Linguistic purism in the Korean language is the belief that words of native Korean origin should be used in place of foreign-derived loanwords. Within the Korean context, linguistic purism has often overlapped with linguistic nationalism, as efforts to promote 'native' vocabulary have been closely tied to experiences of colonial rule, post-liberation nation-building, and ideological division. As a result, language purification movements in Korea have frequently carried political and symbolic meanings beyond purely linguistic concerns. This belief has been the focus of movements in both North and South Korea, where adherents have sought to deter the use of loanwords, regardless of whether they have been formally adopted into the Korean language. Of primary interest has been the replacement of Japanese-influenced loanwords (especially from the period of Japanese forced occupation) when the Korean language faced multiple hardships and was discouraged in favor of Japanese, [1] although the specific policies differ between the North and South. [2]
Linguistic purism is not unique to Korea and has been observed in various linguistic communities worldwide. Such movements often emerge during periods of social transformation, including modernization, colonization, or nation-building, whe language becomes a symbolic marker of collective identity. In many cases, efforts to 'purify' a language are motivated less by linguistic efficiency than by cultueal, political, or ideological consideraiotns, such as resistance to foreign influence or the promotion of national unity.
North Korea has actively promoted linguistic purism as part of its broader state ideology. Language policy has been used to reduce foreign influence and emphasize national self-reliance.
North Korea is known for eliminating most loanwords, which comprise most of the language differences between North and South. Unlike South Korea, where hanja has been intermittently used in texts, North Korea abolished the usage of Chinese characters in 1949. [2] Many loanwords with hanja, especially academic words that were introduced during the Japanese occupation, were replaced with native vocabulary. These language reforms focused mainly on academic and technical terms. Many Sino-Korean words were replaced with native Korean expressions that wewre easier to understand. Some examples include: [2]
In South Korea, linguistic purism is generally promoted through institutional guidance rather than strict enforecement. Language policies focus on standardizatoins and recommendation, not compulsory replacement.the National Institute of the Korean Language maintains an exhaustive dictionary of refined (purified) language. However, not all refined words are widely used in everyday speech. Some speakers continue to use loanwords, even when native alternatives are officially suggested. [3] A refined version is created and decided on by online voting.
Notably, loanwords from Japanese that were introduced to Korea during the Japanese forced occupation are considered to have a political subtext of colonization and are often subject to refinement. Some words introduced during the colonial period are considered to carry political meanings related to clonization. that were transliterations of Japanese words were refined in 1948: [2]
Some critics of the movement argue that, instead of forcefully finding an equivalent translation for every loanword, the movement must promote the usage of widespread loanwords. [4] [5]
This case is often cited as representative example of linguistic purism debates in South Korea. It shows how language policy, history, and everyday usage can conflict. A recent example is the Korean spicy chicken dish dak-dori-tang (닭도리탕), where the etymology of the middle word dori (도리) is not definitively known, although suggested as a Japanese-Korean hybrid. In South Korea, the National Institute of the Korean Language claims that the word came from Japanese tori (鳥; "bird"), and suggests that the word should be refined into dak-bokkeum-tang (닭볶음탕). [6] However, the status of dori as a loanword has been subject to debate. This is because the institute has not presented the grounds for the argument besides the phonetic similarity of dori to the Japanese word tori. [7] The word dori-tang appears in Haedong jukji, a 1925 collection of poems by the Joseon literatus Choe Yeongnyeon. In the book, Chinese characters do (桃) ri (李) tang (湯) were used to transliterate the Korean dish name. [8] A food columnist argued that, had the word been Japanese, the character jo (鳥; pronounced tori in Japanese) would have been used instead of the hanja transliteration of the Korean pronunciation. [9]
Alternative theories on the origin of dori include the assertions that it came from dyori (됴리), the archaic form of Sino-Korean word jori (조리;調理; "to cook"), and that it came from the native Korean verb dorida (도리다; "to cut out"). [10] None of these theories have been widely accepted as the established etymology.Because of this uncertainty, the origin of the word remains disputed. The debate reflects broader tensions between linguistic authority and polular language use. These discussions are documented in academic studies and official language policy materials.
Linguistic purism in Korean remains a relevant issue today. Discussions about loanwords continue in media, education, and public institutions. Debates about loanwords often reflect concerns about identity and globalization.
North and South Korea show different approaches to linguistic purism. These differences reflect distinct political systems and social conditions. Together, they illustrate how language policy can develop in contrasting ways within a shared linguistic heritage.