Resumptive pronoun

Last updated

A resumptive pronoun is a personal pronoun appearing in a relative clause, which restates the antecedent after a pause or interruption (such as an embedded clause, series of adjectives, or a wh-island), as in This is the girli that whenever it rains shei cries.

Contents

Resumptive pronouns have been described as "ways of salvaging a sentence that a speaker has started without realizing that it is impossible or at least difficult to finish it grammatically". [1] An English speaker might use a resumptive pronoun in order to prevent violations of syntactic constraints. [2]

In many languages, resumptive pronouns are necessary for a sentence to be grammatical, and they help in interpretation and performance of particular syntactic conditions. [3]

Defining the resumptive pronoun

Resumptive pronouns are pronouns that become more common the deeper the relative clause is embedded within the sentence because of greater processing constraints. When a relative clause is deeply embedded, the sentence is longer and it is more difficult to understand what is being modified by the relative clause. This added level, or additional distance, makes processing the sentence more difficult. These pronouns may not be actually grammatical in some languages like English, but are inserted into some sentences for clarity when there is a great deal of embedding or distance.

Relationship of resumptive pronouns and traces

Crucial to understanding resumptive pronouns is grasping the concept of their counterpart: the trace. Since resumptive pronouns and traces may not be differentiated in the English lexicon, the definition of one requires information about the other. When movement occurs in English sentences an invisible place-marker is left, called a trace. An example of movement that would result in a trace would be when an auxiliary verb is moved from a main clause to the beginning of a sentence to form a question phrase. A trace is an empty category that maintains a position in a sentence even though, in some languages, there is no surface level evidence of that linguistic element. Traces represent the pronoun that would have been present in the embedded clause, or before the wh-movement, that is removed from the surface representation of the sentence. As a result, in accordance with binding theory, the empty position of a trace must still be co-indexed with the preceding noun that it refers to in D-structure since they refer to the same entity.

  2. a) The man [whoi John saw ti.]      b) *The man [whoi John saw himi.] [4] 

t = trace
i = co-indexed

Two competing accounts of resumptive pronouns

There are two main views regarding the existence of resumptive pronouns. Some linguists believe that resumptive pronouns occur as a result of syntactic processing, while others believe they are the result of grammatical structure and are actually the pronunciation of a trace. In terms of grammatical processing, speakers use resumptive pronouns to clarify syntactically complicated sentences by using a resumptive pronoun as a hook back to the antecedent. This point of view sees resumptive pronouns as a kind of helper that is inserted into the sentence in order to make understanding the sentence easier for speakers. The second view looks at the underlying syntactic structure of the sentence, and views the resumptive pronouns as audible instances of an invisible underlying form. From the structural perspective, resumptive pronouns have been called a "cross between a trace morpheme and a regular pronoun". [2] A conceivable way of approaching resumptive pronouns is to say that they are of the same syntactic category as gaps or traces, and that they get the same semantic translation. The only difference would be that certain gaps get 'spelled out' as pronouns for clarity. Resumptive pronouns are syntactically and semantically pronouns, and they differ in both these respects from gaps.

Example sentences

The following examples are based on sentences provided in the work by McKee & McDaniel (2001)

 3. a) That is [the boyi that ti cries loudly.]     b) *That is [the boyi that hei cries loudly.]


Sentence (a) shows a trace, where the pronoun has been removed from the embedded clause. In sentence (b), the word him represents the pronoun that would be referred to as a resumptive pronoun if it remained in the sentence. However, as was stated previously, traces and resumptive pronouns appear in complementary distribution, so for the sentence to be grammatical with a trace in (a), it must be ungrammatical when the resumptive pronoun fills that same position in (b). Sentences (c) and (d) operate similarly, and are demonstrated in the X-bar theory trees below.

Sentence 3A: This syntactic tree of the sentence "That is the boy that cries loudly" demonstrates the structure when there is no resumptive pronoun used. To denote a null category, "o" is used. Resumptive Pronouns Sentence 4a.png
Sentence 3A: This syntactic tree of the sentence "That is the boy that cries loudly" demonstrates the structure when there is no resumptive pronoun used. To denote a null category, "ø" is used.
Sentence 3B: This syntactic tree of the sentence "*That is the boy that he cries loudly" demonstrates the structure when there is resumptive pronoun used. To denote a null category, "o" is used. the "*" marks an ungrammatical sentence. Resumptive pronoun Sentence 4b(2).png
Sentence 3B: This syntactic tree of the sentence "*That is the boy that he cries loudly" demonstrates the structure when there is resumptive pronoun used. To denote a null category, "ø" is used. the "*" marks an ungrammatical sentence.

Theories of resumptive pronoun distribution

Through a brief overview of resumptive pronouns in Swedish, Zaenen, Engdahl & Maling (1981) conclude that in some languages resumptive pronoun usage is not a case of anaphoric binding. In fact, they indicate that the relationship between a wh-word and a resumptive pronoun is actually akin to the relationship between a wh-word and a trace (an empty category that maintains a position in a sentence) that exists in English. Furthermore, they state that even though resumptive pronouns typically occur in syntactic islands, this is not because of switch in the category of binding. [5]

The issues with resumptive pronoun extractability clearly follow from syntactic principles. Furthermore, this factor is naturally described within the Minimalist program, [6] where the possibility of one structure can affect the possibility of another. In pre-Minimalist frameworks where derivations are independent of each other, this type of relation between two structures was unaccounted for; that is, there was no syntactic account of the ungrammaticality of cases like (5b). The independence of (5a) and (5b) implied that (5b) should be as good as (6b), regardless of whether resumptive pronouns are marginal in English. However, in the Minimalist framework, derivations that originate from the same numeration (i.e. set of lexical items) compete with one another so that the least costly derivation blocks the other(s). Therefore, if each resumptive–trace pair in the patterns exemplified in (5) and (6) is analyzed as originating from the same numeration, the complementarity has an account.

To develop this account we must claim that resumptive pronouns and traces are not differentiated in the English lexicon. If they were, the two versions would derive from different numerations and so would not compete. [7]

Distribution of resumptive pronouns

Resumptive pronouns in English behave differently from those in some other languages. In many contexts resumptive pronouns are judged to be ungrammatical by native speakers and they cannot be in the same binding domain or clause as the pronoun to which they refer. They do not usually occur in main clauses, but generally in relative clauses in some languages. [2] In fact, in English, "relative clauses with resumptive pronouns are officially ungrammatical [...] However, they are in fact not uncommon in speech". [1] However, their grammaticality is influenced by linear distance from the subject, embedded depth, and extractability.

  1. Distance – Processing constraints between the distance of the antecedent and the pronoun.
  2. Extractability – The acceptability of a trace.
  3. Island Constraints – The movement capability of WH-words.

In a relative clause, resumptive pronouns are generally not seen as grammatical, however their level of grammaticality improves as they get farther from the head. Thus, (4b) seems preferable to (4a). Some improvement in whether a native speaker judges resumptive pronouns as grammatical may also result when the resumptive pronoun is embedded, as in (4c). The following examples are based on sentences provided in the work by McKee & McDaniel (2001)

  4 a) *This is the cameli that hei likes Oscar.     b) This is the cameli that maybe, maybe, maybe, maybe hei likes Oscar.     c) This is the cameli that I think hei likes Oscar.

Since distance is generally irrelevant to syntactic principles, it is difficult to build a grammatical account of English resumptive pronouns in such terms. [7] The factor that seems to affect the distribution of resumptives in English most is extractability (i.e., whether a trace is acceptable). Resumptive pronouns are therefore generally in complementary distribution with traces. In (5), where the trace is possible, the resumptive pronoun is not; in (6), where the trace is not possible because of island constraints, the resumptive pronoun is.

  5. a) That's the girli that I like ti .      b) *That's the girli that I like heri.
   6. a) *This is the girli that I don't know what ti  said.       b) This is the girli that I don't know what shei said.
Sentence 6A: This syntactic tree of the sentence "*This is the girl that I don't know what said" demonstrates the structure when there is no obligatory resumptive pronoun used. To denote a null category, "o" is used. The "*" marks an ungrammatical sentence Resumptive pronoun sentence 4b.png
Sentence 6A: This syntactic tree of the sentence "*This is the girl that I don't know what said" demonstrates the structure when there is no obligatory resumptive pronoun used. To denote a null category, "ø" is used. The "*" marks an ungrammatical sentence
Sentence 6B: This syntactic tree of the sentence "This is the girl that I don't know what she said" demonstrates the structure when there is an obligatory resumptive pronoun used. To denote a null category, "o" is used. Resumptive pronoun sentence 4A.png
Sentence 6B: This syntactic tree of the sentence "This is the girl that I don't know what she said" demonstrates the structure when there is an obligatory resumptive pronoun used. To denote a null category, "ø" is used.

Distribution in other languages

The use of resumptive pronouns and the resumptive pronoun strategy is "marginal" [4] in the English language, but "common in colloquial English where binding theory prohibits wh-movement". [4] The phenomenon is found more readily in other languages; in some of them it is the normal way of forming relative clauses. See Relative clause → Pronoun retention type.

In some languages, resumptive pronouns and traces seem to alternate relatively freely, as the Romani examples in (7) illustrate.

7. a)

Ake

here

i

the

haj

girl

so

that

mangav.

I-like

Ake i haj so mangav.

here the girl that I-like

'Here's the girl that I like.'

b)

Ake

here

i

the

haj

girl

so

that

mangav

I-like

la.

her

Ake i haj so mangav la.

here the girl that I-like her

'Here's the girl that I like [her]'. [7]

Yiddish is another example of a language that uses resumptive pronouns readily, as can be seen in the example below.

8. a)

...a

...a

yid

Jew

vos

that

er

he

iz

is

geven

been

a

a

groyser

big

lamdn

scholar

un

and

a

a

gvir...

rich-man...

...a yid vos er iz geven a groyser lamdn un a gvir...

...a Jew that he is been a big scholar and a rich-man...

'...a guy who [he] was a big scholar and a rich man...' [1]

Some languages, such as Italian, features grammatical resumption in some situations other than relative clauses. In the example below, the resumptive clitic pronoun lo (which refers back to the topicalized object) is required for the sentence to be grammatical.

9. a)

Mario

lo

ho

visto

domenica

Mario lo ho visto domenica

'Mario him I saw on Sunday' [3]

See also

Related Research Articles

A noun phrase, or nominal (phrase), is a phrase that has a noun or pronoun as its head or performs the same grammatical function as a noun. Noun phrases are very common cross-linguistically, and they may be the most frequently occurring phrase type.

Government and binding is a theory of syntax and a phrase structure grammar in the tradition of transformational grammar developed principally by Noam Chomsky in the 1980s. This theory is a radical revision of his earlier theories and was later revised in The Minimalist Program (1995) and several subsequent papers, the latest being Three Factors in Language Design (2005). Although there is a large literature on government and binding theory which is not written by Chomsky, Chomsky's papers have been foundational in setting the research agenda.

A relative clause is typically a clause that modifies a noun or noun phrase, and uses some grammatical device to indicate that one of the arguments within the relative clause has the same referent as that noun or noun phrase. For example, in the sentence I met a man who wasn't there, the subordinate clause who wasn't there is a relative clause, since it modifies the noun man, and uses the pronoun who to indicate that the same "man" is referred to within the subordinate clause.

A cleft sentence is a complex sentence that has a meaning that could be expressed by a simple sentence. Clefts typically put a particular constituent into focus. In spoken language, this focusing is often accompanied by a special intonation.

In linguistics, binding is the phenomenon in which anaphoric elements such as pronouns are grammatically associated with their antecedents. For instance in the English sentence "Mary saw herself", the anaphor "herself" is bound by its antecedent "Mary". Binding can be licensed or blocked in certain contexts or syntactic configurations, e.g. the pronoun "her" cannot be bound by "Mary" in the English sentence "Mary saw her". While all languages have binding, restrictions on it vary even among closely related languages. Binding has been a major area of research in syntax and semantics since the 1970s, and was a major for the government and binding theory paradigm.

In linguistics, wh-movement is the formation of syntactic dependencies involving interrogative words. An example in English is the dependency formed between what and the object position of doing in "What are you doing?" Interrogative forms are known within English linguistics as wh-words such as what, when, where, who, and why, but also include interrogative words like how. This kind of dependency has been used as a diagnostic tool in syntactic studies as it is subject to a number of interacting grammatical constraints.

In linguistics, pied-piping is a phenomenon of syntax whereby a given focused expression brings along an encompassing phrase with it when it is moved.

The theta-criterion is a constraint on x-bar theory that was first proposed by Noam Chomsky (1981) as a rule within the system of principles of the government and binding theory, called theta-theory (θ-theory). As theta-theory is concerned with the distribution and assignment of theta-roles, the theta-criterion describes the specific match between arguments and theta-roles (θ-roles) in logical form (LF):

In generative grammar, the technical term operator denotes a type of expression that enters into an a-bar movement dependency. One often says that the operator "binds a variable".

The term linguistic performance was used by Noam Chomsky in 1960 to describe "the actual use of language in concrete situations". It is used to describe both the production, sometimes called parole, as well as the comprehension of language. Performance is defined in opposition to "competence"; the latter describes the mental knowledge that a speaker or listener has of language.

Empty category principle

In linguistics, the empty category principle (ECP) was proposed in Noam Chomsky's syntactic framework of government and binding theory. The ECP is supposed to be a universal syntactic constraint that requires certain types of empty categories, namely traces, to be properly governed.

Empty category

In linguistics, an empty category is an element in the study of syntax that does not have any phonological content and is therefore unpronounced. Empty categories may also be referred to as covert categories, in contrast to overt categories which are pronounced. When representing empty categories in tree structures, linguists use a null symbol to depict the idea that there is a mental category at the level being represented, even if the word(s) are being left out of overt speech. The phenomenon was named and outlined by Noam Chomsky in his 1981 LGB framework, and serves to address apparent violations of locality of selection — there are different types of empty categories that each appear to account for locality violations in different environments.

In generative linguistics, PRO is a pronominal determiner phrase (DP) without phonological content. As such, it is part of the set of empty categories. The null pronoun PRO is postulated in the subject position of non-finite clauses. One property of PRO is that, when it occurs in a non-finite complement clause, it can be bound by the main clause subject or the main clause object. The presence of PRO in non-finite clauses lacking overt subjects allows a principled solution for problems relating to Binding Theory.

In linguistics, grammaticality is determined by the conformity to language usage as derived by the grammar of a particular speech variety. The notion of grammaticality rose alongside the theory of generative grammar, the goal of which is to formulate rules that define well-formed, grammatical, sentences. These rules of grammaticality also provide explanations of ill-formed, ungrammatical sentences.

In linguistics, locality refers to the proximity of elements in a linguistic structure. Constraints on locality limit the span over which rules can apply to a particular structure. Theories of transformational grammar use syntactic locality constraints to explain restrictions on argument selection, syntactic binding, and syntactic movement.

Avalency refers to the property of a predicate, often a verb, taking no arguments. Valency refers to how many and what kinds of arguments a predicate licenses—i.e. what arguments the predicate selects grammatically. Avalent verbs are verbs which have no valency, meaning that they have no logical arguments, such as subject or object. Languages known as pro-drop or null-subject languages do not require clauses to have an overt subject when the subject is easily inferred, meaning that a verb can appear alone. However, non-null-subject languages such as English require a pronounced subject in order for a sentence to be grammatical. This means that the avalency of a verb is not readily apparent, because, despite the fact that avalent verbs lack arguments, the verb nevertheless has a subject. According to some, avalent verbs may have an inserted subject, which is syntactically required, yet semantically meaningless, making no reference to anything that exists in the real world. An inserted subject is referred to as a pleonastic, or expletive it. Because it is semantically meaningless, pleonastic it is not considered a true argument, meaning that a verb with this it as the subject is truly avalent. However, others believe that it represents a quasi-argument, having no real-world referent, but retaining certain syntactic abilities. Still others consider it to be a true argument, meaning that it is referential, and not merely a syntactic placeholder. There is no general consensus on how it should be analyzed under such circumstances, but determining the status of it as a non-argument, a quasi-argument, or a true argument, will help linguists to understand what verbs, if any, are truly avalent. A common example of such verbs in many languages is the set of verbs describing weather. In providing examples for the avalent verbs below, this article must assume the analysis of pleonastic it, but will delve into the other two analyses following the examples.

A bound variable pronoun is a pronoun that has a quantified determiner phrase (DP) – such as every, some, or who – as its antecedent.

Logophoricity is a phenomenon of binding relation that may employ a morphologically different set of anaphoric forms, in the context where the referent is an entity whose speech, thoughts, or feelings are being reported. This entity may or may not be distant from the discourse, but the referent must reside in a clause external to the one in which the logophor resides. The specially-formed anaphors that are morphologically distinct from the typical pronouns of a language are known as logophoric pronouns, originally coined by the linguist Claude Hagège. The linguistic importance of logophoricity is its capability to do away with ambiguity as to who is being referred to. A crucial element of logophoricity is the logophoric context, defined as the environment where use of logophoric pronouns is possible. Several syntactic and semantic accounts have been suggested. While some languages may not be purely logophoric, logophoric context may still be found in those languages; in those cases, it is common to find that in the place where logophoric pronouns would typically occur, non-clause-bounded reflexive pronouns appear instead.

Subjacency is a general syntactic locality constraint on movement. It specifies restrictions placed on movement and regards it as a strictly local process. This term was first defined by Noam Chomsky in 1973 and constitutes the main concept of the Government and Binding Theory. The revised definition of subjacency from Chomsky (1977) is as follows: "A cyclic rule cannot move a phrase from position Y to position X in … X … [α… [β… Y … ] … ] … X …, where α and β are cyclic nodes. Cyclic nodes are S and NP",.

In linguistics, a relativizer is a type of conjunction that introduces a relative clause. For example, in English, the conjunction that may be considered a relativizer in a sentence such as "I have one that you can use." Relativizers do not appear, at least overtly, in all languages; even in languages that do have overt or pronounced relativizers, they do not necessarily appear all of the time. For these reasons it has been suggested that in some cases, a "zero relativizer" may be present, meaning that a relativizer is implied in the grammar but is not actually realized in speech or writing. For example, the word that can be omitted in the above English example, producing "I have one you can use", using a zero relativizer.

References

  1. 1 2 3 Prince 1991.
  2. 1 2 3 Sharvit 1999.
  3. 1 2 Beltrama 2013.
  4. 1 2 3 Chomsky & Wise 1982.
  5. Zaenen, Engdahl & Maling 1981.
  6. Chomsky 1995.
  7. 1 2 3 McKee & McDaniel 2001.

Sources