H-dropping

Last updated

H-dropping or aitch-dropping is the deletion of the voiceless glottal fricative or "H-sound", [h]. The phenomenon is common in many dialects of English, and is also found in certain other languages, either as a purely historical development or as a contemporary difference between dialects. Although common in most regions of England and in some other English-speaking countries, and linguistically speaking a neutral evolution in languages, H-dropping is often stigmatized as a sign of careless or uneducated speech.

Contents

The reverse phenomenon, H-insertion or H-adding, is found in certain situations, sometimes as an allophone or hypercorrection by H-dropping speakers, and sometimes as a spelling pronunciation or out of perceived etymological correctness. A particular example of this is the spread of 'haitch' for 'aitch'.

In English

Historical /h/-loss

In Old English phonology, the sounds [h], [x], and [ç] (described respectively as glottal, velar and palatal voiceless fricatives) are taken to be allophones of a single phoneme /h/. This phoneme occurred at the start of syllables, with alone or clustered with an approximant, as well as in coda position. The [h] sound appeared in most onsets (except those with an /h/ and /w/ cluster, which had [x]) and the other two allophones in syllable codas ([x] after back vowels and [ç] after front vowels).

The instances of /h/ in coda position were lost during the Middle English and Early Modern English periods, although they are still reflected in the spelling of words such as taught (now pronounced like taut) and weight (now pronounced in most accents like wait). Most of the initial clusters involving /h/ also disappeared (see H-cluster reductions). As a result, in the standard varieties of Modern English, the only position in which /h/ can occur is at the start of a syllable, either alone (as in hat, house, behind, etc.), in the cluster /hj/ (as in huge ), or (for a minority of speakers) in the cluster /hw/ (as in whine if pronounced differently from wine). The usual realizations of the latter two clusters are [ç] and [ʍ] (see English phonology).

Contemporary H-dropping

The phenomenon of H-dropping considered as a feature of contemporary English is the omission, in certain accents and dialects, of this syllable-initial /h/, either alone or in the cluster /hj/. (For the cluster /hw/ and its reduction, see Pronunciation of English ⟨wh⟩.)

Description

H-dropping, in certain accents and dialects of Modern English, causes words like harm, heat, home and behind to be pronounced arm, eat, ome and be-ind (though in some dialects an [h] may appear in behind to prevent hiatus see below).

Cases of H-dropping occur in all English dialects in the weak forms of function words like he, him, her, his, had, and have. The pronoun it is a product of historical H-dropping – the older hit survives as an emphatic form in a few dialects such as Southern American English, and in the Scots language. [1] Because the /h/ of unstressed have is usually dropped, the word is usually pronounced /əv/ in phrases like should have, would have, and could have. These can be spelled out in informal writing as "should've", "would've", and "could've". Because /əv/ is also the weak form of the word of, these words are often erroneously spelled as should of, would of and could of. [2]

History

There is evidence of h-dropping in texts from the 13th century and later. It may originally have arisen through contact with the Norman language, where h-dropping also occurred. Puns which rely on the possible omission of the /h/ sound can be found in works by William Shakespeare and in other Elizabethan era dramas. It is suggested that the phenomenon probably spread from the middle to the lower orders of society, first taking hold in urban centers. It started to become stigmatized, being seen as a sign of poor education, in the 16th or 17th century. [3] [4]

Geographical distribution

H-dropping in the English language in England (based on Upton and Widdowson, 2006). Dialects in the regions marked no /h/ feature (variable) H-dropping, while those in the regions marked /h/ generally do not, although there is some local variation within these regions. H-dropping.svg
H-dropping in the English language in England (based on Upton and Widdowson, 2006). Dialects in the regions marked no /h/ feature (variable) H-dropping, while those in the regions marked /h/ generally do not, although there is some local variation within these regions.

H-dropping occurs (variably) in most of the dialects of the English language in England and Welsh English, including Cockney, West Country English, West Midlands English (including Brummie), East Midlands English, most of northern England (including Yorkshire and Lancashire), and Cardiff English. [6] It is not generally found in Scottish English and Irish English. It is also typically absent in certain regions of England and Wales, including Northumberland, East Anglia and parts of North and West Wales. [7]

H-dropping also occurs in some Jamaican English, and perhaps in other Caribbean English (including some of The Bahamas). It is not generally found in North American English, although it has been reported in Newfoundland (outside the Avalon Peninsula). [8] However, dropping of /h/ from the cluster /hj/ (so that human is pronounced /'juːmən/) is found in some American dialects, as well as in parts of Ireland – see reduction of /hj/.

Social distribution and stigmatization

H-dropping, in the countries and regions in which it is prevalent, occurs mainly in working-class accents. Studies have shown it to be significantly more frequent in lower than in higher social groups. It is not a feature of RP (the prestige accent of England), or even of "Near-RP", a variant of RP that includes some regional features. [9] This does not always apply, however, to the dropping of /h/ in weak forms of words like his and her.

H-dropping in English is widely stigmatized, being perceived as a sign of poor or uneducated speech, and discouraged by schoolteachers. John Wells writes that it seems to be "the single most powerful pronunciation shibboleth in England." [10]

Use and status of the H-sound in H-dropping dialects

In fully H-dropping dialects, that is, in dialects without a phonemic /h/, the sound [h] may still occur but with uses other than distinguishing words. An epenthetic [h] may be used to avoid hiatus, so that for example the egg is pronounced the hegg. It may also be used when any vowel-initial word is emphasized, so that horse/ˈɔːs/ (assuming the dialect is also non-rhotic) and ass/ˈæs/ may be pronounced [ˈˈhɔːs] and [ˈˈhæs] in emphatic utterances. That is, [h] has become an allophone of the zero onset in these dialects.

For many H-dropping speakers, however, a phonological /h/ appears to be present, even if it is not usually realized – that is, they know which words "should" have an /h/, and have a greater tendency to pronounce an [h] in those words than in other words beginning with a vowel. Insertion of [h] may occur as a means of emphasis, as noted above, and also as a response to the formality of a situation. [11] Sandhi phenomena may also indicate a speaker's awareness of the presence of an /h/ – for example, some speakers might say "a edge" (rather than "an edge") for a hedge, and might omit the linking R before an initial vowel resulting from a dropped H.

It is likely that the phonemic system of children in H-dropping areas lacks a /h/ entirely, but that social and educational pressures lead to the incorporation of an (inconsistently realized) /h/ into the system by the time of adulthood. [12]

H-insertion

The opposite of H-dropping, called H-insertion or H-adding, sometimes occurs as a hypercorrection in typically H-dropping accents of English. It is commonly noted in literature from late Victorian times to the early 20th century that some lower-class people consistently drop h in words that should have it, while adding h to words that should not have it. An example from the musical My Fair Lady is, "In 'Artford, 'Ereford, and 'Ampshire, 'urricanes 'ardly hever 'appen"[ citation needed ]. Another is in C. S. Lewis' The Magician's Nephew : "Three cheers for the Hempress of Colney 'Atch". In practice, however, it would appear that h-adding is more of a stylistic prosodic effect, being found on some words receiving particular emphasis, regardless of whether those words are h-initial or vowel-initial in the standard language.

Some English words borrowed from French may begin with the letter h but not with the sound /h/. Examples include heir, and, in many regional pronunciations, hour, hono(u)r and honest. In some cases, spelling pronunciation has introduced the sound /h/ into such words, as in humble, human, hotel and (for most speakers) historic. Spelling pronunciation has also added /h/ to the British English pronunciation of herb, /hɜːb/, while American English retains the older pronunciation /ərb/. Etymology may also serve as a motivation for H-addition, as in the words horrible, habit and harmony; these were borrowed into Middle English from French without an /h/ (orrible, abit, armonie), but all three derive from Latin words with an /h/ and would later acquire an /h/ in English as an etymological "correction". [13] The name of the letter H itself, "aitch", is subject to H-insertion in some dialects, where it is pronounced "haitch". (In Hiberno-English, "haitch" has come to be considered standard, consistent with its not-an-H-dropping dialects). Various dialects of Newfoundland English exhibit the same pattern. [14]

List of homophones resulting from H-dropping

The following is a list of some pairs of English words which may become homophones when H-dropping occurs. (To view the list, click "show".) See also the list of H-dropping homophones in Wiktionary.

Homophonous pairs
/h//∅/IPANotes
haahˈɑː
habitabbotˈæbətWith weak vowel merger.
hackedactˈækt
hacksaxe; axˈæks
hadadˈæd
hadaddˈæd
hailailˈeɪl
hailaleˈeɪlWith pane-pain merger.
Haimaimˈeɪm
hairairˈɛə(r),ˈeɪr
hairereˈɛə(r)With pane-pain merger.
hairheirˈɛə(r),ˈeɪr
hairederredˈɛə(r)dWith pane-pain merger.
HalAlˈæl
haleailˈeɪlWith pane-pain merger.
halealeˈeɪl,ˈeːl
hallallˈɔːl
halteralterˈɔːltə(r)
hamamˈæm
handandˈænd
hankeranchorˈæŋkə(r)
hapappˈæp
hareairˈɛə(r)With pane-pain merger.
hareereˈɛə(r),ˈeːr
hareheirˈɛə(r)With pane-pain merger.
harkarcˈɑː(r)k
harkarkˈɑː(r)k
harmarmˈɑː(r)m
hartart; Artˈɑː(r)t
hasasˈæz
hashashˈæʃ
hasteacedˈeɪst,ˈeːst
hatatˈæt
hateateˈeɪt
hateeightˈeɪtWith pane-pain merger and wait-weight merger.
haulallˈɔːl
hauntauntˈɑːntWith trap-bath split and father-bother merger.
hawkaukˈɔːk
hawkorcˈɔːkIn non-rhotic accents.
hayAˈeɪ
hayehˈeɪ
heEˈiː
headEdˈɛd
headyEddieˈɛdi
headyeddyˈɛdi
healeelˈiːlWith fleece merger or meet-meat merger.
hearearˈɪə(r),ˈiːr
hearderredˈɜː(r)d,ˈɛrd
hearingearingˈɪərɪŋ,ˈiːrɪŋ
hearingearringˈɪərɪŋ
heartart; Artˈɑː(r)t
heateatˈiːt
heathenevenˈiːvənWith th-fronting.
heathereverˈɛvə(r)With th-fronting.
heaveeve; Eveˈiːv
heaveeaveˈiːv
heavenEvanˈɛvən
heavingevenˈiːvənWith weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
hedgeedgeˈɛdʒ
heeleelˈiːl
heinousanusˈeɪnəsWith pane-pain merger.
heisticedˈaɪst
HelenEllenˈɛlən
HelenaEleanorˈɛlənəIn non-rhotic accents.
HelenaElenaˈɛlənə
hellL; el; ellˈɛl
he'lleelˈiːl
helmelmˈɛlm
hemM; emˈɛm
henN; enˈɛn
herderredˈɜː(r)d,ˈɛrd
hereearˈɪə(r),ˈiːr
here'searsˈɪəz,ˈiːrz
heronErinˈɛrənWith weak vowel merger.
herringErinˈɛrənWith weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
he'sE'sˈiːz
Heuston Euston ˈjuːstən
heweweˈjuː,ˈ(j)ɪu
hewyewˈjuː,ˈjɪu
hewyouˈjuː
hewsewesˈjuːz,ˈ(j)ɪuz
hewsuseˈjuːz,ˈjɪuz
hewsyewsˈjuːz,ˈjɪuz
hexexˈɛks
hexX; exˈɛks
heyAˈeɪ
heyehˈeɪ
hiaye; ayˈaɪ
hieyeˈaɪ
hiIˈaɪ
hididˈɪd
hideI'dˈaɪd
highaye; ayˈaɪ
higheyeˈaɪ
highIˈaɪ
higherireˈaɪə(r)
hikeIkeˈaɪk
hillillˈɪl
hinkyinkyˈɪŋki
hireireˈaɪə(r),ˈaɪr
hisisˈɪz
hititˈɪt
hitchitchˈɪtʃ
hiveI'veˈaɪv
hoardawedˈɔːdIn non-rhotic accents with horse-hoarse merger.
hoardoaredˈɔː(r)d,ˈoə(r)d,ˈoːrd
hoarderorderˈɔː(r)də(r)With horse-hoarse merger.
hocksoxˈɒks
hoeOˈoʊ,ˈoː
hoeohˈoʊ,ˈoː
hoeoweˈoʊWith toe-tow merger.
hoesO'sˈoʊz,ˈoːz
hoisteroysterˈɔɪstə(r)
holdoldˈoʊld
holedoldˈoʊldWith toe-tow merger.
hollyOllyˈɒli
honeownˈoʊnWith toe-tow merger.
hopopˈɒp
hoppedoppedˈɒpt
hoppedoptˈɒpt
hordeawedˈɔːdIn non-rhotic accents.
hordeoaredˈɔː(r)d,ˈoə(r)d,ˈoːrd
hornawnˈɔːnIn non-rhotic accents.
hornonˈɔːnIn non-rhotic accents with lot-cloth split.
hotterotterˈɒtə(r)
howowˈaʊ
howlowlˈaʊl
how'rehourˈaʊə(r),ˈaʊr
how'reourˈaʊə(r),ˈaʊr
Houston Euston ˈjuːstən
Hoyleoilˈɔɪl
hueeweˈjuː,ˈ(j)ɪuː
hueUˈjuː,ˈ(j)ɪuː
hueyewˈjuː,ˈjɪuː
hueyouˈjuː
huesewesˈjuːz,ˈ(j)ɪuz
huesU'sˈjuːz,ˈ(j)ɪuz
huesuseˈjuːz,ˈjɪuz
huesyewsˈjuːz,ˈjɪuz
Hugheweˈjuː,ˈ(j)ɪuː
HughUˈjuː,ˈ(j)ɪuː
Hughyewˈjuː,ˈjɪuː
Hughyouˈjuː
Hughesewesˈjuːz,ˈ(j)ɪuz
HughesU'sˈjuːz,ˈ(j)ɪuz
Hughesuseˈjuːz,ˈjɪuz
Hughesyewsˈjuːz,ˈjɪuz
hurlearlˈɜː(r)lWith fern-fir-fur merger.
Huston Euston ˈjuːstən
HydeI'dˈaɪd
whoreaweˈɔːIn non-rhotic accents with horse-hoarse merger and pour-poor merger.
whoreoarˈɔː(r),ˈoə(r),ˈoːrWith pour-poor merger.
whoreorˈɔː(r)With horse-hoarse merger and pour-poor merger.
whoreoreˈɔː(r),ˈoə(r),ˈoːrWith pour-poor merger.
whoredawedˈɔːdIn non-rhotic accents with horse-hoarse merger and pour-poor merger.
whoredoaredˈɔː(r)d,ˈoə(r)d,ˈoːrdWith pour-poor merger.
who'soozeˈuːz
who's Ouse ˈuːz
whoseoozeˈuːz
whose Ouse ˈuːz

In other languages

Processes of H-dropping have occurred in various languages at certain times, and in some cases, they remain as distinguishing features between dialects, as in English. Some Dutch dialects, especially the southern ones, feature H-dropping. The dialects of Zeeland, West and East Flanders, most of Antwerp and Flemish Brabant, and the west of North Brabant have lost /h/ as a phonemic consonant but use [h] to avoid hiatus and to signal emphasis, much as in the H-dropping dialects of English. [15] H-dropping is also found in some North Germanic languages, for instance Elfdalian and the dialect of Roslagen, where it is found already in Old East Norse. Also the Low Saxon speaking area around Zwolle, Kampen, Steenwijk, Meppel and Hoogeveen have h-dropping, the former island of Urk has it too as do some regions in Groningen.

When dealing with Greek, this process is called psilosis. The phoneme /h/ in Ancient Greek of Classical Athens, occurring predominantly at the beginnings of words and originally written with the letter H and later as a rough breathing, had been lost by that period in most Ionic dialects and from all Greek dialects during the late Hellenistic/Roman era. Hence it not a phoneme of Modern Greek being approximated in foreign loanwords by /x/ or /ç/ (or /∅/).

The phoneme /h/ was lost in Vulgar Latin, the ancestor of the modern Romance languages. Already in the Imperial period, there is attested evidence for early h-loss. Both French and Spanish acquired new initial /h/ in medieval times, but they were later lost in both languages in a "second round" of H-dropping. Some dialects of Spanish have yet again acquired [h] from /x/, which as of now is stable.

It is hypothesized in the laryngeal theory that the loss of [h] or similar sounds played a role in the early development of the Indo-European languages.

In Maltese, /h/ existed as a phoneme until the 19th century. It was then lost in most positions, sometimes lengthening the adjacent vowel. Chiefly word-finally it was merged with / ħ /. The latter phoneme, in turn, may now be pronounced [h] by some speakers, chiefly in the syllable onset.

In Tagalog, /h/ is sometimes elided into an immediately succeeding vowel, such as "huwag" from /huˈwaɡ/ to /ˈwag/ and "sabihin" from /saˈbihin/ to /saˈbin/.

Many dialects of Persian spoken in Afghanistan (i.e. Dari) do not realize the phoneme /h/, except in high-prestige literary words or in hyper formal speech. The deletion of the phoneme /h/ may cause a preceding short vowel to be reinterpreted as a long vowel, likely due to phonological rules in Dari prohibiting short vowels and long vowels from being equal in length. [16] For example, <قَهْر> (qahr /qahɾ/, "anger") is often realized as qār /qɑːɾ/ (as if it was written like <قَر>), and <فَهْمِیدَن> (fahmīdan /fahmiːdan/, to understand) is often realized as <فَمِیدَن> (fāmīdan /fɑːmiːdan/). Between vowels, the phoneme /h/ may be replaced by a glide (/j/ or /w/) resulting in words like <میخواهَم> (mēxāham /meːxɑːham/, "I want") being realized as <میخَام> (mēxāyum /meːxɑːjʊm/) (the -um being the result of a separate colloquial pronunciation shift).

The modern Javanese language typically does not have initial and intervocalic /h/ in its native words, except between the same vowels. For instance, in modern Javanese, the word for "rain" is udan, from Old Javanese hudan, which ultimately comes from Proto-Austronesian *quzaN. The letter "ꦲ" in traditional Javanese script, which had the value /ha/ in Old Javanese is now used in most cases to represent /a/ and /ɔ/ in its base form. In modern Javanese, initial and intervocalic /h/ appears only in loanwords from Indonesian and English. Since the Javanese people have been exposed to Dutch for far longer than they are with Indonesian or standard literary Malay (which only started somewhere after 1900 and amplified after 1945, excluding Surinamese Javanese), many of the words borrowed from Dutch have also lost the phoneme, such as andhuk /aɳˈɖ̥(ʰ)ʊʔ/ "towel" from Dutch handdoek.

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Allophone</span> Phone used to pronounce a single phoneme

In phonology, an allophone is one of multiple possible spoken sounds – or phones – used to pronounce a single phoneme in a particular language. For example, in English, the voiceless plosive and the aspirated form are allophones for the phoneme, while these two are considered to be different phonemes in some languages such as Central Thai. Similarly, in Spanish, and are allophones for the phoneme, while these two are considered to be different phonemes in English.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">H</span> 8th letter of the Latin alphabet

H, or h, is the eighth letter of the Latin alphabet, used in the modern English alphabet, including the alphabets of other western European languages and others worldwide. Its name in English is aitch, or regionally haitch, plural haitches.

Modern Hebrew has 25 to 27 consonants and 5 vowels, depending on the speaker and the analysis.

In phonetics, rhotic consonants, or "R-like" sounds, are liquid consonants that are traditionally represented orthographically by symbols derived from the Greek letter rho, including ⟨R⟩, ⟨r⟩ in the Latin script and ⟨Р⟩, ⟨p⟩ in the Cyrillic script. They are transcribed in the International Phonetic Alphabet by upper- or lower-case variants of Roman ⟨R⟩, ⟨r⟩: ⟨r⟩, ⟨ɾ⟩, ⟨ɹ⟩, ⟨ɻ⟩, ⟨ʀ⟩, ⟨ʁ⟩, ⟨ɽ⟩, and ⟨ɺ⟩. Transcriptions for vocalic or semivocalic realisations of underlying rhotics include the ⟨ə̯⟩ and ⟨ɐ̯⟩.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Non-native pronunciations of English</span> Overview of English-learners pronunciation

Non-native pronunciations of English result from the common linguistic phenomenon in which non-native speakers of any language tend to transfer the intonation, phonological processes and pronunciation rules of their first language into their English speech. They may also create innovative pronunciations not found in the speaker's native language.

The phonology of Standard German is the standard pronunciation or accent of the German language. It deals with current phonology and phonetics as well as with historical developments thereof as well as the geographical variants and the influence of German dialects.

While many languages have numerous dialects that differ in phonology, contemporary spoken Arabic is more properly described as a continuum of varieties. This article deals primarily with Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), which is the standard variety shared by educated speakers throughout Arabic-speaking regions. MSA is used in writing in formal print media and orally in newscasts, speeches and formal declarations of numerous types.

English phonology is the system of speech sounds used in spoken English. Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar phonological system. Among other things, most dialects have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and a complex set of phonological features that distinguish fortis and lenis consonants.

The phonological history of English includes various changes in the phonology of consonant clusters.

Japanese phonology is the system of sounds used in the pronunciation of the Japanese language. Unless otherwise noted, this article describes the standard variety of Japanese based on the Tokyo dialect.

The phonology of the Persian language varies between regional dialects, standard varieties, and even from older varieties of Persian. Persian is a pluricentric language and countries that have Persian as an official language have separate standard varieties, namely: Standard Dari (Afghanistan), Standard Iranian Persian (Iran) and Standard Tajik (Tajikistan). The most significant differences between standard varieties of Persian are their vowel systems. Standard varieties of Persian have anywhere from 6 to 8 vowel distinctions, and similar vowels may be pronounced differently between standards. However, there are not many notable differences when comparing consonants, as all standard varieties have a similar number of consonant sounds. Though, colloquial varieties generally have more differences than their standard counterparts. Most dialects feature contrastive stress and syllable-final consonant clusters. Linguists tend to focus on Iranian Persian, so this article may contain less adequate information regarding other varieties.

Australian English (AuE) is a non-rhotic variety of English spoken by most native-born Australians. Phonologically, it is one of the most regionally homogeneous language varieties in the world. Australian English is notable for vowel length contrasts which are absent from most English dialects.

Old English phonology is the pronunciation system of Old English, the Germanic language spoken on Great Britain from around 450 to 1150 and attested in a body of written texts from the 7th–12th centuries. Although its reconstruction is necessarily somewhat speculative, features of Old English pronunciation have been inferred partly from the sounds used in modern varieties of English, partly from the spellings used in Old English literature, partly from analysis of Old English poetry, and partly from comparison with other Germanic languages.

This article describes those aspects of the phonological history of English which concern consonants.

The phonology of Bengali, like that of its neighbouring Eastern Indo-Aryan languages, is characterised by a wide variety of diphthongs and inherent back vowels.

Hindustani is the lingua franca of northern India and Pakistan, and through its two standardized registers, Hindi and Urdu, a co-official language of India and co-official and national language of Pakistan respectively. Phonological differences between the two standards are minimal.

The phonology of Welsh is characterised by a number of sounds that do not occur in English and are rare in European languages, such as the voiceless alveolar lateral fricative and several voiceless sonorants, some of which result from consonant mutation. Stress usually falls on the penultimate syllable in polysyllabic words, while the word-final unstressed syllable receives a higher pitch than the stressed syllable.

This article covers the phonology of modern Colognian as spoken in the city of Cologne. Varieties spoken outside of Cologne are only briefly covered where appropriate. Historic precedent versions are not considered.

This article explains the phonology of Malay and Indonesian based on the pronunciation of Standard Malay, which is the official language of Brunei and Singapore, "Malaysian" of Malaysia, and Indonesian the official language of Indonesia and a working language in Timor Leste. There are two main standards for Malay pronunciation, the Johor-Riau standard, used in Brunei and Malaysia, and the Baku, used in Indonesia and Singapore.

The phonological system of the Hejazi Arabic consists of approximately 26 to 28 native consonant phonemes and 8 vowel phonemes:. Consonant length and vowel length are both distinctive in Hejazi.

References

  1. David D. Murison, The Guid Scots Tongue, Blackwodd 1977, p. 39.
  2. van Ostade, I.T.B. (2019). Describing Prescriptivism: Usage Guides and Usage Problems in British and American English. Taylor & Francis. ISBN   978-0-429-55814-6 . Retrieved 2020-02-23.
  3. Milroy, J., "On the Sociolinguistic History of H-dropping in English", in Current topics in English historical linguistics, Odense UP, 1983.
  4. Milroy, L., Authority in Language: Investigating Standard English, Routledge 2002, p. 17.
  5. Upton, C., Widdowson, J.D.A., An Atlas of English Dialects, Routledge 2006, pp. 58–59.
  6. Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2002). The Phonetics of Dutch and English (5 ed.). Leiden/Boston: Brill Publishers. pp. 290–302.
  7. Approaches to the Study of Sound Structure and Speech: Interdisciplinary Work in Honour of Katarzyna Dziubalska-Kołaczyk. Magdalena Wrembel, Agnieszka Kiełkiewicz-Janowiak and Piotr Gąsiorowski. 21 October 2019. pp. 1–398. ISBN   9780429321757.
  8. Wells, J.C., Accents of English, CUP 1982, pp. 564, 568–69, 589, 594, 622.
  9. Wells (1982), pp. 254, 300.
  10. Wells (1982), p. 254
  11. Wells (1982), p. 322.
  12. Wells (1982), p. 254.
  13. "World of words - Oxford Dictionaries Online". Askoxford.com. Retrieved 2013-08-01.[ dead link ]
  14. "'Haitch' or 'aitch'? How do you pronounce 'H'?". BBC. Retrieved 2017-06-19.
  15. "h" . Oxford English Dictionary (Online ed.). Oxford University Press.(Subscription or participating institution membership required.)
  16. Rees, Daniel A. "Towards Proto-Persian". Georgetown University 2008