Free Wales Army

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Free Wales Army
Welsh: Byddin Rhyddid Cymru
Leaders Julian Cayo-Evans
Dennis Coslett
Dates of operation1964–1969
Headquarters Lampeter, Ceredigion, Wales
Active regions Wales
Ideology Welsh nationalism
Welsh republicanism
Allies Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru
Flag of Ireland.svg Irish Republican Army (alleged)
Opponents Flag of the United Kingdom.svg United Kingdom
Julian Cayo-Evans (centre) leads FWA members during the group's first-ever public appearance at the Llyn Celyn opening ceremony protest, 28 October 1965 Protest during the official opening ceremony of Llyn Celyn, Tryweryn (1459996).jpg
Julian Cayo-Evans (centre) leads FWA members during the group's first-ever public appearance at the Llyn Celyn opening ceremony protest, 28 October 1965

The Free Wales Army (FWA; Welsh : Byddin Rhyddid Cymru) was a Welsh nationalist paramilitary organisation formed in Lampeter in Ceredigion (formerly Cardiganshire) by Julian Cayo-Evans in 1964. Its objective was to establish an independent Welsh republic.

Contents

The FWA first appeared in public at a 1965 protest against the construction of the Llyn Celyn reservoir. [1] In 1966, the organisation participated in Irish celebrations marking the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising, marching in Dublin. [2] A 1967 late-night television interview with David Frost brought the group to the attention of a wider audience. [3] The group courted publicity, and its leaders attracted a great deal of media attention with extravagant claims of financial support from millionaires, links with the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Basque separatists, and dogs trained to carry explosives. [4] [5] Members wore home-made uniforms and marched in historic sites like Machynlleth, as well as carrying out manoeuvres with small arms and explosives in the Welsh countryside. [1] [4] The organisation claimed responsibility for the bombing campaign of Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru (MAC), diverting the attention of the authorities and contributing to the arrest of its leadership and the group’s dissolution in 1969. [5] [6]

History

Origins

Throughout the early 1960s, many within the ranks of Plaid Cymru had become radicalised and dissatisfied by the party's failure to prevent Liverpool Corporation's plans for the flooding of Tryweryn. [7] Owain Williams, a former party member and founding member of MAC, alleged that dissatisfaction was particularly strong among younger members and supporters. [7] [8] In a 2003 interview for S4C’s Terfysgwyr Tryweryn (“Tryweryn Terrorist”) documentary, Williams suggested that many young people were frustrated with what he described as reliance on “so-called constitutional means of asking, bowing, scraping and grovelling.” It was this disillusionment, Williams asserted, that created the conditions for the emergence of militant nationalist organisations in Wales, which was a sentiment shared by his co-conspirator, Emyr Llywelyn Jones. [7]

The first organisation resembling the FWA appeared in 1959 as the Welsh Freedom Army (WFA), which initially distributed cards in Llangollen bearing the slogan “Resist English Rule in Wales: WFA”. [9] Cards were later distributed nationwide and placed under beer mats, in telephone kiosks, libraries, bookshops and anywhere else the group could think of. [10] Supporters of the group often daubed the group's acronym alongside nationalist slogans in areas where cards had been distributed, generating momentum for the elusive organisation. [10] At the same time, Harri Webb, a republican socialist poet and former member of the Welsh Republican Movement, together with Meic Stephens, was evoking the idea of a “Free Wales Army” in his poetry and songs. [10] Webb designed the “White Eagle of Snowdonia”, often referred to by its Welsh name “Yr Eryr Wen” (literally “the White Eagle”), a symbol derived from Welsh legend, which later became the emblem displayed on the FWA's flags and uniforms. [11] The amorphous “army” soon gained attention as supporters across the country painted the initials "FWA" alongside nationalist slogans on roadsides, with one such incident in Gwynedd in 1964 prompting Plaid Cymru to issue an official denial of any involvement. [12] Speaking on HTV Wales’s Only Yesterday in 1995, Julian Cayo-Evans recalled that his first awareness of the FWA came when he noticed an Eryr Wen painted on a wall in Aberystwyth, which prompted his decision to join the movement. [13]

As momentum grew through 1964, a number of independently formed groups claiming to represent the FWA, or similar iterations, emerged across Wales. [14] While Cayo-Evans handcrafted his own uniform from his British Army Service Dress using a cauldron of green dye in Lampeter, Tony Lewis similarly dyed his Royal Air Force (RAF) uniform green and formed a small group claiming to be the FWA in Cwmbran. [15] Gethin ap Gruffydd became active around this time and established similar organisations in South Wales, including the Anti-Sais Front, which later merged with other nationalist groups to form the Patriotic Front. [14] Dennis Coslett, who would later become Cayo-Evans' second-in-command, formed the Welsh Republican Army (WRA) in Llangennech in 1965. [16] Coslett joined forces with Cayo-Evans' FWA upon being introduced to him by Dai Bonar Thomas, another foundational member of the fledgling paramilitary. [17]

Militancy

The organisation attempted a single militant action of its own, which involved a failed bombing of the water pipeline connecting the Elan Valley Reservoirs to Birmingham. [18] [19] In his biography, John Jenkins recounted how an associate of MAC had been contacted by the FWA in February 1967, requesting that they be supplied with an explosive device. [19] Being both the leader and bomb manufacturer of MAC, Jenkins decided to agree, and through a chain of contacts, supplied the FWA with the gelignite device as requested, while maintaining the identity of its manufacturer a secret. [18] [19]

Following weeks of scouting the pipeline, the group had identified a section they believed to be vulnerable at Cefn Penarth near Llandrindod Wells, where the line crossed a river via the Fron Aqueduct. [19] [20] Planted in late February, the intention was for the device to detonate in the early hours of the morning, totally destroying the midsection of the pipe and dominating the news headlines on Saint David's Day shortly after. [19] The bomb, an inflated car inner tube with forty sticks of gelignite and a detonator attached, was tied to a tree with a rope before being lowered down an access manhole, where the flowing water pulled it towards the pipe's interior midsection. [18] [21] Having primed the bomb to detonate at 3 a.m., the would-be saboteurs fled the scene, leaving the device suspended in the pipe. [22] The following morning, Dennis Coslett telephoned the Western Mail news desk to announce the attack and, speaking to the confused and dismissive editor John Humphries, stated, "There's a bomb in the pipeline for you, Humphries!" [18] [22] However, unbeknownst to Coslett, the bomb had failed to detonate and was subsequently discovered by Tom Powell, a local sheep farmer, who informed the authorities. [18] [22] British Army bomb disposal units from Western Command were dispatched to dismantle the device and safely detonated it in a nearby forest. [23] Coslett later recounted how the operation had unfolded, and had cited a priming error made as a result of the group's haste during execution. [19] Following the failure of the bombing, Jenkins resolved never to entrust the FWA with another device and adopted a much stricter approach to his own operations, later writing in his biography that “They made a mess of it.” [24]

The Aberfan disaster

In September 1967, the group advocated for families of victims of the Aberfan disaster, whose compensation claims were being blocked by the Charity Commission, "marching on their behalf and working behind the scenes for them." [1] [5] The organisation was made aware of the dispute by John Summers, a freelance journalist who had been contacted by victims of the disaster looking for support. [25] [26] Upon being informed, Dennis Coslett and Dai Bonar Thomas met with the Aberfan Parents and Residents Association to discuss what immediate action could be taken to support the victims. [27] The following day, the FWA hosted a press conference at the Morlais Arms public house in nearby Merthyr Tydfil, at which an ultimatum to the involved authorities was issued, in the presence of journalists, which read:

If a sum of £5,000 was not paid within a week to each of the bereaved families of Aberfan then the Active Service Units of the Free Wales Army would take immediate action. The Merthyr Tydfil Town Hall, the Committee Rooms of the Fund, plus the offices of the solicitor being paid to act as Secretary/Treasurer of the Fund would all be blown up. If, after this, nothing was still done, then the County Government Offices would be blasted, and following that the Government Offices in Cardiff would be destroyed... [28]

There was alleged to be a significant turnout of uniformed members of the paramilitary present at the conference, who subsequently marched along the high street of the town while brandishing flags and chanting hymns. [28] [29] Given the campaign of MAC bombings that had occurred in Wales in the years preceding the disaster, there is some reason to believe that the ultimatum may not have been taken lightly by the authorities. Notably, the shadowy group had attacked the Clywedog Reservoir construction site a year preceding the disaster, causing an estimated £30,000 in damages and delaying construction by six months. [30] [31] The MAC saboteurs responsible had planted an FWA cap near the site of the explosion to deliberately mislead the authorities, and no suspect was ever identified. [30] It is not known how much of an impact this intervention ultimately had on the outcome of the dispute; the commission agreed on the following Friday that the amount of £5,000 was to be paid to the victims. [28] [32]

Trial and imprisonment

The group was generally not taken seriously by the media, and one government memo warned against "taking the organisation's activities too seriously" saying this "would give to it an unmerited importance and publicity which its leaders are plainly seeking". [1] [33] However, against a backdrop of Welsh nationalist bombings and protests against the investiture of Charles III as Prince of Wales, the FWA presented an appealing target to the government. In 1969, nine members were arrested and charged with public order offences. [4] [5] The trial, in Swansea, lasted 53 days, ending on the day of the investiture. [4] On the first day of the trial the defendants were "greeted with an impromptu recital of Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau from the public gallery." [5] Almost all of the prosecution's evidence came from journalists who had reported the group's claims. [4] [5] Julian Cayo-Evans, his second-in-command, Dennis Coslett (who refused to speak English throughout the trial), Gethin ap Gruffydd, and three other members were convicted; Cayo-Evans and Coslett spent 15 months in jail. [5]

Present at the trial was Saunders Lewis, a founding member and former president of Plaid Cymru. Lewis had himself been among "the Three" convicted for arson during the Tân yn Llŷn (Fire in Llŷn) protest at Penyberth in 1936, likely explaining his sympathies for the accused. [34] Allegedly, Lewis "never forgave" the then president of the party, Gwynfor Evans, for refusing to attend the trial or show support for the FWA men. [35]

The FWA was rumoured to have received arms from the Official IRA (OIRA), although Cayo-Evans later denied this. [3] In Ireland, one rumour—used against the OIRA by its rivals within Irish republicanism—was that the OIRA had given or sold most of its weapons to the FWA as part of its turn away from political violence, leaving it defenceless when intercommunal violence erupted in Northern Ireland in August 1969. [36] [37] [38] [39] Scott Millar, co-author of a history of the OIRA, wrote that there was contact between the two groups (including FWA members training in Ireland) [40] but no large-scale transfer of arms took place. [41] [ unreliable source? ]

Symbols

The army's motto was "Fe godwn ni eto", Welsh for "We shall rise again". [42] Its adopted symbol, the Eryr Wen, was a shorthand heraldic white eagle that adorned the flags and uniforms of the organisation. The symbol was designed in 1952 by Harri Webb. [43] [44] Drawing from the ancient Welsh poetic tradition, the eagle is intended to represent the eagles of Snowdonia, which in Welsh mythology are said to protect Wales. This symbolism features in Llywarch ap Llywelyn's 13th century poem, Mab Darogan. Translated from Middle Welsh into English, the poem reads: "Myrddin's prophecy is that a king shall come with heroism from among the Welsh people. Prophets have said that generous men shall be reborn of the lineage of the eagles of Snowdonia."

The Cofiwch Dryweryn mural near Llanrhystud, Ceredigion. The Eryr Wen is visible on the top right of the wall, photographed in 2019. Cofiwch Dryweryn (after 2019 repair) Llanrhystud.jpg 01.jpg
The Cofiwch Dryweryn mural near Llanrhystud, Ceredigion. The Eryr Wen is visible on the top right of the wall, photographed in 2019.

While the FWA adopted the Eryr Wen, the paramilitary's association with the symbol has seen its legacy endure into the present day. During the Meibion Glyndŵr arson campaign throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the symbol was often seen as graffiti or daubed on the ruins of burnt-out holiday homes. [45] Nationalist murals across Wales frequently feature the symbol, the most notable of these being the Cofiwch Dryweryn (Remember Tryweryn) mural near Llanrhystud, Ceredigion. [46] More recently, the symbol has returned to prominence as a result of the socialist republican youth movement, Mudiad Eryr Wen (Movement of the White Eagle). In addition to adopting both its namesake and symbolism, the movement has painted the symbol on defaced English-language road signs on numerous occasions. [47] [48]

Legacy

In 2000, the Apollo Hotel on Cathedral Road in Cardiff was rebranded by brewers Tomos Watkins as the Cayo Arms in reference to Julian-Cayo Evans, and a hanging pub sign in his likeness was present outside the front of the pub. [49] [50] However, the pub later closed for refurbishment and was subsequently reopened in 2018 as the Pontcanna Inn by the City Pub Company. [51]

In 2005, the Western Mail newspaper published information from The National Archives, asserting that Cayo-Evans had a "mental age of 12", and that Coslett was "unbalanced". These claims have been disputed by those close to the men, with writer and artist Robert ap Steffan stating in 2005: "Cayo was a highly intelligent man and Dennis was well loved in his home town of Llanelli, it's ridiculous to call them undeveloped or unbalanced. They were both tough guys who did not suffer fools but to call them that is over the top. I would expect a thing like that – ridiculing the enemy – but I had tremendous respect for both of them and Cayo was a fabulous individual, one of the last great characters of West Wales." Similarly, Meic Stephens commented: "I did not really know Coslett but I met Cayo several times and I don't remember him being retarded, I always found him a charming lad and great company late at night. He always seemed to have a sunny temperament and he was a wonderful accordion player. We talked about horses most of the time and he seemed to be perfectly ordinary and normal." [52]

In 2009, photos of the group's exercises taken by undercover police officers (and introduced as evidence at the 1969 trial) were brought out of storage and put on display in a museum exhibit. [53]

In 2025, the ITN Archive published archived footage of the FWA to YouTube. This included an interview with Julian Cayo-Evans and Gwynfor Evans. [54]

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Higgit, Duncan (22 May 2004). "Dennis Coslett: Free Wales Army commandant". Western Mail . Retrieved 28 October 2009.
  2. ↑ Pittock, Murray (1999). Celtic identity and the British image. Manchester University Press. p. 111. ISBN   978-0-7190-5826-4.
  3. 1 2 Stephens, Meic (21 May 2004). "Dennis Coslett: Dashing commandant of the Free Wales Army". The Independent . London. Retrieved 28 October 2009.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 Hannan, Patrick (16 November 2005). "Obituary: Tony Lewis". The Guardian . London. Retrieved 28 October 2009.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 "Funeral for Free Wales Army chief". BBC News . 26 May 2004. Retrieved 28 October 2009.
  6. ↑ Halliday, Dylan (30 March 2023). "Horlicks bombs and kamikaze dogs: New book reveals plans to disrupt investiture". Cambrian News. Archived from the original on 2 March 2024. Retrieved 2 October 2025.
  7. 1 2 3 Thomas 2022 , p. 23
  8. ↑ Humphries 2008 , p. 24
  9. ↑ Thomas 2022 , pp. 23–24
  10. 1 2 3 Thomas 2022 , p. 24
  11. ↑ Thomas 2022 , p. 31
  12. ↑ Thomas 2022 , p. 86
  13. ↑ Thomas 2022 , pp. 86–67
  14. 1 2 Thomas 2022 , pp. 89–90
  15. ↑ Thomas 2022 , p. 89
  16. ↑ "Dennis Coslett". www.telegraph.co.uk. 24 May 2004. Retrieved 4 October 2025.
  17. ↑ Thomas 2022 , p. 25
  18. 1 2 3 4 5 Humphries 2008 , p. 50
  19. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Thomas 2019 , p. 142
  20. ↑ Clews 1980 , p. 105
  21. ↑ Clews 1980 , pp. 106–107
  22. 1 2 3 Clews 1980 , p. 107
  23. ↑ Clews 1980 , pp. 107–108
  24. ↑ Thomas 2019 , pp. 142–143
  25. ↑ Clews 1980 , p. 132
  26. ↑ Summers, John (7 May 1970). The Disaster. New English Library. ISBN   0450004929.
  27. ↑ Clews 1980 , pp. 132–133
  28. 1 2 3 Clews 1980 , p. 133
  29. ↑ Summers, John (6 October 1967). "Aberfan Fights on for All the £1,800,000". The Daily Telegraph . Archived from the original on 1 January 2017.
  30. 1 2 Humphries 2008 , p. 5
  31. ↑ "Powys: Why Clywedog dam was the target of a bombing campaign | County Times". 28 January 2024. Archived from the original on 28 January 2024. Retrieved 18 May 2025.
  32. ↑ McLean, Iain; Johnes, Martin (September 1999). "Regulating Gifts of Generosity: The Aberfan Disaster Fund and the Charity Commission" . Legal Studies. 19 (3): 380–396. doi:10.1111/j.1748-121x.1999.tb00101.x. ISSN   0261-3875.
  33. ↑ "Free Wales Army inquiry revealed". BBC News. 30 March 2005. Retrieved 14 July 2008.
  34. ↑ Davies, John (1993). A History of Wales. Penguin History (Revised ed.). London: Penguin Books (published 25 January 2007). p. 592. ISBN   978-0-14-014581-6.
  35. ↑ Evans, Gwynfor (1 May 1996). For the Sake of Wales: The Memoirs of Gwynfor Evans (New Updated ed.). Cardiff: Welsh Academic Press (published 1 April 2001). p. 193. ISBN   978-1-86057-006-3.
  36. ↑ Whyte, J.H. (2004). "The north erupts, and Ireland enters Europe, 1968-72". In J.R. Hill (ed.). A New History of Ireland. Vol. VII. Oxford University Press. p. 339. ISBN   978-0-19-953970-3.
  37. ↑ Burton, Frank (1978). The politics of legitimacy: struggles in a Belfast community. Taylor & Francis. p. 17. ISBN   978-0-7100-8966-3.
  38. ↑ Johnston, Roy H. W. (2004). Century of endeavour: a biographical and autobiographical view of the 20th century in Ireland. Academica Press. p. 286. ISBN   978-1-930901-76-6.
  39. ↑ Caitlin, Hines (1994). "FROM CIVIL WAR TO THE WAR FOR CIVIL RIGHTS". Beyond the Pale. San Francisco, CA.: Irish Republican Socialist Committee of North America. Archived from the original on 2 May 2017. Retrieved 11 October 2009.
  40. ↑ Hanley, Brian and Scot Millar. The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party. Penguin, 2009. Pages 49-50
  41. ↑ "The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and The Workers' Party – 1". Cedarlounge.wordpress.com. 17 September 2009. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
  42. ↑ Clews 1980 , p. 37
  43. ↑ Vittle, Arwel (8 May 2019). Dim Croeso '69 - Gwrthsefyll yr Arwisgo[No Welcome '69 - Resist the Investiture] (in Welsh). Y Lolfa. p. 46. ISBN   9781784617103.
  44. ↑ Lewis, Anthony (11 November 2005). "Militant Welsh Nationalist". The Independent.
  45. ↑ Gruffydd, Alwyn (2 December 2004). Cyfres Dal y Gannwyll: Mae Rhywun yn Gwybod[Somebody Knows] (in Welsh). Gwasg Carreg Gwalch. p. 61. ISBN   978-0863816758.
  46. ↑ Howell, David (26 November 2020). Gleave, Kieran; Williams, Howard; Clarke, Pauline (eds.). Public Archaeologies of Frontiers and Borderlands. Archaeopress Publishing Ltd. pp. 94–116. doi:10.2307/j.ctv1zckxmq.12. ISBN   978-1-78969-802-2. JSTOR   j.ctv1zckxmq.
  47. ↑ Price, Stephen (23 March 2024). "Welsh independence group target English names on signs". Nation.Cymru. Retrieved 5 June 2025.
  48. ↑ Corfield, Gareth (13 August 2024). "Protesters paint over 'unnecessary' English place names on Welsh road signs". The Telegraph. ISSN   0307-1235 . Retrieved 5 June 2025.
  49. ↑ Gibbs, Geoffrey (6 July 2000). "Tory anger over Welsh pub name". The Guardian. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 30 April 2025.
  50. ↑ "Cayo Arms". www.bigcardiff.co.uk. Retrieved 30 April 2025.
  51. ↑ Pyke, Chris (14 June 2018). "First look inside new pub that's replaced the Cayo Arms in Cardiff". Wales Online. Retrieved 30 April 2025.
  52. ↑ WalesOnline (30 March 2005). "Cayo Evans? His mental age is 'about 12 years'". Wales Online. Retrieved 30 April 2025.
  53. ↑ Williamson, David (7 August 2009). "Images spark interest in almost forgotten Free Wales Army". Western Mail.
  54. ↑ ITN Archive (13 May 2025). Free Wales Army | Rare Footage of Welsh Nationalist Paramilitary Campaign (1966) . Retrieved 19 May 2025– via YouTube.

Works cited

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