatened to resign from his position if Cory decided for repudiation. In the end, Cory decided to honor the debt.[29] Later, USA designed a "Marshall plan" to help the country, an initiative that would ease Congress constraints on foreign aid programs and allow the private sector to extend more generous assistance; this proposal would expand private sector investment, enhance trade opportunities, and seek solutions for Philippines' external debt.[30] Furthermore, P4 billion of foreign debt (inclusive of interest) was paid off in the span of 6 years. To finance this, however, the country borrowed a total of P9 billion pesos, bringing the total external debt from $28.2 billion to $33.2 billion for the duration of the Aquino administration.[31]
The National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) recommended a two-year moratorium on debt servicing as well repudiation on "fraudulent" loans. Business-oriented groups and cabinet member objected to this and ultimately, Aquino and the BSP resisted moratorium, opting to maintain a cooperative approach with its creditors.[25][32]
Through the IMF and commercial banks agreements, the Philippines was allowed to enter the Brady Plan, a "3-pronged program" which allowed the government to use funds to repurchase $1.31billion at a 50% discount, to reschedule of its debt due (from 1990 to 1994) and for 80 banks to subscribe to $700million worth of new loans.[25] A multinational initiative (1989–1991) called the Philippine Assistance Plan (or Multi Aid Initiative) agreed to provide a total of $6.7billion assistance to the country.[32]
Ultimately, the Aquino administration negotiated with various creditor groups to lower interest rates, reschedule the country's debt, and reduce total debt size itself.[25] "The Aquino administration appeared to be unable to work with the Congress to enact an economic package to overcome the country's economic difficulties."[32] Moreover, although debt service payments only underwent slight changes (with BoP pressures still existent), overall growth caused the debt-to-GDP ratio to fall as well as the debt service-to-exports ratio.[25]
The 12th president of the Philippines, President Fidel Ramos, was able to uplift the economy of the country through focusing on "people empowerment" and "global competitiveness."[33] During his time, the Philippines was considered as one of the "Tiger Cub Economies" in Asia with its continuous growth and prosperity. An example of the prosperity and growth that took place during the Ramos administration was the decrease in inflation rate, dropping from 20% to 10% even reaching as low as around 5%.[34]
Fidel V. Ramos's administration began with a total debt of $77.6 billion. 57.2% of which was domestic debt ($44.4 billion) while 42.8% was from foreign debt ($33.2 billion).[28] In the start of Ramos regime, he envisioned the Philippines to be a part of Asia's tiger economies. True to his word, the Philippines experienced economic growth. In 1996, the GDP grew at a rate of 7.2%. Inflation was also reduced from 9.7% (Corazon Aquino's regime) to 7.3%.[35] However, in the 1997 Asian currency crisis, the Philippines' economy took a huge blow. This may have come from the neglect of the agriculture and manufacturing industry. The peso depreciated from (1992) P27 to (1998) P41 to the dollar.[citation needed]
Ramos tried to control debt through debt restructuring and fiscal management. Ramos claims to have brought down the debt service ratio from 40% of export earning to around 20%. The debt service ratio was reduced in his regime as well. Reduction in debt servicing, however, partially caused the economy's decline since funds were not used for the country's development/growth.[35]
Under his administration, the Republic Act 7653, more commonly known as the New Central Bank Act, was enacted on June 14, 1993. It took effect on July 3 of the same year.[36] This act serves as the governing body of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) and its responsibilities, governance, and operations. President Ramos had also boosted foreign trade and investments that increased capital flow into the country. With the reestablishment of the access to debt market, issuance of government bonds in foreign currencies was able to finance the recovery of the country,[37] until the Asian financial crisis of 1997.
In the external sector, the volatility of peso-dollar exchange rates had caused the widening of debt spreads.[38] However, through reforms on debt service payments and reasonable fiscal policy, this accumulated external debt was reduced to more controllable levels. Foreign exchange control was also implemented by reducing the supply of foreign exchange, while increasing the demand.[39]
The short-lived Estrada administration was plagued with political and economic problems. Domestically, the conflict with the separatist group Moro-Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in Mindanao, rampant kleptocracy and two corruption scandals led to a decline in investor confidence from within and abroad. Internationally, the country was also greatly affected by the world oil price hike and the tightened monetary policy of the United States Federal Reserve Board.[40]
Under the Estrada regime, the Philippines accumulated debt amounting to P2.1 trillion in 1999. Domestic debt amounted to P 986.7 billion while foreign debt at US$52.2 billion. Even though the Philippines was at a disadvantage, the GDP growth rate was 3.2 percent from a −0.5 percent low in 1998. In addition, domestic investment increased from 18.8% of GDP in 1999 to 21.1% of GDP in 2000. Faced with high foreign debt right after he assumed office, President Estrada proposed the employment of contractionary policies to cut back government expenditures in strict compliance to his proposed budget during his first State of the Nation Address (SONA).[41] The austerity measures were never followed. Rampant government overspending resulted in a Php 136.1 billion deficit of cash operations. By the end of his truncated term in 2000, total external debt increased from US$51.157 billion in 1999 to US$51.358 billion. Also, the weakening of the Peso against the US Dollar (average of Php 44.19/US$1; record average low of Php 51.68/US$1 on October 31, 2000) resulted in the rise of US interest rates and greatly affected the borrowing of both the private and public sectors.[40]
Another factor that hindered the improvement of Philippines' debt position was the tension between the Estrada administration and the MILF. Even though the Ramos administration made efforts to achieve peace in Mindanao through signed agreement, they were not able to agree with the Estrada administration. This resulted in various terrorist attacks against the Philippine military and civilians. A total of 277 attacks took place including the kidnapping of Father Luciano Benedetti, the occupation and subsequent arson of the municipal hall of Talayan, Maguindanao; and the takeover of the Narciso Ramos Highway.[42] This severely damaged the country's image and frightened away foreign investment. To tackle the loss of investor confidence, on March 21, 2000, President Estrada launched an "all-out-war" against the MILF. After months of conflict, on July 10, 2000, the President declared victory stating that this, "... will speed up government efforts to bring genuine and lasting peace and development in Mindanao". In the middle of July the President ordered the military to arrest top MILF leaders.
On October 2000, the final blow to the Estrada Presidency came when the President himself was accused and found guilty of receiving Php 400 million (US$2 million) as payoff from illegal gambling profits in what became known as the JuetengGate scandal. Later in the year, he was also accused of obstructing justice by influencing an investigation into stock market manipulation. Both scandals immediately eroded public trust and destroyed investor confidence. Foreign investment avoided the Philippines in droves. With the after effects of the Asian Financial Crisis still being felt as well as climatic disturbances in the region, the country's economic performance just got worse. Toward the end of Estrada's administration, the fiscal deficit had doubled to more than P100 billion from a low of P49 billion in 1998. In January 2001, following an impeachment trial, Estrada was removed from office by a second peaceful "People Power" revolution led by the Filipino youth, NGOs, and the business sector. President Estrada was the only Philippine president to be impeached by Congress. He was succeeded by his vice-president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who became the fourteenth President of the Republic.
Under the Arroyo administration, total outstanding debt only increased by an average of 0.47% per year. This is relatively low compared to other administrations due to good tax reform programs and high growth levels the country sustained during this administration. The country was able to reduce its total outstanding debt in 6 out of the 10 years. However, during her last year, total debt increased by 9.09%. During Arroyo's administration, total debt from the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PSCO) increased by around P4 billion. Arroyo allegedly broke the rule regarding the mandated policy of the PSCO for its expenses. Some of these debts were unaccounted for and thus was alleged to be the kickbacks of top officials.[43] It was also mentioned in an article that people were worse off during the end of the Arroyo administration than when she first sat as president. Unemployment increased, household real income shrank, poverty rose, many were forced to work outside the country.[44]
The foreign debt of the country reached its peak in 2003 with an outstanding US$57.6 billion, which is more than the combined borrowings of the last two governments.[45] According to the Freedom from Debt Coalition (FDC) In a span of 14 years, the Aquino, Ramos, and Estrada administrations contracted a total of Php1.51 trillion in debts, Php2.03 trillion less than what Arroyo has borrowed in her first six years in office. Under Arroyo, the FDC estimates that based on 2007 interest and principal payments, taxpayers carry a debt servicing burden of Php1.2 million every minute. Today, the FDC adds, every Filipino man, woman, and child owes creditors Php42,819.42.[46] This eventually led to a state of fiscal crisis due to the huge amount of the deficit,[45] as admitted by President Arroyo in 2004. As a response to this crisis, the option of an automatic appropriation policy that would allocate funds for debt service payments was questioned.[47]
Appropriation policy means that a portion of government budget for social services is cut to accommodate the payment of the external debt. From 39% in 2001 to 68% in 2004 of the national budget was allotted to interest and principal payments of debt.[48] The downside however of this policy is that it has greatly compromised the education, health and infrastructure of the country.
The government implemented new tax measures to increase the government budget, thus lessening the budget deficit. This included increased excise and corporate taxes, and the most controversial being the increase in value-added tax.[48]
According to former finance secretary Margarito Teves, what the Aquino administration calls the Arroyo administration as "lost decade" is not consistent with what data shows. During Arroyo's administration the Department of Finance had initiated several positive reforms that are benefited and still benefiting the country. The low rise in debt during the Arroyo administration also resulted in credit outlook upgrades from negative to stable, and then positive shortly after her term. This resiliency of external debt to shocks was credited to Arroyo's strong focus on tax reforms.[49] In another news article, according to House Minority Leader Danilo Suarez, the Philippine's capacity to lend $1 billion to the International Monetary Fund in 2012 should not be credited to Aquino's administration, but rather to Arroyo's administration. This is due to the unprecedented growth levels the country had during Arroyo's administration.[50]
Following the fiscal crisis, the external sector policy for 2005–2006 of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas was focused on the following: (a) to maintain appropriate levels of reserve deposits to ensure liquidity of the economy, (b) to retain market-determined exchange rate, with limited intervention during extreme cases, and (c) control foreign loans, particularly from the public sector.[51] Moreover, less borrowings, improved pre-payment schemes, lower foreign exchange rate and increased government revenue[45] led to a continuous decline of external debt until the last year of the Arroyo administration, with an outstanding external debt of US$64.738 billion in 2009.[52]
During the Aquino administration, debt service and the public debt stock have continued to rise. It paid Php634 billion in debt service between July 2010 and April 2011 which is Php8 billion more than in the equivalent previous period under the previous administration. These payments over its first ten months also already exceed payments for the whole year of 2007, 2008 and 2009 respectively (and of the first two years combined of the previous administration). Yet the national government debt stock has continued to rise from Php4,582 billion in end-June 2010 to Php4,706 billion in March 2011.[53]
However, according to the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, the Philippines became a creditor nation in 2010 when it joined the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Financial Transactions Plan (FTP) through which emerging market economies took part in international cooperation efforts to lessen the impact of the euro debt crisis on the rest of the global economy. Among the gains the Philippines got from joining the FTP was access to the New Arrangements to Borrow (NAB) facility, which the IMF established to help its members cope with serious international financial crises.[54]
The government reported 4.9% growth in real gross domestic product (GDP) in the first quarter of 2011 which was markedly slower than the 8.4% rate in the first quarter of 2010. Consecutive quarters are not strictly comparable but it can still be noted that the first three quarters of the Aquino administration has seen progressively slower growth year-on-year – from 8.9% in the second quarter of 2010, 7.3% in the third quarter, and 6.1% in the fourth quarter, followed by the 4.9% in the first quarter of this year.[53]
In addition to this, at the start of 2011 – and for the first time in the country's independent history – gross international reserves eclipsed external debt. Foreign reserves increased by 20.5% last year to $75 billion, up from $63 billion at the end of 2010. The Philippines' debt-to-GDP (gross domestic product) ratio is among the lowest in Asia at under 50%.[55]
By June 2013, it was announced by BSP Governor Amando M. Tetangco Jr that the country's outstanding external debt registered by the BSP has declined by US$1.0 billion (or 1.8%) to US$58.0 billion from US$59.0 billion in March. According to him, this was largely a result of net loan repayments, mostly by the public sector, as well as negative foreign exchange revaluation adjustments as the US dollar strengthened, particularly against the Japanese Yen. This decrease supported the yearly trend with debt stock reflecting a reduction of US$3.2 billion (or 5.3%) from US$61.2 billion in June 2012.
The trend observed for the external debt-GDP-ratio was also the same for the said year, with the ratio down to 21.8% in the second quarter from 22.8% in March and 26.1% in June 2012.[56] Generally, the country's economy between 2012 and 2013 grew at an average rate of 7.0%.
Moreover, the country sustained its growth momentum in 2014 at a rate of 6.1%, as what the national government targeted to be 6.0–7.0% growth rate for 2014.[57] By the end of March 2014, it was reported that the country's outstanding external debt registered by BSP stood at US$58.3 billion. The debt-GDP-ratio for this year, from 22.8% in 2013, declined to 21.5%.[56]
During the first nine months of 2014, the country's BOP position recorded a US$3.4 billion deficit, a reversal from the US$3.8 billion surplus recorded in 2013. According to BSP, the deficit was attributed to the significant increase in net outflows in the financial account brought about by large net outflows in portfolio investments and in other investments.
Positive developments in the US economy and anticipations of interest rate adjustments by the US Fed have led to capital outflows in emerging markets like the Philippines. Meanwhile, the current account remained in surplus at US$6.8 billion supported by strong remittance flows and receipts from the BPO industries and the export sector. As of December 2014, the country's gross international reserves (GIR) stood at US$79.8 billion.[58]
Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Governor Amando M. Tetangco Jr. announced that the outstanding Philippine external debt stood at US$75.3 billion at end-March 2015, down by US$2.4 billion (or 3.0 percent) from the US$77.7 billion level at end-2014. This decline was due to the net repayments (US$2.0 billion) mainly by banks.[59] Other factors that influenced the decline of the debt stock is from the negative foreign exchange (FX) revaluation (US$220 million) arising from the strengthening of the US Dollar against other currencies, and an increase in residents' investments in Philippine debt papers (US$100 million).Governor Tetangco said, "Key external debt indicators were observed to have remained at very prudent levels in the first quarter of 2015." Gross international reserves (GIR) of US$80.5 billion as of end-March 2015 represented 6.1 times cover for short-term (ST) debt under the original maturity concept compared to 4.9 times and 4.7 times as of end-December and March 2014.The Philippine's external debt is mostly consist of medium- to long-term (MLT) accounts which represented 82.6 percent of total.[60]
This implies that FX requirements for debt payments are well spread out and, thus, more manageable. The weighted average maturity for all MLT accounts stood at 17.0 years, with public sector borrowings having a longer average tenor of 22.2 years compared to 8.6 years for the private sector. ST external debt comprised the 17.4 percent balance of the debt stock, consisting largely of bank borrowings, intercompany accounts of foreign bank branches, trade credits, and deposits of non-residents. Public sector external debt stood at US$39.1 billion (or 52.0 percent of total debt stock), slightly lower than the US$39.3 billion level (50.7 percent) as of end-2014 due mainly to negative FX revaluation adjustments (US$209 million) as the US Dollar strengthened against most currencies. Private sector debt likewise declined to US$36.2 billion from US$38.3 billion a quarter ago due largely to the net repayments of bank liabilities (US$2.9 billion).[61]
Foreign holders of Philippine bonds and notes continued to account for the largest share (33.5 percent) of total external debt, followed by official sources (multilateral and bilateral creditors – 30.4 percent), foreign banks and other financial institutions (28.9 percent), and foreign suppliers/exporters (7.2 percent). The country's debt stock remained largely denominated in US Dollar (64.6 percent), and Japanese Yen (12.7 percent). US dollar-denominated multi-currency loans from the World Bank and Asian Development Bank comprised 10.4 percent of total, while the remaining 12.3 percent pertained to 17 other currencies.[62]
Philippine debt sustainability
According to NTRC, the country's debt sustainability assessment for 2012–2017 shows that investors have a positive outlook on the country's economy.[16]
It is said that a high debt level could be perceived as sustainable by investors if it is decreasing.[63] The country's projected debt sustainability from 2012 to 2017 depicts downward trends in debt-to-GDP and debt-to-revenue that lead to further improvement in market perceptions. The ratio indicates that for every PhP100 worth of goods and services the country produces in the economy between 2012 and 2017, the country must use around PhP42 to PhP55 for debt repayment.[16]
However, it is still fundamental for the government to practice proper debt management to avoid payment defaults and/or debt service eating up much of the revenues of the government (debt overhang).[16]
Risks of external debt to Philippine economy
According to Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas:
Debt sustainability is a major issue, particularly for countries facing higher public debts, such as what most advanced economies are currently experiencing. These countries are vulnerable to rollover risks as maturing debt obligations could become more expensive to refinance considering that investors will demand significant premium to compensate for the greater risks that they will be assuming. The punitive action of the market through higher borrowing costs will make it more difficult for these countries to service their obligations, creating a vicious cycle of debt trap. This could be aggravated when governments planning to undertake unpopular measures that will increase revenues and/or reduce public expenditures face political backlash that render them not politically feasible.[64]
The economy of the Philippines is the world's 36th largest economy by nominal GDP according to the 2019 estimate of the International Monetary Fund's statistics, it is the 13th largest economy in Asia, and the 3rd largest economy in the ASEAN after Indonesia and Thailand. The Philippines is one of the emerging markets and is the fifth richest in Southeast Asia by GDP per capita values, after the regional countries of Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia and Thailand.
The Philippine peso, also referred to by its Filipino name piso, is the official currency of the Philippines. It is subdivided into 100 centavos or sentimos in Filipino. As a former colony of the United States, the country used English on its currency, with the word "peso" appearing on notes and coinage until 1967. Since the adoption of the usage of the Filipino language on banknotes and coins, the term "piso" is now used.
External loan is the total debt which the residents of a country owe to foreign creditors; its complement is internal debt which is owed to domestic lenders. The debtors can be the government, corporations or citizens of that country. The debt includes money owed to private commercial banks, foreign governments, or international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. Note that the use of gross liability figures greatly distorts the ratio for countries which contain major money centers such as the United Kingdom due to London's role as a financial capital. Contrast with net international investment position.
Banknotes of the Philippine peso are issued by the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas for circulation in the Philippines. The smallest amount of legal tender in wide circulation is ₱20 and the largest is ₱1000. The front side of each banknote features prominent people along with buildings, and events in the country's history while the reverse side depicts landmarks and animals.
The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas is the central bank of the Philippines. It was established on July 3, 1993, pursuant to the provision of Republic Act 7653 or the New Central Bank Act of 1993 as anmended by Republic Act 11211 or the New Central Act of 2019.
Rafael Carlos Baltazar Buenaventura was a prominent banker in the Philippines who served as the second Governor of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas ; he served under two Philippine presidents during one of the most tumultuous political transitions in the country's history.
Benjamin Estoista Diokno is the current Governor of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte, and Chairman of the Anti-Money Laundering Council. Prior to his appointment, he was the Secretary of Budget and Management under the same administration. He held the same position under President Joseph Estrada, from July 1998 until Estrada's ouster in January 2001. Diokno also served as Undersecretary for Budget Operations at the Department of Budget and Management, from 1986 to 1991, during the administration of President Corazon Aquino. On March 4, 2019, President Rodrigo Duterte appointed Diokno as the fifth Governor of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). He will serve the unexpired term of the late BSP governor Nestor Espenilla Jr. which will end on July 2023.
Cesar Antonio Velasquez Purisima is a Filipino accountant and financial expert. He was the Secretary of Finance of the Republic of the Philippines under the administration of President Benigno S. Aquino III. He also served as the chair of the Cabinet Economic Development Cluster and member of the Monetary Board of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas. Purisima is a multi-awarded finance minister, recognized 7 times in 6 consecutive years by various international institutions for turning the Philippine economy around and restoring investor confidence.
The New Design Series (NDS) was the name used to refer to banknotes and coins of the Philippine peso issued from 1985 to 1993; it was renamed the BSP Series when the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas was established in 1993. It was succeeded by the New Generation Currency (NGC) series issued on December 16, 2010. The NDS/BSP banknotes were no longer in print and legal tender after December 30, 2015. The coins however, still remain legal tender with the new NGC coins as of 2020.
The Philippine one hundred-peso note (₱100) is a denomination of Philippine currency. Philippine president Manuel A. Roxas is currently featured on the front side of the bill, while the Mayon Volcano and the whale shark are featured on the reverse side.
The Philippine two hundred-peso note (₱200) is a denomination of Philippine currency. Philippine president Diosdado Macapagal is currently featured on the front side of the note, and since 2017, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's inauguration as the 14th President of the Philippines is on the lower-left side on the note just in front of the scene of the Declaration of Philippine Independence, and the scene of the opening of the Malolos Congress is also present on the obverse side of the note. From 2010 to 2017, the Aguinaldo Shrine and the Barasoain Church were featured on the front side of the note. The Chocolate Hills and the Philippine tarsier is featured on the reverse side. Currently, it is the rarest banknote circulating in the country.
The Philippine five hundred-peso note (₱500) is a denomination of Philippine currency. Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. and his wife, President Corazon Aquino are currently featured on the front side of the note, while the Puerto Princesa Subterranean River National Park and the blue-naped parrot are featured on the reverse side.
The Philippine five-peso note (₱5) was a denomination of Philippine currency. Philippine president Emilio Aguinaldo is featured on the front side of the note, while the Declaration of the Philippine Independence is featured on the reverse side. This banknote was circulated until the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas stopped printing this denomination in 1996 and was replaced by coins.
The Philippine two-peso note (₱2) was a denomination of Philippine currency. On its final release, José Rizal was featured on the front side of the bill, while the Declaration of the Philippine Independence was featured on the reverse side.
The economic history of the Philippines chronicles the long history of economic policies in the nation over the years.
Fiscal policy refers to the "measures employed by governments to stabilize the economy, specifically by manipulating the levels and allocations of taxes and government expenditures. Fiscal measures are frequently used in tandem with monetary policy to achieve certain goals." In the Philippines, this is characterized by continuous and increasing levels of debt and budget deficits, though there have been improvements in the last few years.
Monetary policy is the monitoring and control of money supply by a central bank, such as the Federal Reserve Board in the United States of America, and the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas in the Philippines. This is used by the government to be able to control inflation, and stabilize currency. Monetary Policy is considered to be one of the two ways that the government can influence the economy – the other one being Fiscal Policy. Monetary Policy is generally the process by which the central bank, or government controls the supply and availability of money, the cost of money, and the rate of interest.
Amando Maglalang Tetangco Jr. was the third Governor of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). He was the first BSP governor to serve two terms, having been first appointed to the office by Philippine president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in July 2005, and reappointed in 2011 by President Benigno Aquino III to serve another six-year term.
Nestor Aldave Espenilla Jr. was the fourth Governor of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas. He was appointed by Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte on 8 May 2017 and assumed office on 3 July 2017. He previously served as the bank's deputy governor under his predecessor Amando Tetangco Jr.
The New Generation Currency (NGC) Series is the name used to refer to Philippine peso banknotes issued since 2010 and coins issued since 2018. The series uses the Myriad and Twentieth Century typefaces.
↑ Sachs, Jeffrey; Susan Collins. "Debt, Policy, and Performance: An Introduction"(PDF). Developing Country Debt and Economic Performance, Volume 3: Country Studies – Indonesia, Korea, Philippines, Turkey. University of Chicago Press. Archived from the original(PDF) on October 8, 2012. Retrieved May 16, 2011.
↑ Bernardo, Ramos (2008). The Political Economy of Reform during the Ramos Administration (1922–98). 1818 H Street NW Washington, DC: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank. pp.11–13.CS1 maint: location (link)
↑ Gonzalez, Celia (July 7, 2004). "External Debt Management in the Philippines"(PDF). Regional Workshop on Capacity Building for External Debt Management in the Era of Rapid Globalization. Bangkok, Thailand. United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Archived from the original(PDF) on August 11, 2007. Retrieved May 16, 2011.
↑ Tetangco Jr., Amando (June 29, 2005). "The Monerary Policy of the BSP"(PDF). One year and Counting – How much has been achieved by the government?. Manila, Philippines. Corporate Network Forum. Archived from the original(PDF) on March 24, 2012. Retrieved May 20, 2011.
↑ Hernandez, Roy R. (July–August 2011). "Public Debt and Fiscal Consolidation"(PDF). Economic Newsletter. Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas. Retrieved February 27, 2017.
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