A majority-minority congressional district is a United States congressional district in which the majority of the constituents in the district are racial or ethnic minorities. These districts are primarily drawn to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which prevents the adoption of districting plans that diminish the ability of a racial or language minority to elect their candidates of choice. As of the 119th Congress, there are 120 majority-minority congressional districts.
The value of adopting districting plans that create majority-minority congressional districts is a matter of dispute both within and outside of minority communities. Some view majority-minority districts as a way to dilute the political power of minorities and analogous to racial segregation; others favor majority-minority congressional districts as ways to effectively ensure the election of minorities the House of Representatives. Majority-minority districts have been the subject of legal cases examining the constitutionality of such districts, including Shaw v. Reno (1993), Miller v. Johnson (1995), and Bush v. Vera (1996).
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act requires minority-opportunity districts in geographical areas in which minority voters would otherwise have "less opportunity than other members of the electorate ... to elect representatives of their choice." [1] [2] In Thornburg v. Gingles (1986), the Supreme Court held that Section 2 may necessitate the creation of a majority-minority district when (a) the minority population is "sufficiently large and geographically compact" to form a district and (b) both the majority and minority populations are sufficiently politically polarized that the majority can vote "usually to defeat the minority's preferred candidate." [3] : 50–51
Bartlett v. Strickland (2009) clarified the Gingles interpretation of Section 2 by holding that the minority group must constitute "more than 50 percent of the voting-age population in the relevant geographic area." [4] Plaintiffs challenging a districting plan under Section 2 typically provide remedial maps in which the minority group composes a majority in the relevant district, such as in Allen v. Milligan (2023) where plaintiffs included "illustrative districting maps... which contained two majority-black districts that comported with traditional districting criteria." [5]
The Supreme Court has left unsettled the question of whether minority groups can be aggregated under Section 2 if they vote in coalition with one another, and federal circuit courts remain divided on the issue. [6] : 13–14 [7] : 11
Because of this jurisprudence on Section 2, federal law requires the existence of many of the current majority-minority congressional districts.
The following tables identify districts that are either required under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act or are otherwise drawn to be majority minority in accordance with traditional districting criteria or to gerrymander for partisan advantage. Voting-age population data in the tables below reflect 2020 census estimates for the 119th Congress. Members are accurate as of September 1, 2025.
Currently, there are 15 congressional districts where African Americans make up a majority of voting-age constituents and 14 other congressional districts where they make up a plurality. Most of these districts are located in the South and are represented by an African American member of congress. Democrats represent each of these districts.
State | District | Member (119th Congress) | Afric. Amer. VAP [8] [a] | Perc. |
---|---|---|---|---|
Mississippi | MS-02 | Bennie Thompson | 355,293 | 62.1% |
Tennessee | TN-09 | Steve Cohen [b] | 351,812 | 60.3% |
Maryland | MD-04 | Glenn Ivey | 358,207 | 59.8% |
Maryland | MD-07 | Kweisi Mfume | 334,297 | 54.7% |
Louisiana | LA-06 | Cleo Fields | 318,011 | 54.0% |
New Jersey | NJ-10 | LaMonica McIver | 315,201 | 52.7% |
Illinois | IL-01 | Jonathan Jackson | 306,380 | 52.0% |
Alabama | AL-07 | Terri Sewell | 295,119 | 51.9% |
Georgia | GA-06 | Lucy McBath | 307,240 | 51.8% |
Georgia | GA-13 | David Scott | 294,376 | 51.5% |
Georgia | GA-05 | Nikema Williams | 313,396 | 51.1% |
Louisiana | LA-02 | Troy Carter | 305,124 | 51.0% |
Pennsylvania | PA-03 | Dwight Evans | 320,864 | 51.0% |
Georgia | GA-04 | Hank Johnson | 294,887 | 50.6% |
Florida | FL-20 | Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick | 298,383 | 50.1% |
Georgia | GA-02 | Sanford Bishop | 289,612 | 49.3% |
New York | NY-09 | Yvette Clarke | 294,000 | 48.9% |
Alabama | AL-02 | Shomari Figures | 272,023 | 48.7% |
Illinois | IL-02 | Robin Kelly | 280,964 | 48.4% |
New York | NY-08 | Hakeem Jeffries | 297,616 | 48.2% |
New York | NY-05 | Gregory Meeks | 291,168 | 47.2% |
South Carolina | SC-06 | Jim Clyburn | 275,133 | 46.9% |
Michigan | MI-13 | Shri Thanedar [b] | 277,723 | 46.9% |
Missouri | MO-01 | Wesley Bell | 276,602 | 45.4% |
Virginia | VA-03 | Bobby Scott | 278,424 | 45.4% |
Illinois | IL-07 | Danny Davis | 261,207 | 43.0% |
Florida | FL-24 | Frederica Wilson | 258,005 | 42.2% |
Texas | TX-30 | Jasmine Crockett | 242,224 | 41.9% |
Texas | TX-09 | Al Green | 218,536 | 38.6% |
Currently, there are two congressional districts where Asian Americans make up a majority of voting-age constituents and six other congressional districts where they make up a plurality. Most of these districts are located in California and are represented by an Asian American member of congress. Democrats represent each of these districts.
State | District | Member (119th Congress) | Asian Amer. VAP [8] | Perc. |
---|---|---|---|---|
Hawaii | HI-01 | Ed Case [a] | 398,963 | 68.1% |
California | CA-17 | Ro Khanna | 353,112 | 58.5% |
New York | NY-06 | Grace Meng | 296,148 | 46.8% |
Hawaii | HI-02 | Jill Tokuda | 247,592 | 43.4% |
California | CA-45 | Derek Tran | 250,168 | 41.4% |
California | CA-28 | Judy Chu | 256,185 | 41.4% |
California | CA-14 | Eric Swalwell [a] | 241,806 | 40.8% |
California | CA-15 | Kevin Mullin [a] | 241,550 | 39.6% |
Currently, there are 38 congressional districts where Hispanic or Latino Americans make up a majority of voting-age constituents and 9 other congressional districts where they make up a plurality. Most of these districts are represented by a Hispanic or Latino Democratic member of congress.
State | District | Member (119th Congress) | Hispanic or Latino VAP [9] | Perc. |
---|---|---|---|---|
Texas | TX-34 | Vicente Gonzalez | 480,322 | 88.5% |
Texas | TX-16 | Veronica Escobar | 463,686 | 80.8% |
Texas | TX-15 | Monica De La Cruz | 434,980 | 78.9% |
Florida | FL-27 | María Elvira Salazar | 471,763 | 74.2% |
Florida | FL-28 | Carlos Giménez | 446,828 | 73.4% |
Florida | FL-26 | Mario Díaz-Balart | 456,512 | 73.2% |
Texas | TX-28 | Henry Cuellar | 402,711 | 72.9% |
Texas | TX-29 | Sylvia Garcia | 396,804 | 72.4% |
California | CA-22 | David Valadao [a] | 376,448 | 69.3% |
Texas | TX-20 | Joaquin Castro | 392,056 | 68.2% |
Illinois | IL-04 | Chuy García | 356,197 | 63.2% |
California | CA-34 | Jimmy Gomez | 376,198 | 61.6% |
California | CA-35 | Norma Torres | 352,257 | 61.2% |
California | CA-46 | Lou Correa | 354,631 | 61.2% |
California | CA-29 | Luz Rivas | 362,530 | 61.1% |
California | CA-42 | Robert Garcia | 358,174 | 61.1% |
California | CA-18 | Zoe Lofgren [a] | 346,468 | 60.8% |
California | CA-21 | Jim Costa [a] | 322,669 | 60.7% |
California | CA-13 | Adam Gray [a] | 330,757 | 60.7% |
California | CA-25 | Raul Ruiz | 345,745 | 60.4% |
Texas | TX-23 | Tony Gonzales | 340,976 | 60.0% |
California | CA-33 | Pete Aguilar | 324,616 | 58.7% |
California | CA-39 | Mark Takano [a] | 328,249 | 58.5% |
California | CA-38 | Linda Sanchez | 350,026 | 58.3% |
Arizona | AZ-03 | Yassamin Ansari [a] | 330,596 | 58.2% |
California | CA-44 | Nanette Barragan | 339,063 | 57.9% |
California | CA-31 | Gil Cisneros | 342,496 | 57.4% |
California | CA-52 | Juan Vargas | 331,832 | 57.2% |
New Mexico | NM-02 | Gabe Vasquez | 299,999 | 56.1% |
Arizona | AZ-07 | Vacant | 333,554 | 55.5% |
Texas | TX-33 | Marc Veasey [a] | 302,355 | 54.5% |
California | CA-43 | Maxine Waters [a] | 307,997 | 54.1% |
Texas | TX-35 | Greg Casar | 299,295 | 51.3% |
New York | NY-15 | Ritchie Torres | 300,901 | 51.1% |
New York | NY-14 | Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez | 308,929 | 50.5% |
New York | NY-13 | Adriano Espaillat | 318,682 | 50.4% |
California | CA-37 | Sydney Kamlager-Dove [a] | 298,131 | 50.3% |
Florida | FL-09 | Darren Soto | 297,032 | 50.0% |
Texas | TX-27 | Michael Cloud [a] | 292,191 | 49.9% |
New Jersey | NJ-08 | Rob Menendez | 299,470 | 48.9% |
Illinois | IL-03 | Delia Ramirez | 257,871 | 43.8% |
Florida | FL-25 | Debbie Wasserman Schultz [a] | 256,630 | 42.3% |
Texas | TX-18 | Vacant | 229,406 | 39.8% |
New Mexico | NM-03 | Teresa Leger Fernandez | 214,599 | 39.7% |
California | CA-27 | George T. Whitesides [a] | 224,434 | 39.2% |
California | CA-09 | Josh Harder [a] | 211,242 | 37.6% |
California | CA-08 | John Garamendi [a] | 185,553 | 31.5% |
State | District | Member (119th Congress) | White VAP [9] | Perc. | Largest Minority [8] [9] | Largest Minority Perc. [8] [9] |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Michigan | MI-12 | Rashida Tlaib | 282,914 | 47.5% | Afric. Amer. | 45.7% |
Ohio | OH-11 | Shontel Brown | 277,075 | 44.5% | Afric. Amer. | 44.3% |
Maryland | MD-05 | Steny Hoyer | 272,785 | 45.7% | Afric. Amer. | 43.0% |
Virginia | VA-04 | Jennifer McClellan | 284,553 | 45.2% | Afric. Amer. | 42.1% |
North Carolina | NC-12 | Alma Adams | 229,032 | 39.5% | Afric. Amer. | 38.3% |
Wisconsin | WI-04 | Gwen Moore | 262,604 | 47.1% | Afric. Amer. | 31.5% |
Pennsylvania | PA-02 | Brendan Boyle | 244,883 | 41.3% | Afric. Amer. | 26.2% |
Massachusetts | MA-07 | Ayanna Pressley | 275,583 | 42.2% | Afric. Amer. | 24.3% |
Maryland | MD-08 | Jamie Raskin | 281,131 | 46.9% | Afric. Amer. | 18.2% |
California | CA-11 | Nancy Pelosi | 296,850 | 44.6% | Asian Amer. | 34.2% |
California | CA-16 | Sam Liccardo | 277,950 | 46.3% | Asian Amer. | 32.1% |
Washington | WA-09 | Adam Smith | 267,554 | 44.4% | Asian Amer. | 26.7% |
California | CA-07 | Doris Matsui | 204,018 | 35.0% | Asian Amer. | 26.0% |
California | CA-12 | Lateefah Simon | 218,543 | 35.2% | Asian Amer. | 24.6% |
New York | NY-10 | Dan Goldman | 314,959 | 49.7% | Asian Amer. | 23.9% |
Nevada | NV-03 | Susie Lee | 290,359 | 47.1% | Asian Amer. | 20.8% |
New Jersey | NJ-12 | Bonnie Watson Coleman | 263,386 | 43.5% | Asian Amer. | 19.5% |
California | CA-26 | Julia Brownley | 271,460 | 46.2% | Hispanic/Latino | 39.1% |
New Jersey | NJ-09 | Nellie Pou | 245,792 | 40.9% | Hispanic/Latino | 39.1% |
New Mexico | NM-01 | Melanie Stansbury | 278,556 | 49.4% | Hispanic/Latino | 37.6% |
California | CA-23 | Jay Obernolte | 251,946 | 44.1% | Hispanic/Latino | 37.4% |
Texas | TX-11 | August Pfluger | 270,981 | 47.7% | Hispanic/Latino | 35.2% |
New York | NY-07 | Nydia Velázquez | 229,017 | 36.8% | Hispanic/Latino | 35.0% |
California | CA-41 | Ken Calvert | 286,078 | 48.2% | Hispanic/Latino | 34.2% |
Texas | TX-32 | Julie Johnson | 214,855 | 36.2% | Hispanic/Latino | 32.6% |
Nevada | NV-01 | Dina Titus | 263,524 | 43.9% | Hispanic/Latino | 32.2% |
Nevada | NV-04 | Steven Horsford | 243,758 | 41.6% | Hispanic/Latino | 30.6% |
Texas | TX-06 | Jake Ellzey | 279,352 | 48.8% | Hispanic/Latino | 30.2% |
Texas | TX-08 | Morgan Luttrell | 276,028 | 48.8% | Hispanic/Latino | 29.7% |
Florida | FL-10 | Maxwell Frost | 235,180 | 38.5% | Hispanic/Latino | 28.6% |
Texas | TX-07 | Lizzie Fletcher | 179,683 | 30.2% | Hispanic/Latino | 28.3% |
New York | NY-16 | George Latimer | 252,636 | 41.7% | Hispanic/Latino | 26.9% |
Texas | TX-22 | Troy Nehls | 252,124 | 45.2% | Hispanic/Latino | 26.3% |
Florida | FL-14 | Kathy Castor | 306,560 | 49.4% | Hispanic/Latino | 26.0% |
California | CA-51 | Sara Jacobs | 294,681 | 48.6% | Hispanic/Latino | 22.6% |
New Jersey | NJ-06 | Frank Pallone | 276,011 | 45.2% | Hispanic/Latino | 22.1% |