Flapping

Last updated

Flapping or tapping, also known as alveolar flapping, intervocalic flapping, or t-voicing, is a phonological process involving a voiced alveolar tap or flap; it is found in many varieties of English, especially North American, Cardiff, Ulster, Australian and New Zealand English, where the voiceless alveolar stop consonant phoneme /t/ is pronounced as a voiced alveolar flap [ɾ], a sound produced by briefly tapping the alveolar ridge with the tongue, when placed between vowels. In London English, the flapped [ ɾ ] is perceived as a casual pronunciation intermediate between the affricate [ tsʰ ], with higher class associations, and the glottal stop [ ʔ ], with lower class associations. [1] In some varieties, /d/, the voiced counterpart of /t/, may also be frequently pronounced as a flap in such positions, making pairs of words like latter and ladder sound similar or identical. In similar positions, the combination /nt/ may be pronounced as a nasalized flap [ ɾ̃ ], making winter sound similar or identical to winner.

Contents

Flapping of /t/ is sometimes perceived as the replacement of /t/ with /d/; for example, the word butter pronounced with flapping may be heard as "budder". [2]

In other dialects of English, such as South African English, Scottish English, some Northern England English (like Scouse), and older varieties of Received Pronunciation, the flap is a variant of /r/ (see Pronunciation of English /r/). [3]

Terminology and articulation

The terms flap and tap are often used synonymously, although some authors make a distinction between them. When the distinction is made, a flap involves a rapid backward and forward movement of the tongue tip, while a tap involves an upward and downward movement. [4] Linguists disagree on whether the sound produced in the present process is a flap or a tap, and by extension on whether the process is better called flapping or tapping, [5] while flapping has traditionally been more widely used. [6] [7] Derrick & Gick (2011) identify four types of sounds produced in the process: alveolar tap, down-flap, up-flap, and postalveolar tap (found in autumn, Berta, otter, and murder, respectively). [8]

In Cockney, another voiced variant of /t/ that has been reported to occur to coexist with the alveolar tap (and other allophones, such as the very common glottal stop) is a simple voiced alveolar stop [ d ], which occurs especially in the words little[ˈlɪdʊ], hospital[ˈɒspɪdʊ] and whatever[wɒˈdɛvə]. That too results in a (variable) merger with /d/, whereas the tap does not. [9]

In Cardiff English, the alveolar tap is less rapid than the corresponding sound in traditional RP, being more similar to /d/. It also involves a larger part of the tongue. Thus, the typical Cardiff pronunciation of hospital as [ˈɑspɪɾl̩] or [ˈɑspɪɾʊ] is quite similar to Cockney [ˈɒspɪdʊ], though it does not involve a neutralization of the flap with [ d ]. [10]

Distribution

Flapping of /t/ and /d/ is a prominent feature of North American English. Some linguists consider it obligatory for most American dialects to flap /t/ between a stressed and an unstressed vowel. [7] [11] Flapping of /t/ also occurs in Australian, New Zealand and (especially Northern) Irish English, and more infrequently or variably in South African English, Cockney, and Received Pronunciation. [12] [13] [14]

The exact conditions for flapping in North American English are unknown, although it is widely understood that it occurs in an alveolar stop, /t/ or /d/, when placed between two vowels, provided the second vowel is unstressed (as in butter, writing, wedding, loader). [6] [15] Across word boundaries, however, it can occur between any two vowels, provided the second vowel begins a word (as in get over[ɡɛɾˈoʊvɚ]). [6] [15] This extends to morphological boundaries within compound words (as in whatever[ˌwʌɾˈɛvɚ]). [16] In addition to vowels, segments that may precede the flap include /r/ (as in party) [11] [17] and occasionally /l/ (as in faulty). [18] [19] Flapping after /l/ is more common in Canadian English than in American English. [20] Syllabic /l/ may also follow the flap (as in bottle). [21] Flapping of /t/ before /ən/ (as in button) is observed in Australian English. [22] In North American English, [t] and [ ʔ ] (t-glottalization) were the only realizations of /t/ before /ən/, [23] but studies in the 2020s have found [ɾ] in younger US speakers. [24]

Morpheme-internally, the vowel following the flap must not only be unstressed but also be a reduced one (namely /ə/, morpheme-final or prevocalic /i,oʊ/, or /ɪ/ preceding /ŋ/, /k/, etc. [a] ), [26] [27] so words like botox, retail, and latex are not flapped in spite of the primary stress on the first syllables, [11] while pity, motto, and Keating can be. [26] The second syllables in the former set of words can thus be considered as having secondary stress. [6]

Word-medial flapping is also prohibited in foot-initial positions. This prevents words such as militaristic, spirantization, and Mediterranean from flapping, despite capitalistic and alphabetization, for example, being flapped. This is known as the Withgott effect. [28] [29]

In North American English, the cluster /nt/ (but not /nd/) in the same environment as flapped /t/ may be realized as a nasal flap [ɾ̃]. Intervocalic /n/ is also often realized as a nasal flap, so words like winter and winner can become homophonous. [30] According to Wells (1982), in the United States, Southerners tend to pronounce winter and winner identically, while Northerners, especially those from the east coast, tend to retain the distinction, pronouncing winter with [ɾ̃] or [nt] and winner with [n]. [31]

Given these intricacies, it is difficult to formulate a phonological rule that accurately predicts flapping. [7] Nevertheless, Vaux (2000) postulates that it applies to alveolar stops:

Exceptions include the preposition/particle to and words derived from it, such as today, tonight, tomorrow, and together, wherein /t/ may be flapped when intervocalic (as in go to sleep[ˌɡoʊɾəˈslip]). [33] In Australian English, numerals thirteen, fourteen, and eighteen are often flapped despite the second vowel being stressed. [34] [35] In a handful of words such as seventy, ninety, and carpenter, /nt/ is frequently pronounced as [nd], retaining /n/ and voicing /t/, although it may still become [ɾ̃] in rapid speech. [36] [37]

Homophony

Flapping is a specific type of lenition, specifically intervocalic weakening. It leads to the neutralization of the distinction between /t/ and /d/ in appropriate environments, a partial merger of the two phonemes, provided that both /t/ and /d/ are flapped. [5] [38] Some speakers, however, flap only /t/ but not /d/. Yet, for a minority of speakers, the merger can occur only if neither sound is flapped. That is the case in Cockney, where /t/ is occasionally voiced to [ d ], yielding a variable merger of little and Lidl. [39] For speakers with the merger, the following utterances sound the same or almost the same:

Homophonous pairs
/-t-,-nt-//-d-,-n-/IPANotes
abortingaboardingəˈbɔɹɾɪŋ
alightedelidedəˈlaɪɾədWith weak vowel merger.
anteAnnieˈæɾ̃i
anti-Annieˈæɾ̃i
at 'emAdamˈæɾəm
at 'emadd 'emˈæɾəm
atomAdamˈæɾəm
atomadd 'emˈæɾəm
auntieAnnieˈæɾ̃i
banterbannerˈbæɾ̃əɹ
batterbadderˈbæɾəɹ
battybaddieˈbæɾi
beatingbeadingˈbiːɾɪŋ
BertiebirdieˈbəɹɾiWith fern-fir-fur merger.
BertieBirdy; BirdieˈbəɹɾiWith fern-fir-fur merger.
bettingbeddingˈbɛɾɪŋ
bitingbidingˈbaɪɾɪŋ
bitterbidderˈbɪɾəɹ
bittingbiddingˈbɪɾɪŋ
bittybiddyˈbɪɾi
blatterbladderˈblæɾəɹ
bleatingbleedingˈbliːɾɪŋ
boatingbodingˈboʊɾɪŋ
bruterbrooderˈbɹuːɾəɹWith yod-dropping after /ɹ/.
buttingbuddingˈbʌɾɪŋ
buttybuddyˈbʌɾi
cantercannerˈkæɾ̃əɹ
cantoncannonˈkæɾ̃ən
cantoncanonˈkæɾ̃ən
cartingcardingˈkɑɹɾɪŋ
cattycaddyˈkæɾi
centre; centersinnerˈsɪɾ̃əɹWith pen–pin merger.
chanting Channing ˈt͡ʃæɾ̃ɪŋ
citedsidedˈsaɪɾɨd
citerciderˈsaɪɾəɹ
clottingcloddingˈklɒɾɪŋ
coatingcodingˈkoʊɾɪŋ
courtingchordingˈkɔɹɾɪŋ
courtingcordingˈkɔɹɾɪŋ
cuttlecuddleˈkʌɾəl
cuttycuddyˈkʌɾi
daughterdodderˈdɑɾəɹWith cot-caught merger.
dauntingdawningˈdɔɾ̃ɪŋ
dauntingdonningˈdɑɾ̃ɪŋWith cot-caught merger.
debtordeaderˈdɛɾəɹ
diluteddeludeddɪˈluːɾəd
don't itdoughnutˈdoʊɾ̃ətWith weak vowel merger and toe-tow merger.
dotterdodderˈdɑɾəɹ
doughtydowdyˈdaʊɾi
elutedalludedəˈluːɾədWith weak vowel merger.
elutedeludedɪˈluːɾəd
enterin aˈɪɾ̃əIn non-rhotic accents with pen-pin merger.
enterinnerˈɪɾ̃əɹWith pen-pin merger.
etaAdaˈeɪɾə
fatedfadedˈfeɪɾɨd
flutterflooderˈflʌɾəɹ
fontalfaunalˈfɑɾ̃əlWith cot-caught merger.
futilefeudalˈfjuːɾəlWith weak vowel merger.
garterguarderˈgɑɹɾəɹ
gauntergonerˈgɑɾ̃əɹWith cot-caught merger.
goatedgoadedˈgoʊɾəd
gratergraderˈɡɹeɪɾəɹ
greatergraderˈɡɹeɪɾəɹ
grittedgriddedˈgɹɪɾəd
gritty Griddy ˈɡɹɪɾi
heartyhardyˈhɑːɹɾi
heatedheededˈhiːɾɨdWith meet-meat merger.
Hetty; Hettieheadyˈhɛɾi
hurtingherdingˈhɜːɹɾɪŋWith fern-fir-fur merger.
inter-in aˈɪɾ̃əIn non-rhotic accents.
inter-innerˈɪɾ̃əɹ
itereiderˈaɪɾəɹ
jauntyJohnnyˈd͡ʒɑɾ̃iWith cot-caught merger.
jointingjoiningˈd͡ʒɔɪɾ̃ɪŋ
kittedkiddedˈkɪɾɨd
kittykiddieˈkɪɾi
knottednoddedˈnɒɾɨd
latterladderˈlæɾəɹ
laudedlottedˈlɑɾədWith cot-caught merger.
lintyLennyˈlɪɾ̃iWith pen-pin merger.
literleaderˈliːɾəɹWith meet-meat merger.
little Lidl ˈlɪɾəl
looterlewderˈluːɾəɹWith yod-dropping after /l/.
mantamannaˈmæɾ̃ə
mantamannerˈmæɾ̃əIn non-rhotic accents.
mantamanorˈmæɾ̃əIn non-rhotic accents.
MartyMardiˈmɑːɹɾiIn the term Mardi Gras .
mattermadderˈmæɾəɹ
mattocksMaddoxˈmæɾəks
meant itminuteˈmɪɾ̃ɨtWith pen–pin merger.
metalmedalˈmɛɾəl
metalmeddleˈmɛɾəl
mettlemedalˈmɛɾəl
mettlemeddleˈmɛɾəl
mintymanyˈmɪɾ̃iWith pen–pin merger.
mintyminiˈmɪɾ̃i
mintyMinnieˈmɪɾ̃i
motilemodalˈmoʊɾəlWith weak vowel merger.
mottlemodelˈmɑɾəl
muttermudderˈmʌɾəɹ
neaterkneaderˈniːɾəɹ
neuternuderˈnuːɾəɹ,ˈnjuːɾəɹ,ˈnɪuɾəɹ
nighternidorˈnaɪɾəɹ
nitre; niternidorˈnaɪɾəɹ
notednodedˈnoʊɾɨd
oaterodour; odorˈoʊɾəɹ
otterodderˈɒɾəɹ
paintingpainingˈpeɪɾ̃ɪŋ
pantingpanningˈpæɾ̃ɪŋ
parityparodyˈpæɹəɾiWith weak vowel merger
patterpadderˈpæɾəɹ
pattingpaddingˈpæɾɪŋ
pattypaddyˈpæɾi
petalpedalˈpɛɾəl
petalpeddleˈpɛɾəl
pettlepedalˈpɛɾəl
pettlepeddleˈpɛɾəl
plattedplaidedˈplæɾəd
plantingplanningˈplæɾ̃ɪŋ
pleatingpleadingˈpliːɾɪŋ
plenty Pliny ˈplɪɾ̃iWith pen–pin merger.
plottingploddingˈplɒɾɪŋ
pottedpoddedˈpɒɾɨd
pouterpowderˈpaʊɾəɹ
puntingpunningˈpʌɾ̃ɪŋ
puttingpuddingˈpʊɾɪŋ
ratedraidedˈɹeɪɾɨdWith pane-pain merger.
rattleraddleˈɹæɾəl
rightingridingˈɹaɪɾɪŋ
rotiroadieˈɹoʊɾi
rooterruderˈɹuːɾəɹWith yod-dropping after /ɹ/.
rottingroddingˈɹɒɾɪŋ
routerruderˈɹuːɾəɹWith yod-dropping after /ɹ/.
runtyrunnyˈɹʌɾ̃i
ruttyruddyˈɹʌɾi
saintingseiningˈseɪɾ̃ɪŋ
Saturdaysadder dayˈsæɾəɹdeɪ
satyrSederˈseɪɾəɹ
sauntersaunaˈsɔɾ̃əIn non-rhotic accents.
scentedsynodˈsɪɾ̃ədWith pen-pin merger.
scentingsinningˈsɪɾ̃ɪŋWith pen-pin merger.
seatingseedingˈsiːɾɪŋWith meet-meat merger.
sent itsenateˈsɛɾ̃ɨt
set itsaid itˈsɛɾɨt
shuntingshunningˈʃʌɾ̃ɪŋ
shuttershudderˈʃʌɾəɹ
sightedsidedˈsaɪɾɨd
sighterciderˈsaɪɾəɹ
sintersinnerˈsɪɾ̃əɹ
sitedsidedˈsaɪɾɨd
skittingskiddingˈskɪɾɪŋ
sortedsordidˈsɔɹɾɨd
slightingslidingˈslaɪɾɪŋ
stuntingstunningˈstʌɾ̃ɪŋ
tartytardyˈtɑɹɾi
tentertennerˈtɛɾ̃əɹ
tentertenorˈtɛɾ̃əɹ
tentingtinningˈtɪɾɪŋWith pen-pin merger.
titletidalˈtaɪɾəl
totingtoadingˈtoʊɾɪŋ
traitortraderˈtɹeɪɾəɹWith pane-pain merger.
tutorTudorˈtuːɾəɹ,ˈtjuːɾəɹ,ˈtɪuɾəɹ
tweetedtweededˈtwiːɾəd
utterudderˈʌɾəɹ
waiterwaderˈweɪɾəɹWith pane-pain merger.
wattlewaddleˈwɑɾəl
weightedwadedˈweɪɾədWith pane-pain merger.
wettingweddingˈwɛɾɪŋ
winterwinnerˈwɪɾ̃əɹ
wheatedweededˈwiːɾədWith wine-whine merger.
whiterwiderˈwaɪɾəɹWith wine–whine merger.
writingridingˈɹaɪɾɪŋ

In accents characterized by Canadian raising, such words as riding and writing may be flapped yet still distinguished by the quality of the vowel: riding[ˈɹaɪɾɪŋ], writing[ˈɹʌɪɾɪŋ]. [40] Vowel duration may also be different, with a longer vowel before /d/ than before /t/, due to pre-fortis clipping. [41]

Withgott effect

In a dissertation in 1982, M.M. Withgott demonstrated that, among speakers of American English, words seem to be chunked into pronunciation units she referred to as a foot, similar to a metrical unit in poetry. Such chunking was said to block flapping in the word ‘Mediterranean’ ([[Medi[terranean] ], cf. [ [sub[terranean]]). How a word is chunked relates to its morphological derivation, as seen by contrasting morphologically similar pairs such as the following (where the vertical bar shows where Withgott argued there is boundary between neighboring feet):

Initial-type tvs.flapped-t
military[ˈmɪlɨ | ɛɹi]vs.capital[ˈkʰæpɨɾl̩]
militaristic[ˌmɪlɨ | əˈɹɪstɪk]vs.capitalistic[ˌkʰæpɨɾə | ˈlɪstɪk]

The medial t in càpitalístic can be flapped as easily as in post-stress cátty [ˈkʰæɾi], in contrast to the medial t in mìlitarístic, which comes at the beginning of a foot, and so must be pronounced as [tʰ], like a t at the beginning of a word.

Long, seemingly monomorphemic words also are chunked in English for purposes of pronunciation. In such words [t]’s — as well as the other unvoiced stops — are pronounced like initial segments whenever they receive secondary stress or are at the beginning of a foot:

Navra tilóva

Abra cadábra

Ala kazám

Rázz matàzz

But:

Fliberti gibety

Humu humu nuku nuku apu a‘a

T-to-R rule

The origins of the T-to-R rule lie in the flapping of /t/ and the subsequent reinterpretation of the flap as /r/, which was then followed by the use of the prevailing variant of /r/, namely the approximant [ ɹ ]. It is applied in Northern England English and it is always stigmatized. The application of that rule means that shut in the phrasal verb to shut up/ʃʊrˈʊp/ has a different phonemic form than the citation form of the verb to shut/ʃʊt/. The rule is typically not applied in the word-internal position. [42]

The T-to-R rule has also been reported to occur in the Cardiff dialect (where the merged consonant can surface as either an approximant or a flap) and South African English (where only a flap is possible). In the Cardiff dialect, the rule is typically applied between any vowel (including long vowels) and /ə/ or the reduced /ɪ/ (also across word boundaries), so that starting/ˈstaːtɪŋ/ and starring/ˈstaːrɪŋ/ can be homophonous as [ˈstaːɹɪn~ˈstaːɾɪn]. In South African English, the merger is possible only for those speakers who use the flapped allophone of /r/ (making the startingstarring minimal pair homophonous as [ˈstɑːɾɪŋ]), otherwise the sounds are distinguished as a flap (or a voiceless stop) for /t/ ([ˈstɑːɾɪŋ~stɑːtɪŋ]) vs. approximant for /r/ ([ˈstɑːɹɪŋ]). There, the merger occurs word-internally between vowels in those environments where flapping is possible in North American English. [43] [10]

Homophonous pairs
/t//r/IPANotes
battlebarrelˈbæɾəl
battyBarrieˈbæɾi
battyBarryˈbæɾi
bettyberryˈbɛɾi
but aboroughˈbəɾəIn Cardiff English. But has an alternative form /bə/, with an elided /t/. [44]
butterboroughˈbʌɾə
cattycarryˈkæɾi
cattykar(r)eeˈkæɾi
daughterDoraˈdɔːɾə
Fettyferryˈfɛɾi
hotterhorrorˈhɒɾə
jettyjerryˈd͡ʒɛɾi
Lottielorryˈlɒɾi
mattymarryˈmæɾi
otterhorrorˈɒɾəWith h-dropping.
pettyPerryˈpɛɾi
startingstarringˈstɑːɾɪŋ
tartytarryˈtɑːɾiTarry in the sense "resembling tar".

See also

Notes

  1. Since North American English normally lacks the distinction between /ɪ/ and /ə/ in unstressed positions, there is variability among linguists and dictionaries in the treatment of unstressed vowels pronounced as /ɪ/ in other varieties of English that have the distinction. They are usually identified as /ɪ/ before palato-alveolar and velar consonants (/ʃ,tʃ,dʒ,k,ɡ,ŋ/) and in prefixes such as re-, e-, de-, and as /ə/ elsewhere. [25]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Allophone</span> Phone used to pronounce a single phoneme

In phonology, an allophone is one of multiple possible spoken sounds – or phones – used to pronounce a single phoneme in a particular language. For example, in English, the voiceless plosive and the aspirated form are allophones for the phoneme, while these two are considered to be different phonemes in some languages such as Central Thai. Similarly, in Spanish, and are allophones for the phoneme, while these two are considered to be different phonemes in English.

Received Pronunciation (RP) is the accent regarded as the standard and most prestigious form of spoken British English, since as late as the early 20th century. Language scholars have long disagreed on questions such as: the exact definition of RP, how geographically neutral it is, how many speakers there are, the nature and classification of its sub-varieties, how appropriate a choice it is as a standard, how the accent has changed over time, and even its name. RP is an accent, so the study of RP is concerned only with matters of pronunciation, while other features of Standard British English, such as vocabulary, grammar, and style, are not considered. The accent has changed, or its traditional users have changed their accents, to such a degree over the last century that many of its early 20th-century traditions of transcription and analysis have become outdated and are therefore no longer considered evidence-based by linguists. Still, in language education these traditions continue to be commonly taught and used, and the use of RP as a convenient umbrella term remains popular.

In phonetics, rhotic consonants, or "R-like" sounds, are liquid consonants that are traditionally represented orthographically by symbols derived from the Greek letter rho, including ⟨R⟩, ⟨r⟩ in the Latin script and ⟨Р⟩, ⟨p⟩ in the Cyrillic script. They are transcribed in the International Phonetic Alphabet by upper- or lower-case variants of Roman ⟨R⟩, ⟨r⟩: ⟨r⟩, ⟨ɾ⟩, ⟨ɹ⟩, ⟨ɻ⟩, ⟨ʀ⟩, ⟨ʁ⟩, ⟨ɽ⟩, and ⟨ɺ⟩. Transcriptions for vocalic or semivocalic realisations of underlying rhotics include the ⟨ə̯⟩ and ⟨ɐ̯⟩.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Non-native pronunciations of English</span> Overview of English-learners pronunciation

Non-native pronunciations of English result from the common linguistic phenomenon in which non-native speakers of any language tend to transfer the intonation, phonological processes and pronunciation rules of their first language into their English speech. They may also create innovative pronunciations not found in the speaker's native language.

The voiced alveolar tap or flap is a type of consonantal sound, used in some spoken languages. The symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet that represents a dental, alveolar, or postalveolar tap or flap is ⟨ɾ⟩.

In phonetics, a flap or tap is a type of consonantal sound, which is produced with a single contraction of the muscles so that one articulator is thrown against another.

The Catalan phonology has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard varieties, one based on Central Eastern dialect and another one based on South-Western or Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences.

English phonology is the system of speech sounds used in spoken English. Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar phonological system. Among other things, most dialects have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and a complex set of phonological features that distinguish fortis and lenis consonants.

Stress is a prominent feature of the English language, both at the level of the word (lexical stress) and at the level of the phrase or sentence (prosodic stress). Absence of stress on a syllable, or on a word in some cases, is frequently associated in English with vowel reduction – many such syllables are pronounced with a centralized vowel (schwa) or with certain other vowels that are described as being "reduced". Various contradictory phonological analyses exist for these phenomena.

Swedish has a large vowel inventory, with nine vowels distinguished in quality and to some degree in quantity, making 18 vowel phonemes in most dialects. Another notable feature is the pitch accent, a development which it shares with Norwegian. Swedish pronunciation of most consonants is similar to that of other Germanic languages.

The phonology of the Persian language varies between regional dialects, standard varieties, and even from older varieties of Persian. Persian is a pluricentric language and countries that have Persian as an official language have separate standard varieties, namely: Standard Dari (Afghanistan), Standard Iranian Persian (Iran) and Standard Tajik (Tajikistan). The most significant differences between standard varieties of Persian are their vowel systems. Standard varieties of Persian have anywhere from 6 to 8 vowel distinctions, and similar vowels may be pronounced differently between standards. However, there are not many notable differences when comparing consonants, as all standard varieties have a similar number of consonant sounds. Though, colloquial varieties generally have more differences than their standard counterparts. Most dialects feature contrastive stress and syllable-final consonant clusters. Linguists tend to focus on Iranian Persian, so this article may contain less adequate information regarding other varieties.

This article describes those aspects of the phonological history of English which concern consonants.

The following is a list of common non-native pronunciations that English speakers make when trying to speak foreign languages. Many of these are due to transfer of phonological rules from English to the new language as well as differences in grammar and syntax that they encounter.

The phonology of Bengali, like that of its neighbouring Eastern Indo-Aryan languages, is characterised by a wide variety of diphthongs and inherent back vowels.

The phonology of Welsh is characterised by a number of sounds that do not occur in English and are rare in European languages, such as the voiceless alveolar lateral fricative and several voiceless sonorants, some of which result from consonant mutation. Stress usually falls on the penultimate syllable in polysyllabic words, while the word-final unstressed syllable receives a higher pitch than the stressed syllable.

A phonological rule is a formal way of expressing a systematic phonological or morphophonological process in linguistics. Phonological rules are commonly used in generative phonology as a notation to capture sound-related operations and computations the human brain performs when producing or comprehending spoken language. They may use phonetic notation or distinctive features or both.

One aspect of the differences between American and British English is that of specific word pronunciations, as described in American and British English pronunciation differences. However, there are also differences in some of the basic pronunciation patterns between the standard dialects of each country. The standard varieties for each are in fact generalizations: for the U.S., a loosely defined spectrum of unmarked varieties called General American and, for Britain, a collection of prestigious varieties most common in southeastern England, ranging from upper- to middle-class Received Pronunciation accents, which together here are abbreviated "RP". However, other regional accents in each country also show differences, for which see regional accents of English speakers.

This article discusses the phonological system of standard Russian based on the Moscow dialect. For an overview of dialects in the Russian language, see Russian dialects. Most descriptions of Russian describe it as having five vowel phonemes, though there is some dispute over whether a sixth vowel,, is separate from. Russian has 34 consonants, which can be divided into two types:

This article explains the phonology of Malay and Indonesian based on the pronunciation of Standard Malay, which is the official language of Brunei and Singapore, "Malaysian" of Malaysia, and Indonesian the official language of Indonesia and a working language in Timor Leste. There are two main standards for Malay pronunciation, the Johor-Riau standard, used in Brunei and Malaysia, and the Baku, used in Indonesia and Singapore.

This article covers the phonological system of New Zealand English. While most New Zealanders speak differently depending on their level of cultivation, this article covers the accent as it is spoken by educated speakers, unless otherwise noted. The IPA transcription is one designed by Bauer et al. (2007) specifically to faithfully represent a New Zealand accent, which this article follows in most aspects.

References

  1. Wells (1982), p. 325.
  2. E.g. in Fox (2011 :158).
  3. Ogden (2009), p. 92.
  4. Ladefoged & Johnson (2011), pp. 175–176.
  5. 1 2 Wells (1982), p. 249.
  6. 1 2 3 4 de Jong (1998), p. 284.
  7. 1 2 3 Shockey (2003), p. 29.
  8. Derrick & Gick (2011), pp. 309–312.
  9. Wells (1982), p. 326.
  10. 1 2 Collins & Mees (1990), pp. 91–92.
  11. 1 2 3 Goldsmith (2011), p. 191.
  12. Shockey (2003), p. 30.
  13. Trudgill & Hannah (2008), pp. 24, 30, 35, 104.
  14. Hickey (2007), p. 115.
  15. 1 2 Goldsmith (2011), pp. 191–192.
  16. Hualde (2011), p. 2230.
  17. Hayes (2009), p. 143.
  18. Boberg (2015), p. 236.
  19. Jones (2011), p. xi.
  20. Brinton & Fee (2001), p. 428.
  21. Wells (1982), p. 248.
  22. Tollfree (2001), pp. 57–58.
  23. Wells (1982), p. 251.
  24. Repetti-Ludlow & Blake (2024).
  25. Wells (2000), p. xv.
  26. 1 2 Hayes (1995), pp. 14–15.
  27. Wells (2011).
  28. Vaux (2000), p. 5.
  29. Bérces (2011), pp. 84–89.
  30. Ladefoged & Johnson (2011), pp. 74–75.
  31. Wells (1982), p. 252.
  32. Vaux (2000), pp. 4–5.
  33. Goldsmith (2011), p. 192.
  34. Horvath (2004), p. 635.
  35. Vaux (2000), p. 7.
  36. Vaux (2000), pp. 6–7.
  37. Iverson & Ahn (2007), pp. 262–263.
  38. Hayes (2009), p. 144.
  39. Wells (1982), pp. 250, 326.
  40. Hayes (2009), pp. 144–146.
  41. Gussenhoven & Jacobs (2017), p. 217.
  42. Wells (1982), p. 370.
  43. Wells (1982), pp. 616–618.
  44. Collins & Mees (1990), p. 99.

Bibliography

Further reading