Classifier (linguistics)

Last updated

A classifier (abbreviated clf [1] or cl) is a word or affix that accompanies nouns and can be considered to "classify" a noun depending on some characteristics (e.g. humanness, animacy, sex, shape, social status) of its referent. [2] [3] Classifiers in this sense are specifically called noun classifiers because some languages in Papua as well as the Americas have verbal classifiers which categorize the referent of its argument. [4] [5]

Contents

In languages that have classifiers, they are often used when the noun is being counted, that is, when it appears with a numeral. In such languages, a phrase such as "three people" is often required to be expressed as "three X (of) people", where X is a classifier appropriate to the noun for "people"; compare to "three blades of grass". Classifiers that appear next to a numeral or a quantifier are particularly called numeral classifiers. [6] They play an important role in certain languages, especially East and Southeast Asian languages, [7] including Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Vietnamese.

Numeral classifiers may have other functions too; in Chinese, they are commonly used when a noun is preceded by a demonstrative (word meaning "this" or "that"). Some Asian languages like Zhuang, Hmong and Cantonese use "bare classifier construction" where a classifier is attached without numerals to a noun for definite reference; the latter two languages also extend numeral classifiers to the possessive classifier construction where they behave as a possessive marker connecting a noun to another noun that denotes the possessor. [8]

Possessive classifiers are usually used in accord with semantic characteristics of the possessed noun and less commonly with the relation between the possessed and the possessor [9] [10] although possessor classifiers are reported in a few languages (e.g. Dâw). [11]

Classifiers are absent or marginal in European languages. An example of a possible classifier in English is piece in phrases like "three pieces of paper". In American Sign Language, particular classifier handshapes represent a noun's orientation in space.

There are similarities between classifier systems and noun classes, although there are also significant differences. While noun classes are defined in terms of agreement, classifiers do not alter the form of other elements in a clause. [12] [13] Also, languages with classifiers may have hundreds of classifiers whereas languages with noun classes (or in particular, genders) tend to have a smaller number of classifiers. Noun classes are not always dependent on the nouns' meaning but they have a variety of grammatical consequences.

Overview

A classifier is a word (or in some analyses, a bound morpheme) which accompanies a noun in certain grammatical contexts, and generally reflects some kind of conceptual classification of nouns, based principally on features of their referents. Thus a language might have one classifier for nouns representing persons, another for nouns representing flat objects, another for nouns denoting periods of time, and so on. The assignment of classifier to noun may also be to some degree unpredictable, with certain nouns taking certain classifiers by historically established convention.

The situations in which classifiers may or must appear depend on the grammar of the language in question, but they are frequently required when a noun is accompanied by a numeral. They are therefore sometimes known (particularly in the context of languages such as Japanese) as counter words. They may also be used when a noun is accompanied by a demonstrative (a word such as "this" or "that").

The following examples, from Standard Mandarin Chinese, illustrate the use of classifiers with a numeral. The classifiers used here are 位 (pinyin wèi), used (among other things) with nouns for humans; 棵 , used with nouns for trees; 只/隻 (zhī), used with nouns for certain animals, including birds; and 条/條 (tiáo), used with nouns for certain long flexible objects. (Plurals of Chinese nouns are not normally marked in any way; the same form of the noun is used for both singular and plural.)

sān

three

wèi

CL[human]

学生

xuéshēng

student

(三位學生)

 

 

三 位 学生

sān wèi xuéshēng

three CL[human] student

"three students"

sān

three

CL[tree]

shù

tree

(三棵樹)

 

 

三 棵 树

sān kē shù

three CL[tree] tree

"three trees"

sān

three

zhī

CL[animal]

niǎo

bird

(三隻鳥)

 

 

三 只 鸟

sān zhī niǎo

three CL[animal] bird

"three birds"

sān

three

tiáo

CL[long-wavy]

river

(三條河)

 

 

三 条 河

sān tiáo hé

three CL[long-wavy] river

"three rivers"

个 (個) , is also often used in informal speech as a general classifier, with almost any noun, taking the place of more specific classifiers.

The noun in such phrases may be omitted, if the classifier alone (and the context) is sufficient to indicate what noun is intended. For example, in answering a question:

Q.

多少

duōshǎo

how many

tiáo

CL

river

(多少條河)

 

 

多少 条 河

duōshǎo tiáo hé

{how many} CL river

"How many rivers?"

A.

sān

three

tiáo

CL

(三條)

 

following noun omitted

三 条

sān tiáo

three CL

"Three."

Languages which make systematic use of (noun) classifiers include Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Southeast Asian languages, Bengali, Assamese, Persian, Austronesian languages, Mayan languages and others. A less typical example of classifiers is those used with the verb. Verbal classifiers are found in languages like Southern Athabaskan.

Classifier handshapes are also found in sign languages, although these have a somewhat different grammatical function.

Classifiers are often derived from nouns (or occasionally other parts of speech), which have become specialized as classifiers, or may retain other uses besides their use as classifiers. Classifiers, like other words, are sometimes borrowed from other languages. A language may be said to have dozens or even hundreds of different classifiers. However, such enumerations often also include measure words.

Classifiers versus measure words

Measure words play a similar role to classifiers, except that they denote a particular quantity of something (a drop, a cupful, a pint, etc.), rather than the inherent countable units associated with a count noun. Classifiers are used with count nouns; measure words can be used with mass nouns (e.g. "two pints of mud"), and can also be used when a count noun's quantity is not described in terms of its inherent countable units (e.g. "two pints of acorns").

However, the terminological distinction between classifiers and measure words is often blurred – classifiers are commonly referred to as measure words in some contexts, such as Chinese language teaching, and measure words are sometimes called mass-classifiers or similar. [14] [15]

Examples by language

European languages

Classifiers are not generally a feature of English or other European languages, although classifier-like constructions are found with certain nouns. A commonly cited English example is the word head in phrases such as "five head of cattle": the word cattle (for some speakers) is an uncountable (mass) noun, and requires the word head to enable its units to be counted. The parallel construction exists in French: une tête de bétail ("one head of cattle"), in Spanish: una cabeza de ganado ("one head of cattle") and in Italian: un capo di bestiame ("one head of cattle"). Note the difference between "five head of cattle" (meaning five animals), and "five heads of cattle" (identical to "five cattle's heads", meaning specifically their heads). A similar phrase used by florists is "ten stem of roses" (meaning roses on their stems).

European languages naturally use measure words. These are required for counting in the case of mass nouns, and some can also be used with count nouns. For example, one can have a glass of beer, and a handful of coins. The English construction with of is paralleled in many languages, although in German (and similarly in Dutch and the Scandinavian languages) the two words are simply juxtaposed, e.g. one says ein Glas Bier (literally "a glass beer", with no word for "of"). Slavic languages put the second noun in the genitive case (e.g. Russian чаша пива (chasha piva), literally "a beer's glass"), but Bulgarian, having lost the Slavic case system, uses expressions identical to German (e.g. чаша пиво).

Certain nouns are associated with particular measure words or other classifier-like words that enable them to be counted. For example, paper is often counted in sheets as in "five sheets of paper". Usage or non-usage of measure words may yield different meanings, e.g. five papers is grammatically equally correct but refers to newspapers or academic papers. Some inherently plural nouns require the word pair(s) (or its equivalent) to enable reference to a single object or specified number of objects, as in "a pair of scissors", "three pairs of pants", or the French une paire de lunettes ("a pair of (eye)glasses").

Australian Aboriginal Languages

Australian Aboriginal languages are known for often having extensive noun class systems based on semantic criteria. In many cases, a given noun can be identified as a member of a given class via an adjacent classifier, which can either form a hyponym construction with a specific noun, or act as a generic noun on its own.

Kuuk Thaayorre

[16]

In the following example from Kuuk Thaayorre, the specific borrowed noun tin.meat 'tinned meat' is preceded by its generic classifier minh 'meat.'

minh

CL(meat)

tin.meat

tinned-meat(ACC)

mungka-rr

eat-PST.PFV

minh tin.meat mungka-rr

CL(meat) tinned-meat(ACC) eat-PST.PFV

'[they] ate tinned meat'

In the next example, the same classifier minh stands in on its own for a generic crocodile (punc), another member of the minh class:

yokun

perhaps

minh-al

CL(meat)-ERG

patha-rr

bite-PST.PFV

pulnan

3DU.ACC

yokun minh-al patha-rr pulnan

perhaps CL(meat)-ERG bite-PST.PFV 3DU.ACC

'perhaps a [crocodile] got them'

Classifiers and specific nouns in Kuuk Thaayorre can also co-occupy the head of a noun phrase to form something like a compound or complex noun as in ngat minh.patp 'CL(fish) hawk' which is the complex noun meaning 'stingray'.

ClassifierNoun Class
minhedible land animals: meat, land animals that one eats, all birds, inedible aquatic animals (e.g. crocodiles).
ngatedible aquatic animals
mayedible plants: non-meat food, a meal, honey, honey bees
ngokliquids
kuukstructured utterances: speech, languages, birdsong
warrathgrasses
yuk1trees: tree species and tree parts
yuk2elongated objects: cigarettes, aeroplanes, cyclones, microphones
raak1locations: place names, geographical areas, ground, the earth, soil.
raak2times: diurnal phases, seasons, etc.
raak3items of material culture: money
pam1people: humans generically
pam2men: adult male humans
paanthwomen: adult female humans
parr_ryouth: immature humans and other species
kutasocial animals: cats, dingoes
nganrelatives
ruurrinsects

Diyari

[17]

Another example of this kind of hyponym construction can be seen in Diyari:

ngathi

1SG.ERG

nhinha

3.SG.NFEM.ACC

pirta

CL(tree)

pathara

box.tree.ACC

dandra-rda

hit-PCP

purri-yi

AUX-PRS

ngathi nhinha pirta pathara dandra-rda purri-yi

1SG.ERG 3.SG.NFEM.ACC CL(tree) box.tree.ACC hit-PCP AUX-PRS

'I chop the box tree'

See the nine Diyari classifiers below

ClassifierNoun Class
karnahuman beings, excluding non-Aboriginal people
payabirds which fly
thutyureptiles and insects
nganthiother edible animates
pukaedible vegetable food
pirtatrees and wood
mardastone and minerals (including introduced metallic entities)
thurrufire
ngapawater

Ngalakgan

[18]

Contrast the above with Ngalakgan in which classifiers are prefixes on the various phrasal heads of the entire noun phrase (including modifiers):

mungu-yimiliʔ

CL(season)-wet.season

mu-ŋolko

CL(season)3-big

gu-mu-rabona

3sg-CL(season).3-go.FUT

mungu-yimiliʔ mu-ŋolko gu-mu-rabona

CL(season)-wet.season CL(season)3-big 3sg-CL(season).3-go.FUT

'A big wet season will be coming on'

Ngalakgan has fewer noun classes than many Australian Languages, the complete set of its class prefixes are below:

CL PrefixNoun Class
rnu(gu)-male humans and higher animals; most other animals; etc.
dju(gu)-female humans and higher animals
mu(ngu)-most edible (and some inedible) plants; some

implements; seasons; etc.

gu(ngu)-most body parts; most implements; many plants, topographical terms; etc.

Bengali, Assamese, Maithili and Nepali

Atypically for an Indo-European language, Bengali makes use of classifiers. Every noun in this language must have its corresponding classifier when used with a numeral or other quantifier. Most nouns take the generic classifier ṭa, although there are many more specific measure words, such as jon, which is only used to count humans. Still, there are many fewer measure words in Bengali than in Chinese or Japanese. As in Chinese, Bengali nouns are not inflected for number.

Bengali examples

Nôe-ṭa

nine-CL

ghoṛi

clock

Nôe-ṭa ghoṛi

nine-CL clock

Nine clocks

Kôe-ṭa

how.many-CL

balish

pillow

Kôe-ṭa balish

how.many-CL pillow

How many pillows

Ônek-jon

many-CL

lok

person

Ônek-jon lok

many-CL person

Many people

Char-pañch-jon

four-five-CL

shikkhôk

teacher

Char-pañch-jon shikkhôk

four-five-CL teacher

Four or five teachers

Similar to the situation in Chinese, measuring nouns in Bengali without their corresponding measure words (e.g. aṭ biṛal instead of aṭ-ṭa biṛal "eight cats") would typically be considered ungrammatical. However, it is common to omit the classifier when it counts a noun that is not in the nominative case (e.g., aṭ biṛaler desh (eight cats-possessive country ), or panc bhUte khelo (five ghosts-instrumental ate)) or when the number is very large (e.g., ek sho lok esechhe ("One hundred people have come.")). Classifiers may also be dropped when the focus of the sentence is not on the actual counting but on a statement of fact (e.g., amar char chhele (I-possessive four boy, I have four sons)). The -ṭa suffix comes from /goṭa/ 'piece', and is also used as a definite article.

Omitting the noun and preserving the classifier is grammatical and common. For example, Shudhu êk-jon thakbe. (lit. "Only one-MW will remain.") would be understood to mean "Only one person will remain.", since jon can only be used to count humans. The word lok "person" is implied.

Maithili, Nepali and Assamese have systems very similar to Bengali's. Maithili uses -ta for objects and -goatey for humans; similarly, Nepali has -waṭā (-वटा) for objects and -janā (-जना) for humans.

Assamese, Chittagonian, Sylheti and other Bengali-Assamese languages have more classifiers than Bengali. The presence of classifiers in Northeast India may be linked to contact with the Tibeto-Burman and Austroasiatic languages spoken in the region.[ citation needed ]

Assamese

আমটো

Am-

mango-CL[inanimate objects]

আমটো

Am-

{mango-CL[inanimate objects]}

The mango

দুটা

Du-ta

two-CL[counting numerals]

শব্দ

xobdo

word

দুটা শব্দ

Du-ta xobdo

{two-CL[counting numerals]} word

Two words

কেইটা

Kei-ta

how.many-CL

বালিছ

balis

pillow

কেইটা বালিছ

Kei-ta balis

how.many-CL pillow

How many pillows

বালিছকেইটা

Balis-kei-ta

pillow-many-CL

বালিছকেইটা

Balis-kei-ta

pillow-many-CL

The pillows

চাৰি-পাঁচজন

Sari-pas-zon

four-five-CL[male humans (polite)]

মানুহ

manuh

human

চাৰি-পাঁচজন মানুহ

Sari-pas-zon manuh

{four-five-CL[male humans (polite)]} human

Four or five men

মেকুৰীজনী

Mekuri-zoni

cat-CL[females of human and animals]

মেকুৰীজনী

Mekuri-zoni

{cat-CL[females of human and animals]}

The female cat

খন

E-khon

one-CL[flat small; and big items]

ঘৰ

ghor

house

খন ঘৰ

E-khon ghor

{one-CL[flat small; and big items]} house

A house

কিতাপকেইখন

Kitap-kei-khon

book-many-CL

কিতাপকেইখন

Kitap-kei-khon

book-many-CL

The books

পানীখিনি

Pani-khini

water-CL[uncountable and uncounted items]

পানীখিনি

Pani-khini

{water-CL[uncountable and uncounted items]}

The water

সাপডাল

Xap-dal

snake-CL[long and thin items]

সাপডাল

Xap-dal

{snake-CL[long and thin items]}

The snake

Persian has a scheme very similar to the Indo-Aryan languages Bengali, Assamese, Maithili and Nepali.

Persian

Although not always used in written language, Persian uses classifiers regularly in spoken word. Persian has two general-use classifiers, دانه (dāne) and تا (), the former of which is used with singular nouns, while the latter is used with plural nouns.

یک دانه پسر

Yek

One

dāne

CL:SG.general use

pesar

boy

Yek dāne pesar

One {CL:SG.general use} boy

One boy

دو تا پسر

Do

Two

CL:PL.general use

pesar

boy

Do pesar

Two {CL:PL.general use} boy

Two boys

چند تا پسر؟

čand

How many

CL:PL.general use

pesar?

boy?

čand pesar?

{How many} {CL:PL.general use} boy?

How many boys?

In addition to general-use classifiers, Persian also has several specific classifiers, including the following:

دو باب فروشگاه

Do

Two

bāb

CL:buildings

forušgāh

store

Do bāb forušgāh

Two CL:buildings store

Two stores

یک قرص نان

Yek

One

qors

CL:bread

nān

bread

Yek qors nān

One CL:bread bread

A loaf of bread

سه کلاف سیم

Se

Three

kalāf

CL:wire, yarn, thread

sim

wire

Se kalāf sim

Three {CL:wire, yarn, thread} wire

Three reels of wire

Burmese

In Burmese, classifiers, in the form of particles, are used when counting or measuring nouns. They immediately follow the numerical quantification. Nouns to which classifiers refer can be omitted if the context allows, because many classifiers have implicit meanings.

သူ

θù

Thu

he

တူ

tu

chopstick

နှစ်

n̥ə

hna

two

ချောင်း

t͡ʃʰáʊɴ

chaung

CL:long and thin items

ရှိ

ʃḭ

shi

have

တယ်

de

PRES

သူ တူ နှစ် ချောင်း ရှိ တယ်

θù tù n̥ə t͡ʃʰáʊɴ ʃḭ dè

Thu tu hna chaung shi de

he chopstick two {CL:long and thin items} have PRES

He has two chopsticks.

စားပွဲ

zəbwé

Zabwe

table

ခုနစ်

kʰwɛʔ n̥ə

khun-hna

seven

လုံး

lóʊɴ

lon

CL:round, globular things

ရှိ

ʃḭ

shi

have

လား

la

Q

စားပွဲ ခုနစ် လုံး ရှိ လား

zəbwé {kʰwɛʔ n̥ə} lóʊɴ ʃḭ là

Zabwe khun-hna lon shi la

table seven {CL:round, globular things} have Q

Do you have seven tables?

လူ

lu

one

တစ်

ta

CL:people

ဦး

ú

u

person

လူ တစ် ဦး

lù tə ú

lu ta u

one CL:people person

one person or a person

Thai

Thai employs classifiers in the widest range of NP constructions compared to similar classifier languages from the area. [19] Classifiers are obligatory for nouns followed by numerals in Thai. Nouns in Thai are counted by a specific classifier, [20] which are usually grammaticalized nouns. [21] An example of a grammaticalized noun functioning as a classifier is คน (khon). Khon is used for people (except monks and royalty) and literally translates to 'person'. The general form for numerated nouns in Thai is noun-numeral-classifier. Similar to Mandarin Chinese, classifiers in Thai are also used when the noun is accompanied by a demonstrative. However, this is not obligatory in the case of demonstratives. [22] Demonstratives also require a different word order than for numerals. The general scheme for demonstratives is noun-classifier-demonstrative. In some instances, classifiers are also used to denote singularity. Thai nouns are bare nominals and are ambiguous regarding number. [21] In order to differentiate between the expression "this child" vs. "these children", a classifier is added to the noun followed by a demonstrative. This 'singularity effect' [21] is apparent in เด็กคนนี้ (child-classifier-this) referring exclusively to one child as opposed to เด็กนี้ (child this), which is vague in terms of number.

Combining nouns with adjectives could be simply done without the use of classifiers such as รถเก่า (rot kao, old car), it is sometimes necessary to add a classifier in order to distinguish the specific object from a group e.g รถคันเก่า (rot khan kao, the old car). [20] [22] Some quantifiers require classifiers in Thai. It has been claimed that quantifiers which do not require classifiers are adjuncts and those which do are part of the functional structure of the noun phrase. [21] Quantifiers which require a classifier include ทุก (thuk, every) บาง (bang, some). This is also the case of approximations e.g. หมาบางตัว (ma bang tua, some dogs). Negative quantification is simply expressed by adding ไม่มี (mai mi, there are not) in front of the noun. [20]

ExampleUsage

เพื่อน

phuen

friends

สอง

song

two

คน

khon

CL:people

เพื่อน สอง คน

phuen song khon

friends two CL:people

Two friends

Cardinal numbers

นก

nok

bird

ตัว

tua

CL:animals

หนึ่ง

nung

one

นก ตัว หนึ่ง

nok tua nung

bird CL:animals one

a bird or one bird

Indefiniteness

ทุเรียน

turian

durian

หลาย

lai

many

ลูก

luk

CL:fruits or balls

ทุเรียน หลาย ลูก

turian lai luk

durian many {CL:fruits or balls}

Many durians

Measure/quantity

รถ

rot

car

คัน

khan

CL:land vehicles

นี้

ni

this

รถ คัน นี้

rot khan ni

car {CL:land vehicles} this

This car

Demonstratives

บ้าน

ban

house

ทุก

tuk

every

หลัง

lang

CL:houses

บ้าน ทุก หลัง

ban tuk lang

house every CL:houses

Every house

Quantifiers

นักเรียน

nakrian

student

คน

khon

CL:people

ที่

thi

ordinal particle

สอง

song

two

นักเรียน คนที่ สอง

nakrian khonthi song

student CL:people {ordinal particle} two

The second student

Ordinals

หนังสือ

nungsue

book

เล่ม

lem

CL:books and knives

ใหม่

mai

new

หนังสือ เล่ม ใหม่

nungsue lem mai

book {CL:books and knives} new

The new book

Adjectives

Complex nominal phrases can yield expressions containing several classifiers. This phenomenon is rather unique to Thai, compared to other classifier languages from the region. [22]

Thai

เรือ

ruea

boat

ลำ

lam

CL:boats and planes

ใหญ่

yai

large

ลำ

lam

CL:boats and planes

นั้น

nan

that

เรือ ลำ ใหญ่ ลำ นั้น

ruea lam yai lam nan

boat {CL:boats and planes} large {CL:boats and planes} that

that large boat

เรือ

ruea

boat

ลำ

lam

CL:boats and planes

ใหญ่

yai

large

สาม

sam

three

ลำ

lam

CL:boats and planes

เรือ ลำ ใหญ่ สาม ลำ

ruea lam yai sam lam

boat {CL:boats and planes} large three {CL:boats and planes}

three large boats

เรือ

ruea

boat

ลำ

lam

CL:boats and planes

ใหญ่

yai

large

สาม

sam

three

ลำ

lam

CL:boats and planes

นั้น

nan

that

เรือ ลำ ใหญ่ สาม ลำ นั้น

ruea lam yai sam lam nan

boat {CL:boats and planes} large three {CL:boats and planes} that

those three large boats

Chinese

Although classifiers were not often used in Classical Chinese, in all modern Chinese varieties such as Mandarin, nouns are normally required to be accompanied by a classifier or measure word when they are qualified by a numeral or by a demonstrative. Examples with numerals have been given above in the Overview section. An example with a demonstrative is the phrase for "this person" — 这个人 zhè ge rén. The character 个 is a classifier, literally meaning "individual" or "single entity", so the entire phrase translates literally as "this individual person" or "this single person". A similar example is the phrase for "these people" — 这群人 zhè qún rén, where the classifier 群 means "group" or "herd", so the phrase literally means "this group [of] people" or "this crowd".

The noun in a classifier phrase may be omitted, if the context and choice of classifier make the intended noun obvious. An example of this again appears in the Overview section above.

The choice of a classifier for each noun is somewhat arbitrary and must be memorized by learners of Chinese, but often relates to the object's physical characteristics. For example, the character 条 tiáo originally means "twig" or "thin branch", is now used most often as a classifier for thin, elongated things such as rope, snake and fish, and can be translated as "(a) length (of)", "strip" or "line".

Not all classifiers derive from nouns, however. For example, the character 張/张 zhāng is originally a verb meaning "to span (a bow)", and is now used as a classifier to denote squarish flat objects such as paper, hide, or (the surface of) table, and can be more or less translated as "sheet". The character 把 was originally a verb meaning to grasp/grip, but is now more commonly used as the noun for "handle", and as the classifier for "handful".

Technically a distinction is made between classifiers (or count-classifiers), which are used only with count nouns and do not generally carry any meaning of their own, and measure words (or mass-classifiers), which can be used also with mass nouns and specify a particular quantity (such as "bottle" [of water] or "pound" [of fruit]). Less formally, however, the term "measure word" is used interchangeably with "classifier".

Gilbertese

In Gilbertese, classifiers must be used as a suffix when counting. The appropriate classifier is chosen based on the kind and shape of the noun, and combines with the numeral, sometimes adopting several different forms.

There is a general classifier (-ua) which exists in simple numbers (te-ua-na 1; uo-ua 2; ten-ua 3; a-ua 4; nima-ua 5; until 9) and is used when there is no specific classifier and for counting periods of time and years; and specific classifiers like:

Japanese

In Japanese grammar, classifiers must be used with a number when counting nouns. The appropriate classifier is chosen based on the kind and shape of the noun, and combines with the numeral, sometimes adopting several different forms.

鉛筆

enpitsu

pencil

五本

go-hon

five-CL[cylindrical objects]

鉛筆 五本

enpitsu go-hon

pencil {five-CL[cylindrical objects]}

five pencils

inu

dog

三匹

san-biki

three-CL[small animals]

犬 三匹

inu san-biki

dog {three-CL[small animals]}

three dogs

子供

kodomo

child

四人

yo-nin

four-CL[people]

子供 四人

kodomo yo-nin

child four-CL[people]

four children

niwatori

chicken

三羽

san-ba

three-CL[birds]

鶏 三羽

niwatori san-ba

chicken three-CL[birds]

three chickens

ヨット

yotto

yacht

三艘

san-

three-CL[small boats]

ヨット 三艘

yotto san-

yacht {three-CL[small boats]}

three yachts

kuruma

car

一台

ichi-dai

one-CL[mechanical objects]

車 一台

kuruma ichi-dai

car {one-CL[mechanical objects]}

one car

トランプ

toranpu

playing.card

二枚

ni-mai

two-CL[flat objects]

トランプ 二枚

toranpu ni-mai

playing.card {two-CL[flat objects]}

two cards

Korean

The Korean language has classifiers in the form of suffixes which attach to numerals. For example, jang (장) is used to count sheets of paper, blankets, leaves, and other similar objects: "ten bus tickets" could be translated beoseu pyo yeol-jang (버스 표 열 장), literally "bus ticket ten-[classifier]".

종이

jong'i

paper

se

three

jang

CL[flat objects]

종이 세 장

jong'i se jang

paper three {CL[flat objects]}

three sheets of paper

자전거

jajeongeo

bicycle

다섯

daseot

five

dae

CL[vehicles]

자전거 다섯 대

jajeongeo daseot dae

bicycle five CL[vehicles]

five bicycles

어른

eoreun

adult

ne

four

myeong

CL[people]

어른 네 명

eoreun ne myeong

adult four CL[people]

four adults

물건

mulgeon

thing

여섯

yeoseot

six

gae

CL[common things]

물건 여섯 개

mulgeon yeoseot gae

thing six {CL[common things]}

six things

토끼

tokki

rabbit

han

one

마리

mari

CL[animals]

토끼 한 마리

tokki han mari

rabbit one CL[animals]

one rabbit

chaek

book

du

two

gwon

CL[books]

책 두 권

chaek du gwon

book two CL[books]

two books

고기

gogi

meat

일곱

ilgop

seven

jeom

CL[pieces of meat]

고기 일곱 점

gogi ilgop jeom

meat seven {CL[pieces of meat]}

seven pieces of meat

ot

cloth

여덟

yeodeol

eight

beol

CL[clothes]

옷 여덟 벌

ot yeodeol beol

cloth eight CL[clothes]

eight clothes

Malay/Indonesian

In Malay grammar, classifiers are used to count all nouns, including concrete nouns, abstract nouns [23] and phrasal nouns. Nouns are not reduplicated for plural form when used with classifiers, definite or indefinite, although Mary Dalrymple and Suriel Mofu give counterexamples where reduplication and classifiers co-occur. [24] In informal language, classifiers can be used with numbers alone without the nouns if the context is well known. The Malay term for classifiers is penjodoh bilangan, while the term in Indonesian is kata penggolong.

Seekor

One-CL:animals

kerbau

water-buffalo.

Seekor kerbau

One-CL:animals water-buffalo.

A water-buffalo.

Dua

Two

orang

CL:people

pelajar

students

itu

that.

Dua orang pelajar itu

Two CL:people students that.

Those two students.

Berapa

How many

buah

CL:general

kereta

cars

yang

relative word

dijual?

sold?

/

/

Tiga

Three

buah.

CL:general

Berapa buah kereta yang dijual? / Tiga buah.

{How many} CL:general cars {relative word} sold? / Three CL:general

How many cars are sold? / Three of them.

Secawan

One-cup

kopi.

coffee

Secawan kopi.

One-cup coffee

A cup of coffee.

Saya

I

mendengar

heard

empat

four

das

CL:gunshots

tembakan pistol.

gunshots.

Saya mendengar empat das {tembakan pistol}.

I heard four CL:gunshots gunshots.

I heard four gunshots.

Saya

I

minta

would like

sebatang

one-CL:cylindrical objects

rokok.

cigarette.

Saya minta sebatang rokok.

I {would like} {one-CL:cylindrical objects} cigarette.

I would like a cigarette.

Tiga

Three

biji

CL:small grains

pasir.

sand.

Tiga biji pasir.

Three {CL:small grains} sand.

Three grains of sand.

Vietnamese

Vietnamese uses a similar set of classifiers to Chinese, Japanese and Korean.

ba

three

bộ

[inanimate object counter]

áo

upper

dài

garment+long

ba bộ áo dài

three {[inanimate object counter]} upper garment+long

three (sets of) áo dài [25]

Khmer

Khmer (Cambodian) also uses classifiers, although they can quite frequently be omitted. Since it is a head-first language, the classifier phrase (number plus classifier) comes after the noun.

American Sign Language

In American Sign Language classifier constructions are used to express position, stative description (size and shape), and how objects are handled manually. The particular hand shape used to express any of these constructions is what functions as the classifier. Various hand shapes can represent whole entities; show how objects are handled or instruments are used; represent limbs; and be used to express various characteristics of entities such as dimensions, shape, texture, position, and path and manner of motion. While the label of classifiers has been accepted by many sign language linguists, some argue that these constructions do not parallel oral-language classifiers in all respects and prefer to use other terms, such as polymorphemic or polycomponential signs. [26]

Examples:

Global distribution

Classifiers are part of the grammar of most East Asian languages, including Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, Malay, Burmese, Thai, Hmong, and the Bengali and Munda languages just to the west of the East and Southeast Asia linguistic area. They are present in many Australian Aboriginal languages, including Yidiny and Murrinhpatha. Among indigenous languages of the Americas, classifiers are present in the Pacific Northwest, especially among the Tsimshianic languages, and in many languages of Mesoamerica, including Classic Maya and most of its modern derivatives. They also occur in some languages of the Amazon Basin (most famously Yagua) and a very small number of West African languages.

In contrast, classifiers are entirely[ citation needed ] absent not only from European languages, but also from many languages of northern Asia (Uralic, Turkic, Mongolic, Tungusic and mainland Paleosiberian languages), and also from the indigenous languages of the southern parts of both North and South America. In Austronesian languages, classifiers are quite common and may have been acquired as a result of contact with Mon–Khmer languages [ citation needed ] but the most remote members such as Malagasy and Hawaiian have lost them.

The World Atlas of Language Structures has a global map showing 400 languages and chapter text including geographical discussion:

Numeral classifiers exhibit striking worldwide distribution at the global level. The main concentration of numeral classifiers is in a single zone centered in East and Southeast Asia, but reaching out both westwards and eastwards. To the west, numeral classifiers peter out as one proceeds across the South Asian subcontinent; thus, in this particular region, the occurrence of numeral classifiers cross-cuts what has otherwise been characterized as one of the classical examples of a linguistic area, namely, South Asia. However, numeral classifiers pick up again, albeit in optional usage, in parts of western Asia centering on Iran and Turkey; it is not clear whether this should be considered as a continuation of the same large though interrupted isogloss, or as a separate one. To the east, numeral classifiers extend out through the Indonesian archipelago, and then into the Pacific in a grand arc through Micronesia and then down to the southeast, tapering out in New Caledonia and western Polynesia. Interestingly, whereas in the western parts of the Indonesian archipelago numeral classifiers are often optional, in the eastern parts of the archipelago and in Micronesia numeral classifiers tend once more, as in mainland East and Southeast Asia, to be obligatory. Outside this single large zone, numeral classifiers are almost exclusively restricted to a number of smaller hotbeds, in West Africa, the Pacific Northwest, Mesoamerica, and the Amazon basin. In large parts of the world, numeral classifiers are completely absent.

Noun classifiers versus noun classes

The concept of noun classifier is distinct from that of noun class.

Nevertheless, there is no clearly demarked difference between the two: since classifiers often evolve into class systems, they are two extremes of a grammaticalization continuum. [27]

Conceptual similarity to determinatives (writing systems)

The Egyptian hieroglyphic script is formed of a repertoire of hundreds of graphemes which play different semiotic roles. Almost every word ends with an unpronounced grapheme (the so-called "determinative") that carries no additional phonetic value of its own. As such, this hieroglyph is a "mute" icon, which does not exist on the spoken level of language but supplies the word in question, through its iconic meaning alone, with extra semantic information. [28]

In recent years, this system of unpronounced graphemes was compared to classifiers in spoken languages. The results show that the two systems, those of unpronounced graphemic classifiers and those of pronounced classifiers in classifier languages obey similar rules of use and function. The graphemic classifiers of the hieroglyphic script presents an emic image of knowledge organization in the Ancient Egyptian mind. [29]

Similar graphemic classifiers are known also in Hieroglyphic Luwian [30] and in Chinese scripts. [31]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Khmer language</span> Austroasiatic language of Cambodia

Khmer is an Austroasiatic language spoken natively by the Khmer people. This language is an official language and national language of Cambodia. The language is also widely spoken by Khmer people in Eastern Thailand and Isan, Thailand, also in Southeast and Mekong Delta of Vietnam.

In grammar, a noun is a word that represents a concrete or abstract thing, such as living creatures, places, actions, qualities, states of existence, and ideas. A noun may serve as an object or subject within a phrase, clause, or sentence.

In grammar, a part of speech or part-of-speech is a category of words that have similar grammatical properties. Words that are assigned to the same part of speech generally display similar syntactic behavior, sometimes similar morphological behavior in that they undergo inflection for similar properties and even similar semantic behavior. Commonly listed English parts of speech are noun, verb, adjective, adverb, pronoun, preposition, conjunction, interjection, numeral, article, and determiner.

In linguistics, measure words are words that are used in combination with a numeral to indicate an amount of something represented by some noun. Many languages use measure words, and East Asian languages such as Chinese, Japanese, and Korean use them very extensively in the form of number classifiers.

In linguistics, a count noun is a noun that can be modified by a quantity and that occurs in both singular and plural forms, and that can co-occur with quantificational determiners like every, each, several, etc. A mass noun has none of these properties: It cannot be modified by a number, cannot occur in plural, and cannot co-occur with quantificational determiners.

Thai numerals are a set of numerals traditionally used in Thailand, although the Arabic numerals are more common due to extensive westernization of Thailand in the modern Rattanakosin period. Thai numerals follow the Hindu–Arabic numeral system commonly used in the rest of the world. In Thai language, numerals often follow the modified noun and precede a measure word, although variations to this pattern occur.

The plural, in many languages, is one of the values of the grammatical category of number. The plural of a noun typically denotes a quantity greater than the default quantity represented by that noun. This default quantity is most commonly one. Therefore, plurals most typically denote two or more of something, although they may also denote fractional, zero or negative amounts. An example of a plural is the English word boys, which corresponds to the singular boy.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chinese classifier</span> Measure words in Chinese

The modern Chinese varieties make frequent use of what are called classifiers or measure words. One use of classifiers is when a noun is qualified by a numeral or demonstrative. In the Chinese equivalent of a phrase such as "three books" or "that person", it is normally necessary to insert an appropriate classifier between the numeral/demonstrative and the noun. For example, in Standard Chinese, the first of these phrases would be:

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chinese grammar</span> Grammar of the Standard Chinese language

The grammar of Standard Chinese shares many features with other varieties of Chinese. The language almost entirely lacks inflection; words typically have only one grammatical form. Categories such as number and verb tense are often not expressed by grammatical means, but there are several particles that serve to express verbal aspect and, to some extent, mood.

In Japanese, counter words or counters are measure words used with numbers to count things, actions, and events. Counters are added directly after numbers. There are numerous counters, and different counters are used depending on the kind or shape of nouns that are being described.

Pohnpeian is a Micronesian language spoken as the indigenous language of the island of Pohnpei in the Caroline Islands. Pohnpeian has approximately 30,000 (estimated) native speakers living in Pohnpei and its outlying atolls and islands with another 10,000-15,000 (estimated) living off island in parts of the US mainland, Hawaii and Guam. It is the second-most widely spoken native language of the Federated States of Micronesia the first being Chuukese.

This article describes the grammar of the Khmer (Cambodian) language, focusing on the standard dialect.

Determiner, also called determinative, is a term used in some models of grammatical description to describe a word or affix belonging to a class of noun modifiers. A determiner combines with a noun to express its reference. Examples in English include articles, demonstratives, possessive determiners, and quantifiers. Not all languages have determiners, and not all systems of grammatical description recognize them as a distinct category.

Vietnamese is an analytic language, meaning it conveys grammatical information primarily through combinations of words as opposed to suffixes. The basic word order is subject-verb-object (SVO), but utterances may be restructured so as to be topic-prominent. Vietnamese also has verb serialization. In sentences, the head of the phrase usually precedes its complements, nouns are classified according to series of lexical parameters, and pronouns may be absent from utterances. Question words in the language do not exhibit wh-movement.

Warndarrang (waɳʈaraŋ), also spelt Warndarang, Wanderang, Wandaran, and other variants is an extinct Aboriginal Australian language in the Arnhem family, formerly spoken by the Warndarrang people in southern Arnhem Land, along the Gulf of Carpentaria. The last speaker was Isaac Joshua, who died in 1974, while working with the linguist Jeffrey Heath.

The Pauna language, Paunaca, Paunaka, is an Arawakan language in South America. It is an extremely endangered language, which belongs to the southern branch of the Arawakan language family and it is spoken in the Bolivian area of the Chiquitanía, near Santa Cruz and north of the Chaco region. The suffix -ka is a plural morpheme of the Chiquitano language, but has been assimilated into Pauna.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Karu language</span> Arawakan language spoken in South America

Karu, one of several languages called Baniwa (Baniva), or in older sources Itayaine (Iyaine), is an Arawakan language spoken in Guainía, Colombia, Venezuela, and Amazonas, Brazil. It forms a subgroup with the Tariana, Piapoco, Resígaro and Guarequena languages. There are 10,000 speakers.

Yawalapiti (Jaulapiti) is an Arawakan language of Brazil. The Agavotaguerra (Agavotoqueng) reportedly spoke the same language. Speakers of the language live in a village along the edge of the river Tuatuari, a tributary of the Kuluene River, located in the southern part of the Xingu Indigenous Park, in the state of Mato Grosso.

Mortlockese, also known as Mortlock or Nomoi, is a language that belongs to the Chuukic group of Micronesian languages in the Federated States of Micronesia spoken primarily in the Mortlock Islands. It is nearly intelligible with Satawalese, with an 18 percent intelligibility and an 82 percent lexical similarity, and Puluwatese, with a 75 percent intelligibility and an 83 percent lexical similarity. The language today has become mutually intelligible with Chuukese, though marked with a distinct Mortlockese accent. Linguistic patterns show that Mortlockese is converging with Chuukese since Mortlockese now has an 80 to 85 percent lexical similarity.

North Ambrym is a language of Ambrym Island, Vanuatu.

References

  1. Comrie, Bernard; Haspelmath, Martin; Bickel, Balthasar (2008). "Leipzig glossing rules: Conventions for interlinear morpheme-by-morpheme glosses". Archived from the original on 2019-08-04. Retrieved 2016-04-12.
  2. Aikhenvald 2000, pp. 1–2.
  3. Aikhenvald 2000, p. 284.
  4. Aikhenvald 2000, p. 149.
  5. Aikhenvald 2019, p. 5.
  6. Aikhenvald 2000, p. 98.
  7. Enfield 2018, p. 143.
  8. Matthews 2007, pp. 230–231.
  9. Aikhenvald 2000, p. 125.
  10. Aikhenvald 2019, pp. 3–4.
  11. Aikhenvald 2000, p. 139.
  12. Corbett 1991, pp. 136–137.
  13. Aikhenvald 2019, pp. 2–3.
  14. Tai, James H.-Y. (1994). "Chinese classifier systems and human categorization". In William S.-Y. Wang; M. Y. Chen; Ovid J.L. Tzeng (eds.). In honor of William S.-Y. Wang: Interdisciplinary studies on language and language change. Taipei: Pyramid Press. p. 2. ISBN   978-957-9268-55-4.
  15. Cheng, Lisa L.-S.; Sybesma, Rint (1998). "yi-wan tang and yi-ge Tang: Classifiers and mass-classifiers". Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies. 28 (3).
  16. Gaby, Alice Rose (2006). A Grammar of Kuuk Thaayorre. The University of Melbourne.
  17. Austin, Peter K. (1981). A Grammar of Diyari. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
  18. Dixon, Robert M. W. (2002). Australian languages : their nature and development. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. ISBN   0-521-47378-0. OCLC   70724682.
  19. Hundius, Harald; Kölver, Ulrike (1983-01-01). "Syntax and Semantics of Numeral Classifiers in Thai". Studies in Language. International Journal Sponsored by the Foundation "Foundations of Language". 7 (2): 165–214. doi:10.1075/sl.7.2.02hun. ISSN   0378-4177.
  20. 1 2 3 Smyth, David (2014). Thai (2nd ed.). Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. ISBN   978-1-317-97457-4. OCLC   879025983.
  21. 1 2 3 4 Jenks, Peter (2011). The Hidden Structure of Thai Noun Phrases (PDF).
  22. 1 2 3 Singhapreecha, Pornsiri (2001). "Thai Classifiers and the Structure of Complex Thai Nominals" (PDF). Proceedings of the 15th Pacific Asia Conference on Language, Information and Computation, PACLIC 2001, Hong Kong, China, February 1-3, 2001: 259–270.
  23. Sneddon, James Neil; Adelaar, K. Alexander; Djenar, Dwi N.; Ewing, Michael (2012-12-06). Indonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar. Routledge. p. 141. ISBN   9781135873516.
  24. Dalrymple, Mary; Mofu, Suriel (2011). "Plural semantics, reduplication, and numeral modification in Indonesian". Journal of Semantics. 29 (2): 229–260. CiteSeerX   10.1.1.630.3618 . doi:10.1093/jos/ffr015.
  25. Đình Hoà Nguyẽ̂n Vietnamese 1997 Page 174 "..occur to the left of the head noun [N, position 0] in precise positions represented by, respectively, -3 (tất cả 'all-all'), -2 (năm 'five'), -1 (chiếc 'CLASSIFIER'), vis-à-vis 0 (áo dài) in the phrase tất cả năm chiếc áo dài 'all five dresses' [áo dài is a compound noun "upper garment + long]"
  26. Emmorey, Karen (2002). Language, Cognition, and the Brain: Insights from Sign Language Research. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associations. pp. 73–74.
  27. Corbett 1991, p. 137.
  28. "Goldwasser, O. 2005. "Where is Metaphor?: Conceptual Metaphor and Alternative Classification in the Hieroglyphic Script" Metaphor and Symbol 20(2), 95-113" (PDF).
  29. Goldwasser, Orly (2002). Prophets, Lovers and Giraffes. Wor(l)d Classification in Ancient Egypt. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN   3447045906.
  30. Payne, A. 2014. Hieroglyphic Luwian: An Introduction with Original Texts. 3rd edition. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
  31. Chen, Y. 2016. "The Prototypical Determinatives in Egyptian and Chinese Writing." Scripta 8: 101-126.

Bibliography