Department overview | |
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Formed | 1982 |
Jurisdiction | New York City |
Employees | 12 |
Department executive |
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Key document | |
Website | www |
The New York City Loft Board (Loft Board) is a quasi-legislative and judicial body of the New York City government that oversees the legal conversion of commercial and manufacturing spaces to residential use.
In the 1970s New York City landlords were allowing tenants to move into buildings that were zoned for commercial and manufacturing use in neighborhoods such as Tribeca, SoHo, and Chelsea. The loft conversions were more profitable to the landlords than industrial use. [1] By 1977, the New York City Department of City Planning found that 91.5 percent of the conversions were illegal [2] and 44.9 percent of those lofts were occupied by heads of households who were artists. [3] As these neighborhoods became more popular landlords attempted to substantially raise rents. [4] Tenants fought these rent increases in court with the defenses that the apartments were de facto multiple dwellings if there were three or more units [5] and rent stabilized if there were six or more units. [6] These defenses limited the reasons they could be evicted and absolved them from paying rent because the spaces lacked a certificate of occupancy that was required for residential use. [4] City officials were concerned as landlords could not evict or collect rent from the tenants and that a growing number of tenants were living in spaces that were considered dangerous. This conundrum lead one legal scholar to doubt that "statutory or case law [could] channel such challenges to zoning and housing laws into legal uses." [7]
In 1982, the New York State Legislature passed the 1982 Loft Law that established a legal framework to legally convert lofts, called interim multiple dwellings or IMDs, to residential apartments that would be subject to rent stabilization. The law established the Loft Board with enforcing the statute's provisions and deadlines and adjudicating disputes between landlords and tenants. [8] The goal of the Loft Board was to limit illegal conversion and provide a balance between the rights of landlords and tenants. [9] The Loft Board consists of a nine-person board with members appointed by the mayor. [10] The members include one person representing loft tenants, one representing loft owners, one representing manufacturing interests, and the rest serve as public members. [11] The Loft Board delegates to administrative law judges from the New York City Office of Administrative Trials and Hearings (OATH) to hear disputes and write recommendation. The Loft Board during its monthly meetings will vote to accept or reject the proposed order or remand back to OATH. [12] Former Chairman Carl Weisbrod described the work as "It's like going into a war zone. The only thing the tenants and owners can agree upon is how much they hate the Loft Board." [13]
In 2009 the Loft Board was merged into New York City Department of Buildings. [14] That same year the scope of the law increased with the 2009 Loft Law Amendment that expanded the loft law's coverage to neighborhoods outside of Manhattan such as Williamsburg, Bushwick, and Long Island City. [15] Mayor Michael Bloomberg negotiated amendments that would exclude certain neighborhoods and end the law with sunset provisions. [16] [17] The Loft Law was amended again in 2013 with revisions to the period of time for new lofts to apply for legalization, the process of legalization, and rules regarding buildings alleged to contain a use that is incompatible with residential use. [18] Loft tenants are advocating for additional changes primarily around removing the 2010 Bloomberg amendments [19] and that the Department of Buildings has been passive in protecting tenants. [20]
Name | Dates in Office | Mayoral Administration | Notes and References |
---|---|---|---|
Carl Weisbrod | 1982-1984 | Ed Koch | [21] |
Jorge L. Batista | 1984-1986 | Ed Koch | [22] |
George M.C. Dole | 1986-1989 | Ed Koch | [22] |
David Klasfeld | 1989 – 1997 | Ed Koch | [23] |
Hector Batista | 1997 – 1999 | Rudy Giuliani | |
Kimberly D. Hardy | 2000 – 2003 | Michael R. Bloomberg | |
Marc Rauch | 2003 – 2008 | Michael R. Bloomberg | |
Robert D. Limandri | 2009 – 2013 | Michael R. Bloomberg | |
Rick D. Chandler | 2014 – Present | Bill De Blasio | |
In the United States, rent control refers to laws or ordinances that set price controls on the rent of residential housing to function as a price ceiling. More loosely, "rent control" describes several types of price control:
Eviction is the removal of a tenant from rental property by the landlord. In some jurisdictions it may also involve the removal of persons from premises that were foreclosed by a mortgagee.
A housing cooperative, or housing co-op, is a legal entity, usually a cooperative or a corporation, which owns real estate, consisting of one or more residential buildings; it is one type of housing tenure. Typically housing cooperatives are owned by shareholders but in some cases they can be owned by a non-profit organization. They are a distinctive form of home ownership that have many characteristics that differ from other residential arrangements such as single family home ownership, condominiums and renting.
Single room occupancy is a form of housing that is typically aimed at residents with low or minimal incomes, or single adults who like a minimalist lifestyle, who rent small, furnished single rooms with a bed, chair, and sometimes a small desk. SRO units are rented out as permanent residence and/or primary residence to individuals, within a multi-tenant building where tenants share a kitchen, toilets or bathrooms. SRO units range from 7 to 13 square metres. In some instances, contemporary units may have a small refrigerator, microwave, or sink.
The Mitchell–Lama Housing Program is a non-subsidy governmental housing guarantee in the state of New York. It was sponsored by New York State Senator MacNeil Mitchell and Assemblyman Alfred Lama. It was signed into law in 1955 as The Limited-Profit Housing Companies Act.
Rent regulation in New York is a means of limiting the amount of rent charged on dwellings. Rent control and rent stabilization are two programs used in parts of New York state. In addition to controlling rent, the system also prescribes rights and obligations for tenants and landlords.
Article 7-C of the New York Multiple Dwelling Law, commonly known as the 1982 Loft Law, was designed to protect the residential tenants of certain former commercial buildings in New York City from substandard conditions, eviction, and unfair rent increases. The law affected buildings it defined as Interim Multiple Dwellings (IMDs), commercial or manufacturing loft buildings that had at least three units occupied by residents during the period of April 1, 1980, through December 1, 1981. It required landlords to bring converted residences up to code, and prevented them from charging tenants for improvements until the issuance of a Certificate of Occupancy. The law was administered by the New York City Loft Board.
Loft Law Amendment is a New York law that created a new window period for recognition of loft tenants that previously did not qualify under the original 1982 Loft Law.
The Real Estate Board of New York (REBNY) is "the leading trade group advocating on policy changes in the real estate industry," a trade association for the real estate industry in New York City. Formed in 1896, its current president is James Whelan.
Housing discrimination in the United States refers to the historical and current barriers, policies, and biases that prevent equitable access to housing. Housing discrimination became more pronounced after the abolition of slavery in 1865, typically as part of Jim Crow laws that enforced racial segregation. The federal government didn't begin to take action against these laws until 1917, when the Supreme Court struck down ordinances prohibiting blacks from occupying or owning buildings in majority-white neighborhoods in Buchanan v. Warley. However, the federal government as well as local governments continued to be directly responsible for housing discrimination through redlining and race-restricted covenants until the Civil Rights Act of 1968.
The Ellis Act is a 1985 California state law that allows landlords to evict residential tenants to "go out of the rental business" in spite of desires by local governments to compel them to continue providing rental housing.
Rent regulation in Canada is a set of laws and policies which control the amount by which rental prices for real property can increase year to year. Each province and territory can pass legislation, where the purpose is to limit rent prices increasing beyond what is affordable for most home dwellers.
Rent regulation is a system of laws, administered by a court or a public authority, which aims to ensure the affordability of housing and tenancies on the rental market for dwellings. Generally, a system of rent regulation involves:
Janet Freeman was an American community organizer and activist for tenant's rights in New York City's lower Manhattan. On June 20, 2013, the corner of Elizabeth Street and Kenmare Street was co-named "Janet Freeman Way" by the New York City Council in her memory and to commemorate her activism on behalf of the community. According to NYC Streets in its listing of street names and their honorees, "Janet Freeman was a community organizer and tenant advocate. She founded the Croman Tenants Association; the Coalition to Protect Public Housing and Section 8; and Co-op Watch, to prevent evictions through phony conversions. She started campaigns to organize tenants against aggressive landlords, phony demolitions, and harassment in and around Chinatown and Little Italy."
The Costa–Hawkins Rental Housing Act ("Costa–Hawkins") is a California state law, enacted in 1995, which places limits on municipal rent control ordinances. Costa–Hawkins preempts the field in two major ways. First, it prohibits cities from establishing rent control over certain kinds of residential units, e.g., single-family dwellings and condominiums, and newly constructed apartment units; these are deemed exempt. Second, it prohibits "vacancy control", also called "strict" rent control. The legislation was sponsored by Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins.
The Crown Heights Tenant Union (CHTU) is a tenants union created in October 2013 to unify old and new tenants against the gentrification of the Crown Heights, Brooklyn neighborhood. The CHTU has pushed for local collective bargaining agreements between tenants and landlords to be written into the deeds of buildings that would regulate rent increases and codify repair and renovation standards. They also assist individual tenants, educating them on their rights and how to enforce them, lobby in Albany for better rent laws, and participate in direct action, targeting predatory equity real-estate companies they believe to be involved in illegal evictions and harassment tactics.
The 421-a tax exemption is a property tax exemption in the U.S. state of New York that is given to real-estate developers for building new multifamily residential housing buildings in New York City. As currently written, the program also focuses on promoting affordable housing in the most densely populated areas of New York City. The exemption is granted for any buildings that add multiple new residential units, and typically lasts for 15 to 25 years after the building is completed. Longer exemption periods apply in less densely populated areas of the outer boroughs and upper Manhattan.
Eviction in the United States refers to the pattern of tenant removal by landlords in the United States. In an eviction process, landlords forcibly remove tenants from their place of residence and reclaim the property. Landlords may decide to evict tenants who have failed to pay rent, violated lease terms, or possess an expired lease. Landlords may also choose not to renew a tenant's lease, however, this does not constitute an eviction. In the United States, eviction procedures, landlord rights, and tenant protections vary by state and locality. Historically, the United States has seen changes in domestic eviction rates during periods of major socio-political and economic turmoil—including the Great Depression, the 2008 Recession, and the COVID-19 pandemic. High eviction rates are driven by affordable housing shortages and rising housing costs. Across the United States, low-income and disadvantaged neighborhoods have disproportionately higher eviction rates. Certain demographics—including low income renters, Black and Hispanic renters, women, and people with children—are also at a greater risk of eviction. Additionally, eviction filings remain on renters' public records. This can make it more difficult for renters to access future housing, since most landlords will not rent to a tenant with a history of eviction. Eviction and housing instability are also linked to many negative health and life outcomes, including homelessness, poverty, and poor mental and physical health.
The Housing Stability and Tenant Protection Act of 2019 (HSTPA) is a New York state statute that introduced major changes to landlord-tenant law.
Article 7A of the New York Real Property Actions and Proceedings Law (RPAPL) enables that "a housing court judge appoints an administrator to collect the building's rents and use them for repairs" as an alternative to "fruitless rent strikes." About 10% per year of those appointed in the 1980s were removed, and money accountability problems also occurred. This law can also help expedite repairs, such as after a fire.