Grammatical features |
---|
In linguistics, egophoricity refers to a grammatical category that marks one's personal involvement in an event. [1] In languages with this category, an egophoric form is used for expressing information to which the self has "privileged access" [2] as opposed to an allophoric (or non-egophoric) form. [1] [3]
Egophoric forms are typically associated with first-person subject declarative sentences and second-person subject interrogative sentences (egophoric distribution). [4]
The concept of egophoricity was originally developed in descriptive studies on Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in the Himalayas such as Newar and Tibetan; however, the category has also been found in languages of Northwestern China, the Andean region, Caucasus, New Guinea, and elsewhere. [5]
"Ego-" refers to "self" and "-phor" means "to carry". [6]
The term "egophoric" was coined by French linguist Nicolas Tournadre in his description of Lhasa Tibetan [6] [7] [8] although his former supervisor Claude Hagège had used "égophore" in a different sense prior to that. [8] [9]
Before "egophoricity" came into use in the literature, linguists often referred to the same phenomenon by the term conjunct and disjunct forms. [10] [11] The distinction between conjunct/disjunct was first made in Austin Hale's work on Kathmandu Newar. [12] [13]
Usually, the marking of egophoricity is correlated with grammatical person and sentence types: egophoric forms typically occur with the first-person subject in declarative sentences and the second-person subject in questions. By contrast, non-egophoric forms will appear in the other contexts. This pattern is called egophoric distribution. [4] [14] [15]
Declarative | Interrogative | |
---|---|---|
1st person | ego | non-ego |
2nd person | non-ego | ego |
3rd person | non-ego | non-ego |
Unlike person agreement, however, the use of (non-)egophoric forms may not follow it under certain semantic or pragmatic situations.
Kathmandu Newar, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in the capital of Nepal, has two past tense makers for verbs: the egophoric -ā and the non-egophoric -a. The former is normally used in first-person declaratives and second-person questions whereas the latter is applied to the other sentences: [16] [17]
Ji
1.SG.ABS
ana
there
wanā.
go.PST.EGO
"I went there."
Cha
2.SG.ABS
ana
there
wana.
go.PST.NEGO
"You went there."
Wa
3.SG.ABS
ana
there
wana.
go.PST.NEGO
"He went there."
Cha
2.SG.ABS
ana
there
wanā
go.PST.EGO
lā?
Q
"Did you go there?"
If the verb describes an unintentional action, however, the non-egophoric past tense marker will appear in first-person declaratives and second-person questions as well: [18]
Jįį
1.SG.ERG
lā
meat
palā.
cut.PST.EGO
"I cut the meat (intentionally)."
Cha
2.SG.ABS
danā
get-up.PST.EGO
lā?
Q
"Did you get up (voluntarily)?"
Jįį
1.SG.ERG
lā
meat
pala.
cut.PST.NEGO
"I cut the meat (quite by accident)."
Cha
2.SG.ABS
dana
get-up.PST.NEGO
lā?
Q
"Did you get up (involuntarily)?"
While the third person subject usually takes the non-egophoric marker both in declaratives and interrogatives, the egophoric counterpart will be used in indirect speech if the main and subordinate clauses share the same subject: [19]
Wа̨а̨
3.SG.ERG
wa
3.SG.ABS
ana
there
wanā
go.PST.EGO
dhakāā
QUOT
dhāla.
say.PST.NEGO
"He said that he went there (himself)."
Wа̨а̨
3.SG.ERG
wa
3.SG.ABS
ana
there
wana
go.PST.NEGO
dhakāā
QUOT
dhāla.
say.PST.NEGO
"He said that he (someone else) went there."
Lhasa Tibetan, another Tibeto-Burman language, has a system of verb endings that express evidentiality and/or egophoricity. [20]
Egophoric | Factual (non-egophoric) | Evidential | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Direct | Inferential | |||
Perfective | -pa yin | -pa red | -song | -zhag |
Perfect | -yod | -yog red | -‘dug | |
Imperfective | -gi yod | -gi yog red | -gi ’dug / -gis | |
Future | -gi yin | -gi red |
In a nominal construction, the egophoric copulae (e.g. yin) and the non-egophoric ones (e.g. red) are used in accordance with the egophoric distribution: [10] [21]
nga
1.SG
bod=pa
Tibetan
yin
COP.EGO
"I am Tibetan."
kho
3.SG
bod=pa
Tibetan
red
COP.NEGO
"He is Tibetan."
khyed=rang
2.SG.HON
bod=pa
Tibetan
yin
COP.EGO
pas
Q
"Are you Tibetan?"
nga
1.SG
rgya=mi
Chinese
red
COP.NEGO
pas
Q
"Am I Chinese?"
However, the distinction between yin and red may also be made according to voluntariness of an action as in Kathmandu Newar. [22] [23] Likewise, the third-person subject in indirect speech is marked by an egophoric marker if it is co-referential with the subject of the main clause. [23] [24]
Also, the third-person subject takes an egophoric marker when the speaker emphasizes their personal involvement in the information conveyed in the statement.
kho
3.SG
nga’i
1.SG.GEN
bu
son
red
COP.NEGO
"He is my son." (e.g. answering "who is he?")
kho
3.SG
nga’i
1.SG.GEN
bu
son
yin
COP.EGO
"He is my son." (e.g. answering "whose son is he?")
In a language like Lhasa Tibetan, egophoricity is part of its evidential system as the egophoric copula occupies the same slot as the allophoric and the evidential. This is not the case for languages such as Kathmandu Newar, where the two categories are expressed separately. [26]
Languages like Akha have paradigmatic structure of mirative and egophoric marking, which suggests both categories can interact with each other. [27]
Few languages deploy grammatical person and egophoric marking at the same time. [28] Still, cohabitation of both categories is reported in Japhug, a Rgyalrongic language of Sichuan. [29]
Aside from Newar and Tibetic, egophoricity is attested in Tibeto-Burman languages like Galo (Tani), Japhug (Rgyalrongic), Bunan, Kurtöp (East Bodish), and Yongning Na (Naic) as well. [30] Akha (Loloish) has developed egophoric marking independently of the other branches of the family. [31] [32]
Outside of Tibeto-Burman, some languages spoken in Northwestern China such as Salar (Turkic), Mongour (Mongolic) and Wutun developed egophoricity due to contact with Amdo Tibetan. [30] [33]
Northern Akhvakh (Northeast Caucasian) marks egophoricity to some extent. [34] In South America, Barbacoan languages such as Awa Pit and Cha’palaa exhibit an egophoric system similar to that of Tibeto-Burman. [35]
Tournadre and LaPolla (2014) compare the Japanese desiderative suffix -tai to an egophoric marker in languages like Tibetan, as they follow the egophoric distribution. [36] In Japanese, -tai as well as adjectives describing one's inner experience (such as "glad", "itchy") cannot be used for the third-person without the support of the suffix -garu or some evidential markers. [37]
*Kare
he
wa
TOP
ureshii.
glad
"He is glad."
Kare
he
wa
TOP
ureshi-garu.
glad
"He is glad."
Kare
he
wa
TOP
ureshi-souda.
glad
"He looks glad."
Sino-Tibetan is a family of more than 400 languages, second only to Indo-European in number of native speakers. Around 1.4 billion people speak a Sino-Tibetan language. The vast majority of these are the 1.3 billion native speakers of Sinitic languages. Other Sino-Tibetan languages with large numbers of speakers include Burmese and the Tibetic languages. Four United Nations member states have a Sino-Tibetan language as their main native language. Other languages of the family are spoken in the Himalayas, the Southeast Asian Massif, and the eastern edge of the Tibetan Plateau. Most of these have small speech communities in remote mountain areas, and as such are poorly documented.
In linguistic typology, split ergativity is a feature of certain languages where some constructions use ergative syntax and morphology, but other constructions show another pattern, usually nominative–accusative. The conditions in which ergative constructions are used vary among different languages.
In linguistic typology, ergative–absolutive alignment is a type of morphosyntactic alignment in which the single argument ("subject") of an intransitive verb behaves like the object of a transitive verb, and differently from the agent ("subject") of a transitive verb. Examples include Basque, Georgian, Mayan, Tibetan, and certain Indo-European languages. It has also been attributed to the Semitic modern Aramaic languages. Ergative languages are classified into two groups: those that are morphologically ergative but syntactically behave as accusative and those that, on top of being ergative morphologically, also show ergativity in syntax. No language has been recorded in which both the morphological and syntactical ergative are present. Languages that belong to the former group are more numerous than those to the latter. Dyirbal is said to be the only representative of syntactic ergativity, yet it displays accusative alignment with certain pronouns.
Khams Tibetan is the Tibetic language used by the majority of the people in Kham. Khams is one of the three branches of the traditional classification of Tibetic languages. In terms of mutual intelligibility, Khams could communicate at a basic level with the Ü-Tsang branch.
Lhasa Tibetan or Standard Tibetan is the Tibetan dialect spoken by educated people of Lhasa, the capital of the Tibetan Autonomous Region. It is an official language of the Tibet Autonomous Region.
Tibetan grammar describes the morphology, syntax and other grammatical features of Lhasa Tibetan, a Sino-Tibetan language. Lhasa Tibetan is typologically an ergative–absolutive language. Nouns are generally unmarked for grammatical number, but are marked for case. Adjectives are never marked and appear after the noun. Demonstratives also come after the noun but these are marked for number. Verbs are possibly the most complicated part of Tibetan grammar in terms of morphology. The dialect described here is the colloquial language of Central Tibet, especially Lhasa and the surrounding area, but the spelling used reflects classical Tibetan, not the colloquial pronunciation.
Akha is the language spoken by the Akha people of southern China, eastern Burma, northern Laos, and northern Thailand.
The Tibeto-Burman languages are the non-Sinitic members of the Sino-Tibetan language family, over 400 of which are spoken throughout the Southeast Asian Massif ("Zomia") as well as parts of East Asia and South Asia. Around 60 million people speak Tibeto-Burman languages. The name derives from the most widely spoken of these languages, Burmese and the Tibetic languages, which also have extensive literary traditions, dating from the 12th and 7th centuries respectively. Most of the other languages are spoken by much smaller communities, and many of them have not been described in detail.
Gongduk or Gongdu is an endangered Sino-Tibetan language spoken by about 1,000 people in a few inaccessible villages located near the Kuri Chhu river in the Gongdue Gewog of Mongar District in eastern Bhutan. The names of the villages are Bala, Dagsa, Damkhar, Pam, Pangthang, and Yangbari (Ethnologue).
Yolmo (Hyolmo) or Helambu Sherpa, is a Tibeto-Burman language of the Hyolmo people of Nepal. Yolmo is spoken predominantly in the Helambu and Melamchi valleys in northern Nuwakot District and northwestern Sindhupalchowk District. Dialects are also spoken by smaller populations in Lamjung District and Ilam District and also in Ramecchap District. It is very similar to Kyirong Tibetan and less similar to Standard Tibetan and Sherpa. There are approximately 10,000 Yolmo speakers, although some dialects have larger populations than others.
Proto-Tibeto-Burman is the reconstructed ancestor of the Tibeto-Burman languages, that is, the Sino-Tibetan languages, except for Chinese. An initial reconstruction was produced by Paul K. Benedict and since refined by James Matisoff. Several other researchers argue that the Tibeto-Burman languages sans Chinese do not constitute a monophyletic group within Sino-Tibetan, and therefore that Proto-Tibeto-Burman was the same language as Proto-Sino-Tibetan.
A secundative language is a language in which the recipients of ditransitive verbs are treated like the patients (targets) of monotransitive verbs, and the themes get distinct marking. Secundative languages contrast with indirective languages, where the recipient is treated in a special way.
Scott DeLancey is an American linguist from the University of Oregon. His work focuses on typology and historical linguistics of Tibeto-Burman languages as well as North American indigenous languages such as the Penutian family, particularly the Klamath. His research is known for its diversity of its thematic and theoretical reach.
Japhug is a Gyalrong language spoken in Barkam County, Rngaba, Sichuan, China, in the three townships of Gdong-brgyad, Gsar-rdzong and Da-tshang.
Mruic or Mru–Hkongso is a small group of Sino-Tibetan languages consisting of two languages, Mru and Anu-Hkongso. Their relationship within Sino-Tibetan is unclear.
Shobhana Chelliah is an Indian-American linguist who specializes in Sino-Tibetan languages. As of 2023, she is a professor of linguistics at Indiana University, Bloomington. Her research focuses on the documentation of the Tibeto-Burman languages of Northeast India.
Taman is an extinct Sino-Tibetan language that was spoken in Htamanthi village in Homalin Township, Sagaing Region, northern Myanmar. It was documented in a list of 75 words in Brown (1911). Keisuke Huziwara (2016) discovered an elderly rememberer of Taman in Htamanthi who could remember some Taman phrases as well as a short song, but was not fluent in the Taman language. However, no fluent speakers of Taman remained in the area.
In linguistics, differential argument marking (DAM) is the phenomenon of a language's encoding a single grammatical function (e.g. subject or object) in different ways. It includes non-uniform encoding of arguments in terms of case marking, but also in terms of the presence or absence of agreement on the verb. The term differential marking – specifically differential object marking or DOM – was coined by Georg Bossong in relation to his work on Sardinian and New Iranian languages. However, in recent years there has been a growing interest in the great variety of differential marking patterns across the world's languages in both formal and functional linguistics.
Barman Thar, where “thar” means language, is a highly endangered language. It is a Tibeto-Burman language that belongs to the Boro–Garo sub-group. The population of the Barman Kachari community is 24,237, according to a 2017 census. However, only a small part of this population speaks the language.
Lhowa (ल्होवा), also known as Loke Tibetan, Mustang Tibetan and Lhopa is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken by approximately 3,000 Tibetan people of Mustang District in central Nepal.
This article needs additional or more specific categories .(November 2023) |