Kwambi | |
---|---|
Oshikwambi | |
Native to | Namibia and Angola |
Region | Ovamboland |
Native speakers | 33,000 (2006) [1] |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-3 | kwm |
Glottolog | kwam1251 |
R.23 [2] |
Kwambi or Otshikwambi is a dialect of the Ovambo language spoken by the Kwambi tribe in Northern Namibia. Unlike Ndonga and Kwanyama it does not have a standardized written form in schools but is used and written in the Roman Catholic Church in Namibia. It shares more features with Ndonga than with Kwanyama.
Kwambi uses a five-vowel system:
Front | Back | |
---|---|---|
Close | i | u |
Mid | ɛ | ɔ |
Open | a |
Kwambi contains the following consonant phonemes:
Note that the symbol ɾ has been chosen for the liquid phoneme in the table even though this phoneme has a wide range of pronunciations even in the speech of individual speakers, just like in Ndonga, ranging from an alveolar tap [ɾ] to a lateral approximant [l], with something that can perhaps be described as a lateral flap also occurring. Magnusson (2003) found a tendency for Kwambi speakers to use a tap pronunciation more often than a lateral approximant, and also a tendency for Kwambi speakers to use this alveolar tap more than speakers of Ndonga.
Kwambi shares most of its vocabulary with Ndonga. However, in addition to some differences which are predictable due to phonological differences (such as Kwambi ‘tshuna’ vs. Ndonga ‘shuna’ (=go back) due to the fact that Ndonga has no affricate) there are some other differences as well.
There are word pairs where Kwambi has /w/ instead of Ndonga /j/ even though both dialects have both phonemes as part of their phonological inventory – for example ‘ekuwa’ vs. ‘ekuya’ for ‘axe’ and ‘uuluwi’ vs. ‘uuluyi’ for ‘brain’.
Kwambi ‘pwaakena’ for ‘listen’ corresponds to Ndonga ‘pulakena’.
In some words Kwambi has /h/ where Ndonga has /j/, as in for example ‘hina’ vs. ‘yina’ (=his/her/their mother), ‘ha’ vs. ‘ya’ (=go) and ‘ehego’ vs. ‘eyego’ (=tooth).
Words for ‘good’ and ‘bad’ come in a variety of forms, but h-forms such as ‘aahanawa’, ‘uuhanawa’, ‘iihanawa’ etc. (=good) and ‘aahineyi’, ‘uuhineyi’ and ‘iihineyi’ (=bad) are only found in Kwambi, not in Ndonga (compare ‘aawanawa’, ‘uuwanawa’, ‘iiwanawa’ and ‘aawinayi’, ‘uuwinayi’, ‘iiwinayi’ respectively).
The personal pronoun for 1st person plural is ‘se’ in Kwambi but ‘tse’ in Ndonga. A difference in 1st person singular pronouns, Kwambi ‘ngaye’ vs. Ndonga ‘ngame’, is noticeable when comparing spoken Kwambi with written Ndonga, but in spoken Ndonga ‘ngaye’ is commonly used, just like in Kwambi. Similarly, for 2nd person singular Kwambi ‘ngweye’ at first glance seems to contrast with Ndonga ‘ngoye’, but again there is less of a difference if we only compare the spoken varieties of the dialects, since ‘ngweye’ is commonly found in spoken Ndonga.
The word for ‘who’ in Kwambi is ‘ore’ (plural ‘oore’), contrasting with Ndonga ‘olye’ (plural ‘oolye’).
The sequence nasal+fricative in some Ndonga demonstratives (ndhika, ndhoka etc.) corresponds to a single fricative in Kwambi (dhika, dhoka etc.). Demonstratives with an initial sequence nasal+k in Ndonga are absent from Kwambi, where the forms ‘huka’, ‘hoka’ etc. are always used instead of ‘nkuka’, ‘nkoka’ etc. A phenomenon whereby non-syllabic /m/ cannot occur in front of /v/ in Kwambi might be related, and it gives rise to word pairs such as Kwambi ‘ovura’ (=rain) and ‘nuuvo’ (=this year) vs. Ndonga ‘omvula’ and ‘nuumvo’.
All verbs except ‘ha’ (=go) must be analysed as lacking an initial /h/ in Kwambi, which gives us word pairs such as Kwambi ‘ara’ vs. Ndonga ‘hala’ (=want) and Kwambi ‘anga’ vs. Ndonga ‘hanga’ (=brew beer). However, a phonological rule inserts an initial [h] in front of verbs in certain contexts as described by Magnusson (2003), which means that this difference is not always obvious.
Although both dialects have the words ‘kuutumba’ and ‘kaatumba’ for ‘sit’, Kwambi has a third commonly used variant, namely ‘kiitumba’, which does not exist in Ndonga. A vowel difference can also be seen in the word pair ‘kekama’ (Kwambi) vs. ‘kakama’ (Ndonga) for ‘shiver’.
The word for ‘like this’ is ‘ngeyi’ in Ndonga but ‘ngii’, ‘ngiino’ or ‘ngiika’ in Kwambi. This also has an effect on the words for ‘now’, which seem to be derived from these. In other words, Kwambi ‘ngashingii’, ‘ngashingiika’ and ‘ngashingiino’ correspond to Ndonga ‘ngashingeyi’ (or ‘ngayingeyi’).
There are also cases where the two dialects use non-cognate words, like Kwambi ‘embare’ vs. Ndonga ‘egala’ (=hat), Kwambi ‘otshimbare’ vs. Ndonga ‘ontungwa’ (a kind of traditional basket) and ‘eshisha’ vs. Ndonga ‘oshigandhi’ (=granary, corn bin). Also, there is a part of a traditional Ovambo homestead that is called ‘otshoto’ in Kwambi but ‘oshinyanga’ in Ndonga. The word ‘onime’ for lion is an exclusively Ndonga word, while the synonym ‘onkoshi’ is used in both dialects.
At least one case exists where Kwambi and Ndonga assign a word to different noun classes, namely the word ‘oshoro’ (with class 9 prefix o-), which in Ndonga is ‘uuholo’ (with class 14 prefix uu-). The word refers to a game involving small holes in the ground and pebbles.
There are significant differences in the use of conjunctions, with the common Ndonga conjunction ‘ihe’ (=but, consequently) being absent from Kwambi, where ‘ndere’ can be used instead. Kwambi ‘ngeno’ (which can serve for example to introduce counteractive clauses), on the other hand, is absent from Ndonga. Furthermore, the Ndonga word ‘e’ (which can perhaps be best translated as ‘and’) is practically absent from Magnusson's (2003) Kwambi material. ‘Nkene/nkee’ and ‘onkene/onkee’ are also very rare in Kwambi.
Regarding the numerals, Kwambi uses mostly ‘ine’ as a word for ‘four’ when counting words from noun class 4 and 10, contrasting with Ndonga ‘ne’, and ‘uwaari’ for ‘two’ when the head noun belongs to noun class 14, contrasting with Ndonga ‘uyali’. Traditional Kwambi also had a distinct set of words for the numbers six, seven and eight, which was not sensitive to the noun class of the counted object and was based on a system of counting “little fingers”. The word for ‘six’, ‘kanekamwe’, corresponded to Ndonga ‘hamano’, ‘uunuwari’ for ‘seven’ corresponded to Ndonga ‘heyali’ and ‘uunuutatu’ for ‘eight’ corresponded to Ndonga ‘hetatu’. These were contracted forms of the phrases ‘okanwe kamwe’, ‘uunwe uwaari’ and ‘uunwe utatu’ respectively, meaning ‘one little finger’ ‘two little fingers’ and ‘three little fingers’. Some older speakers can still be heard using these forms (Magnusson (2003) even recorded one case of an elderly man using the uncontracted form ‘uunwe utatu’ for ‘eight’), but they are clearly disappearing from the language.
Finally, there are cases where a word which exists in both dialects has an extended meaning in one of them. The word ‘yoga’, which in both dialects means ‘swim’, is used in Ndonga also in the sense ‘wash’, for which Kwambi uses ‘kosha’. In a similar vein, Ndonga uses ‘nyola’ (=engrave) also in the sense ‘write’, for which Kwambi uses ‘tshanga’. In the case of the word ‘epasha’ (Ndonga ‘epaha’), meaning ‘twin birth’, it seems that it is instead Kwambi that has an extended meaning for the word, using it to denote something abnormal at birth more generally, e.g. a case where the baby's feet come out first.
As with the vocabulary, Kwambi morphology is basically similar to Ndonga. Some of the differences that exist are predictable due to phonological differences. For example, grammatical forms associated with Bantu noun class 7 consistently have an affricate in Kwambi where Ndonga has a fricative, which for example can be seen in the local names of the dialects themselves: Otshikwambi vs. Oshindonga.
Nevertheless, not all differences are due to differences in the phoneme inventories of the two dialects. Most notably, the use of the prefix ee- for noun class 10 (like in Kwanyama) sets Kwambi apart from Ndonga, which uses oo-. The existence of a form emu- or eemu- co-existing with omi- as a noun class 4 prefix is only found in Kwambi, not in Ndonga. Furthermore, Kwambi has a simplified system for negative concords, where the forms for the negative subjunctive are the same as those of the negative habitual (1p sing ‘kandi’, 1p pl ‘katu’ etc.). Another difference is that Kwambi makes a distinction between noun classes 8 and 9 in that many of the grammatical forms for class 9 have an /h/ where Ndonga uses /j/, which makes the Ndonga class 9 forms such as ‘otayi’ (present tense concord) and ‘oya’ (past tense concord) identical to those used by both dialects for class 8. Lastly, whereas Ndonga has a full set of forms for ‘only’, inflected according to noun class (‘alike’, ‘aguke’ etc.), Kwambi uses the uninflected word ‘ike’, as in ‘omadhina ike’ (=only the names).
A New Testament was published in the Kwambi language in 1951, as Etestamtente Epe. The Gospels and the Apocalypse were translated by Father K. Kress and the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles were translated by Father Franz Seiler and published by Omission Heklesia Ekatolika. [3]
In phonology, an allophone is one of multiple possible spoken sounds – or phones – used to pronounce a single phoneme in a particular language. For example, in English, the voiceless plosive and the aspirated form are allophones for the phoneme, while these two are considered to be different phonemes in some languages such as Central Thai. Similarly, in Spanish, and are allophones for the phoneme, while these two are considered to be different phonemes in English.
Portuguese dialects are the mutually intelligible variations of the Portuguese language in Portuguese-speaking countries and other areas holding some degree of cultural bond with the language. Portuguese has two standard forms of writing and numerous regional spoken variations, with often large phonological and lexical differences.
Some of the regional varieties of the Spanish language are quite divergent from one another, especially in pronunciation and vocabulary, and less so in grammar.
English phonology is the system of speech sounds used in spoken English. Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar phonological system. Among other things, most dialects have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and a complex set of phonological features that distinguish fortis and lenis consonants.
Tumbuka is a Bantu language which is spoken in Malawi, Zambia, and Tanzania. It is also known as Chitumbuka or Citumbuka — the chi- prefix in front of Tumbuka means "in the manner of", and is understood in this case to mean "the language of the Tumbuka people". Tumbuka belongs to the same language group as Chewa and Sena.
Keres, also Keresan, is a Native American language, spoken by the Keres Pueblo people in New Mexico. Depending on the analysis, Keres is considered a small language family or a language isolate with several dialects. The varieties of each of the seven Keres pueblos are mutually intelligible with its closest neighbors. There are significant differences between the Western and Eastern groups, which are sometimes counted as separate languages.
Halkomelem is a language of various First Nations peoples of the British Columbia Coast. It is spoken in what is now British Columbia, ranging from southeastern Vancouver Island from the west shore of Saanich Inlet northward beyond Gabriola Island and Nanaimo to Nanoose Bay and including the Lower Mainland from the Fraser River Delta upriver to Harrison Lake and the lower boundary of the Fraser Canyon.
The sound system of Norwegian resembles that of Swedish. There is considerable variation among the dialects, and all pronunciations are considered by official policy to be equally correct – there is no official spoken standard, although it can be said that Eastern Norwegian Bokmål speech has an unofficial spoken standard, called Urban East Norwegian or Standard East Norwegian, loosely based on the speech of the literate classes of the Oslo area. This variant is the most common one taught to foreign students.
In English, the digraph ⟨th⟩ represents in most cases either one or the other of two phonemes: the voiced dental fricative and the voiceless dental fricative. Occasionally, it stands for or the cluster. In compound words, ⟨th⟩ may be a consonant sequence rather than a digraph.
Plains Cree is a dialect of the Algonquian language, Cree, which is the most populous Canadian indigenous language. Plains Cree is considered a dialect of the Cree-Montagnais language or a dialect of the Cree language that is distinct from the Montagnais language. Plains Cree is one of five main dialects of Cree in this second sense, along with Woods Cree, Swampy Cree, Moose Cree, and Atikamekw. Although no single dialect of Cree is favored over another, Plains Cree is the one that is the most widely used. Out of the 116,500 speakers of the Cree language, the Plains Cree dialect is spoken by about 34,000 people primarily in Saskatchewan and Alberta but also in Manitoba and Montana.
The Sikkimese language, also called Sikkimese, Bhutia, or Drenjongké, Dranjoke, Denjongka, Denzongpeke and Denzongke, belongs to the Tibeto-Burman languages. It is spoken by the Bhutia in Sikkim, India, and in parts of Koshi, Nepal. It is the official language in Sikkim. The Sikkimese people refer to their own language as Drendzongké and their homeland as Drendzong. Up until 1975, Sikkimese was not a written language. After gaining Indian statehood, the language was introduced as a school subject in Sikkim and the written language was developed.
Hejazi Arabic or Hijazi Arabic (HA), also known as West Arabian Arabic, is a variety of Arabic spoken in the Hejaz region in Saudi Arabia. Strictly speaking, there are two main groups of dialects spoken in the Hejaz region, one by the urban population, originally spoken mainly in the cities of Jeddah, Mecca, Medina and partially in Ta'if and another dialect by the urbanized rural and bedouin populations. However, the term most often applies to the urban variety which is discussed in this article.
The phonology of Bengali, like that of its neighbouring Eastern Indo-Aryan languages, is characterised by a wide variety of diphthongs and inherent back vowels.
The Ovambo language is a dialect cluster spoken by the Ovambo people in southern Angola and northern Namibia, of which the written standards are Kwanyama and Ndonga.
The phonology of Sesotho and those of the other Sotho–Tswana languages are radically different from those of "older" or more "stereotypical" Bantu languages. Modern Sesotho in particular has very mixed origins inheriting many words and idioms from non-Sotho–Tswana languages.
Woods Cree is an indigenous language spoken in Northern Manitoba, Northern Saskatchewan and Northern Alberta, Canada. It is part of the Cree-Montagnais-Naskapi dialect continuum. The dialect continuum has around 116,000 speakers; the exact population of Woods Cree speakers is unknown, estimated between 2,600 and 35,000.
Ottawa is a dialect of the Ojibwe language spoken in a series of communities in southern Ontario and a smaller number of communities in northern Michigan. Ottawa has a phonological inventory of seventeen consonants and seven oral vowels; in addition, there are long nasal vowels the phonological status of which are discussed below. An overview of general Ojibwa phonology and phonetics can be found in the article on Ojibwe phonology. The Ottawa writing system described in Modern orthography is used to write Ottawa words, with transcriptions in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) used as needed.
This article covers the phonology of modern Colognian as spoken in the city of Cologne. Varieties spoken outside of Cologne are only briefly covered where appropriate. Historic precedent versions are not considered.
Ute is a dialect of the Colorado River Numic language, spoken by the Ute people. Speakers primarily live on three reservations: Uintah-Ouray in northeastern Utah, Southern Ute in southwestern Colorado, and Ute Mountain in southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah. Ute is part of the Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family. Other dialects in this dialect chain are Chemehuevi and Southern Paiute. As of 2010, there were 1,640 speakers combined of all three dialects Colorado River Numic. Ute's parent language, Colorado River Numic, is classified as a threatened language, although there are tribally-sponsored language revitalization programs for the dialect.
Värmländska refers to the indigenous speech varieties of the traditional Swedish province of Värmland. It is one of the dialects that form the group Götamål, as opposed to Sveamål, South Swedish dialects, Norrland dialects, Gutnish and Finland-Swedish dialects, in an often used classification of Swedish dialects.