Chagga religion

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Chagga religion (Dini ya Wachagga in Swahili, Vanruvairuwa in Kichagga) was the pre-colonial Bantu religion of the Chagga people of the former Chagga states on the slopes of Kilimanjaro in present-day Tanzania. [1] [2]

Contents

Overview

In Chagga cosmology, the natural and supernatural realms are intertwined, with every aspect of the world considered to possess a supernatural influence. [3] Human actions are believed to carry significant otherworldly implications, where misfortunes may arise from improper conduct leading to ancestral punishment, the malevolent practices of individuals, or the negative intentions of either people or spirits. The attribution of misfortune is often a subject of debate within the community. [4]

Conversely, the explanation for good fortune involves the need to coax favorable outcomes from a universe inhabited by capricious ancestral spirits and potent forces. This coaxing is achieved through ritual acts aimed at appeasing and controlling these spirits. [5] A prominent deity in this belief system is Ruwa , associated with the sun, who resides in the sky with his consort, the moon. Sacrifices to Ruwa are typically performed at noon. While Ruwa and the other superior spirits generally maintain a distant relationship with humanity, the spirits of the deceased, particularly those of ancestors, are considered more actively involved in human affairs. [6] The spirit world mirrors the living world, featuring powerful leaders and livestock. Ancestral spirits are honored to ensure the welfare of their descendants, while the ancestors of Chagga kings are propitiated on behalf of the entire kingdom. [7]

In Chagga cosmology, sexual reproduction is viewed as a fundamental force governing life and death. The proper union of male and female is believed to generate life, while improper combinations can lead to death. Marriage and incest exemplify these opposing forces, each deriving from male-female interactions. [8] The potent nature of sexuality is acknowledged, with cursing instruments often adorned with representations of male and female sexual organs, symbolizing their life and death powers. To mitigate the potential dangers of sexuality, a degree of segregation between male and female elements is practiced. [9] [10]

Maintaining proper relationships between the sexes is essential for controlling these life-death forces, as is adhering to the natural sequence of life stages. Each being is thought to have its appropriate time to grow, mature, and die. For instance, once a child reaches the age of marriage, parents are expected to cease having more children; failure to do so may result in the death of family members. A young person who dies before their time is often believed to have been killed, while dying without offspring—whether due to youth or sterility—disrupts the vital cycle and the ancestral lineage. [11]

In this belief system, childless individuals and barren women are not buried in familial graves but instead left in the forest, symbolizing a lack of continuity. The greatest concern is to die without descendants, as this signifies an eternal end to one's lineage. Sterility is viewed as a harbinger of ultimate death, raising questions about who would perform the necessary rites to guide the deceased into the afterlife if no descendants remain to honor them. [12]

Ideology

In Chagga ideology, the cyclic renewal of life—encompassing humans, animals, plants, day and night, and the seasons—requires active maintenance of order within the natural and social realms. Central to this belief system are the principles of separation, combination, and sequence, particularly concerning male and female categories and their appropriate unions at the right times. Any deviation from these combinations or sequences is viewed as a potential source of chaos and disaster. [13]

Three key themes are integral to Chagga cosmology: (1) the rejection of ultimate death, as the lineage of ancestors and descendants is considered perpetual, with the deceased continuing to exist in the spirit world; (2) the mysterious processes of sexual reproduction that sustain the chain of life among humans, animals, and plants; and (3) the magical significance of food production, consumption, and sacrifice, which is believed essential for sustaining both the living and the spirits of the dead. [14] [15]

In this context, sexuality, food, digestion, and the concepts of life and death are deeply interconnected. The fertility provided by manure, for example, symbolizes the links between plant reproduction and human sexuality. Consequently, Chagga cosmology incorporates these elements, emphasizing that both the living and the dead require sustenance, particularly enjoying offerings of slaughtered animals and libations of beer, blood, and milk. This ritual focus on food and fertility serves as a vital means of preventing both immediate and eternal death, thereby perpetuating life. [16]

Rituals

In Chagga rituals, a significant offering to the spirits involved the stomach contents of slaughtered animals. During major misfortunes affecting the chiefdom, the entire stomach and intestines, along with their contents, were sacrificed to Ruwa, the sun god. In routine sacrifices, only the contents were offered alongside a portion of meat. The act of animal slaughter was viewed as a vital means of communication with ancestral spirits, as the spirit of the animal was believed to journey to the afterlife shortly after its death, serving as a form of "telegram" to the spirits. Food, therefore, functioned as a conduit between the living and the spiritual realms, with death facilitating this connection. [17]

Additionally, Chagga cosmology draws parallels between feeding and reproduction. The body is often conceptualized as a container, with oral feeding sustaining life and vaginal feeding during intercourse creating new life. A child is seen as a combination of "male milk" (semen) and "female blood" (menstrual fluid). During pregnancy, the female body is viewed as closed and contained, preserving blood to nourish the fetus. Both reproductive fluids and the blood and milk from cattle symbolize life, with the former generating new life and the latter being consumed for sustenance. [18]

Ritually, a woman who has recently given birth is offered mlaso, a special food made from blood and butter. Drinking milk from the same breast symbolizes sibling relationships, while sharing beer from the same vessel signifies friendship. The banana, a staple food and key ingredient in Chagga beer, is referred to as the "milk tree" due to its milky sap. Boys are circumcised using banana stems, which, like men, propagate themselves. Men typically own banana groves, passing them down to their sons. Furthermore, cow manure and human feces are believed to enhance the fertility of banana plants, as defecation commonly occurs in banana groves, reinforcing the connection between waste and agricultural fertility. [19]

Initiation mythology

In Chagga initiation mythology, a narrative presented to women and children describes that men's anuses are sealed during initiation, linking their digestive completeness to their procreative abilities. This myth posits that, similar to pregnant women, men are symbolically "closed," lacking a vagina or any equivalent of an open rectum. [20] [21]

The digestive contents of men are metaphorically referred to as "the snake of life," particularly when their digestive systems produce unexpected sounds. Despite young women's ignorance regarding male defecation, male feces play a crucial role in the initiation ceremonies for both girls and boys. In the girls' ritual, a mixture that includes male feces is used to mark each girl's forehead. In the boys' initiation, feces are symbolically consumed as part of the solemn oaths taken during the ceremony. [22]

These initiation rites serve as pivotal ceremonies that facilitate the transition from adolescence to the capacity to bear and beget children. [23] The practice of manuring may have influenced the recurring psycho-sexual themes associated with feces and digestive processes that feature prominently in Chagga rituals and myths. [24]

Witchcraft

In Chagga culture, intentional harm is categorized into two primary methods: open and secretive. Unlike the European distinction between supernatural and physical means of causing harm, Chagga society emphasizes the difference between public and stealthy attacks. [25]

Secretive methods of causing death often involve witchcraft and poisons, commonly introduced into food or drink. This practice necessitates various precautions during meals. [26] For instance, a host may sip from a calabash of beer before serving it to guests to demonstrate that it is free from poison. Similarly, a husband might require his wife or child to taste all food prepared at home, and a designated public taster is employed to sample all produce offered at women's food markets. [27]

Other clandestine forms of harm involve placing witchcraft materials near an individual's homestead. To guard against such threats, Chagga people implement protective measures, such as planting dracaena (Kich. masale) boundary fences, which are associated with deceased ancestors and provide supernatural protection. [28] Additionally, social etiquette dictates that individuals should not enter another person's homestead grove without prior greeting and invitation. Individuals loitering near a house, especially at night, are often regarded with suspicion. [29]

In Chagga culture, witchcraft abilities and knowledge can be inherited from parents; male children inherit from their fathers, while female children inherit from their mothers. For those lacking hereditary powers, witchcraft materials can be purchased, and cursing instruments may be rented from lineages that own them. [30] Additionally, individuals can seek the assistance of professional curer-sorcerers, who can be summoned to perform rituals in private settings. The Pare community, in particular, is noted for its reputation as skilled sorcerers. [31]

In Chagga ideology, the distinction between inherent witchcraft abilities and the use of sorcery materials by those without such gifts is not significant. [32] Both intentional acts of harm, whether through witchcraft or other means, are viewed as inherently wicked. Witchcraft beliefs remain widespread, and unintentional harm can also occur due to jealousy, anger, neglecting rituals, or violating taboos. [33]

Public attacks, however, can be considered legitimate. Conditional curses, such as threatening misfortune if a specific action is taken or not taken, are commonly expressed without fear of reprisal. For example, a parent might invoke a curse on a child for failing to return home on time. Cursing is a traditional disciplinary method, often employed by fathers. [34]

Colonial Christian churches condemned witchcraft and sorcery, viewing them as forms of devil worship. While many do not dispute the effectiveness of these practices, they argue against their morality. [35] In contrast, cursing is generally acceptable within Christian contexts, seen as leaving judgment to God. This allows cursing to persist as a legitimate means of invoking supernatural powers to cause harm. Curses from close relatives, particularly between fathers and sons, are particularly feared due to their perceived potency. [36]

Taboos and ritualized behavior

In Chagga culture, maintaining order within the cosmic framework involves numerous ritualized practices and behavioral conventions concerning everyday activities. [37] For instance, a man requires his wife's permission to take milk from her calabashes, while a wife must obtain her husband's consent to access the storage basket for eleusine. This illustrates the gendered segregation of food-related activities. Additionally, dietary customs differentiate between children and adults; raw or unpeeled roasted bananas are designated for children, while adults consume peeled, cooked bananas. This distinction reflects broader societal norms regarding sexual maturity and generational roles, with raw bananas symbolizing the uncircumcised state. [38]

Numerous conventions govern interpersonal relationships. For example, a newly married daughter-in-law must veil her head and squat when her father-in-law passes, while he is expected to avoid looking at or speaking to her. After her first child's birth, the couple performs a friendship ritual that lifts the previous avoidance requirements. Another convention dictates that a wife should always approach her husband facing him, as walking backward is considered a form of cursing behavior, potentially exposing men to harm. [39] Chagga social relationships emphasize respect, non-hostility, and distance. While men may joke with peers and certain female relatives, interactions between men and women typically reinforce role segregation. [40] Generally, relationships between juniors and seniors are marked by signs of respect, with seniority signifying a closer connection to ancestors and carrying both supernatural and worldly implications. [41]

Chagga ritual symbols

Chagga ritual symbols are derived from various aspects of everyday life, encompassing the following categories: [42] [43]

1. The Body: This includes bodily products (spittle, semen, blood, milk, urine, and feces), physiological processes (eating, defecating, sexual intercourse, childbirth, and menstruation), emotional states (anger, tranquility, envy), and body parts (head, mouth, anus, hands). [44]

Chagga kata (calabash) cups for mbege beer 1891 Chagga kata (calabash) cups for mbege 1891.jpeg
Chagga kata (calabash) cups for mbege beer 1891

2. Basic Foods: Key dietary staples such as bananas, meat, blood, milk, and banana beer. [45]

3. Food Production Activities: Practices including planting, manuring, harvesting, animal feeding, milking, and slaughtering. [46]

4. Man-made Objects and Structures: Items such as huts, cooking pots, hearths, weapons (spears, swords, shields), and agricultural tools (sickles). [47]

5. Flora and Fauna: The diverse plant and animal life of Kilimanjaro, notably the dracaena plant, which symbolizes the dead and is often planted in skull groves and around banana groves. [48]

6. Natural Phenomena: Elements such as fire, water, the mountain itself, the sun, and rain. [49]

7. Natural Dimensions and Qualities: Concepts of direction and value, such as left (feminine) and right (masculine), upward and downward, and numerical significance (three representing male, four female, and seven as dangerous). [50]

These elements are interpreted through categorical classifications that imbue supernatural meaning into the natural and cultural realms. [51] Notably, many symbols possess multiple aspects; for instance, fire can represent the nurturing hearth associated with female generative powers or serve as a destructive force. Similarly, water may symbolize tranquility or embody turbulence and rage. [52]

In Chagga cosmology, both men and women are viewed as dualistic figures capable of bringing life and death. Men are characterized by strength, protection, and generative capabilities, but they also possess the capacity for violence and slaughter. [53] Women, while celebrated for their ability to bear children, are also perceived as potentially dangerous, with menstrual blood symbolizing maturation and fecundity, yet also carrying risks of sterility and contamination. This ambivalence regarding gender roles and capabilities is reflected throughout Chagga myths and symbols. [54]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Yonge, Brian. "The rise and fall of the Chagga empire." Kenya Past and Present 11.1 (1979): 43-48.
  2. ↑ Schanz, Johannes. "Mitteilungen über Die Besiedelung Des Kilimandscharo Durch Die Dschagga Und Deren Geschichte." Baessler-Archiv, 1913.
  3. ↑ Schanz, Johannes. "Mitteilungen über Die Besiedelung Des Kilimandscharo Durch Die Dschagga Und Deren Geschichte." Baessler-Archiv, 1913.
  4. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  5. ↑ LeRoy, Alexander (2019). Mission to Kilimanjaro. Eugene, Oregon: WIPF & Stock. p. 9. ISBN   9781532693526.
  6. ↑ Schanz, Johannes. "Mitteilungen über Die Besiedelung Des Kilimandscharo Durch Die Dschagga Und Deren Geschichte." Baessler-Archiv, 1913.
  7. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  8. ↑ Schanz, Johannes. "Mitteilungen über Die Besiedelung Des Kilimandscharo Durch Die Dschagga Und Deren Geschichte." Baessler-Archiv, 1913.
  9. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  10. ↑ Yonge, Brian. "The rise and fall of the Chagga empire." Kenya Past and Present 11.1 (1979): 43-48.
  11. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  12. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  13. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  14. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  15. ↑ LeRoy, Alexander (2019). Mission to Kilimanjaro. Eugene, Oregon: WIPF & Stock. p. 9. ISBN   9781532693526.
  16. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  17. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  18. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  19. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  20. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  21. ↑ LeRoy, Alexander (2019). Mission to Kilimanjaro. Eugene, Oregon: WIPF & Stock. p. 9. ISBN   9781532693526.
  22. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  23. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner.
  24. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  25. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  26. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner.
  27. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  28. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner.
  29. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  30. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner.
  31. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  32. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner.
  33. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  34. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  35. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner.
  36. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  37. ↑ Schanz, Johannes. "Mitteilungen über Die Besiedelung Des Kilimandscharo Durch Die Dschagga Und Deren Geschichte." Baessler-Archiv, 1913.
  38. ↑ Dundas, Charles. Kilimanjaro and Its People: A History of Wachagga, their Laws, Customs and Legends, Together with Some. Routledge, 2012.
  39. ↑ Dundas, Charles. Kilimanjaro and Its People: A History of Wachagga, their Laws, Customs and Legends, Together with Some. Routledge, 2012.
  40. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner.
  41. ↑ Dundas, Charles. Kilimanjaro and Its People: A History of Wachagga, their Laws, Customs and Legends, Together with Some. Routledge, 2012.
  42. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  43. ↑ Dundas, Charles. Kilimanjaro and Its People: A History of Wachagga, their Laws, Customs and Legends, Together with Some. Routledge, 2012.
  44. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  45. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  46. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  47. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  48. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  49. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  50. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  51. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner.
  52. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
  53. ↑ Krapf, J.L. 1858 Reisen in Ost Afrika. Stuttgart. 1860 Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Year’s Residence in Eastern Africa. London: Trübner
  54. ↑ Moore, Sally Falk, and Paul Puritt. The Chagga and Meru of Tanzania: East Central Africa, Part XVIII. Routledge, 2017. ISBN 978-1-315-30949-1.
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