Little China (ideology)

Last updated

Since ancient times, the realm of "China" has not been a fixed or predetermined concept based on ethnicity or geographical location. According to the Spring and Autumn Annals , "Chinese" people who adopt the ways of the "barbarians" would be considered "barbarians", whereas "barbarians" who adopt the ways of the "Chinese" would be accepted as "Chinese". [11] Hence, the idea of "Chinese-ness" is a fluid concept and is defined through self-identification and cultural affiliation.

Having been heavily influenced by Chinese culture and political thoughts, numerous Korean, Vietnamese and Japanese regimes identified themselves with descriptive names that are traditionally associated with and used by China. At the same time, these regimes considered themselves as legitimate successors to Chinese culture and civilization.

Little China Ideology
Chinese name
Traditional Chinese 小中華
Simplified Chinese 小中华
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyin Xiǎo Zhōnghuá
Names of China adopted by Korea, Vietnam and Japan
Traditional name of ChinaRendition in KoreanRendition in VietnameseRendition in Japanese
Mandarin: Zhōngguó
中國

MC: Ʈɨuŋkwək̚

Jungguk
中國
중국
Trung Quốc
中國
Trung Quốc
Chūgoku
中國
ちゅうごく
Mandarin: Zhōnghuá
中華

MC: Ʈɨuŋɦˠua

Junghwa [lower-alpha 1]
中華
중화
Trung Hoa
中華
Trung Hoa
Chūka
中華
ちゅうか
Mandarin: Huáxià
華夏

MC: ꞪˠuaɦˠaX

Hwaha
華夏
화하
Hoa Hạ
華夏
Hoa Hạ
Kaka
華夏
かか
Mandarin: Zhōngxià
中夏

MC: ƮɨuŋɦˠaX

Jungha
中夏
중하
Trung Hạ
中夏
Trung Hạ
Chūka
中夏
ちゅうか
Mandarin: Zhōngcháo
中朝

MC: Ʈɨuŋʈˠiᴇu

Jungjo
中朝
중조
Trung Triều
中朝
Trung Triều
Chūchō
中朝
ちゅうちょう
Mandarin: Shénzhōu
神州

MC: ʑiɪnt͡ɕɨu

Sinju
神州
신주
Thần Châu
神州
Thần Châu
Shinshū
神州
しんしゅう
Mandarin: Huá

MC: Ɦˠua

Hwa

Hoa

Hoa
Ka

Mandarin: Xià

MC: ꞪˠaX

Ha

Hạ

Hạ
Ka

Korea

According to the History of the Three Kingdoms , Silla adopted the clothing and customs of the Tang dynasty as a way of transforming its people from "barbarians" into "Hwa" ():

[...] Gim Chun-chu entered the Tang dynasty, requested for [the right to] adopt Tang customs. The Emperor Taizong [of Tang] issued an edict in approval and bestowed [upon Gim Chun-chu] clothes and belts. [Gim Chun-chu] thus returned [to Silla] and enforced [Tang clothing and customs], thereby transforming barbarians into Hwa. Four years into the reign of King Munmu [of Silla], the clothing [style] of women was once again adjusted. The clothing and headwear [of Silla] became the same as those of Jungguk ever since. [12]

In the Ten Articles for Instruction, the King Taejo of Goryeo expressed his wish for the Goryeo dynasty to follow the example of the Emperor Yao and highlighted the influence of the Tang dynasty on Korea:

[...] while succession to the throne by one's eldest legitimate issue should be the rule, Yao abdicated in favor of Shun, for Danzhu was unworthy [of the throne]; this was indeed putting the interests of the state [ahead of one's personal feelings]. If the eldest legitimate son is unworthy [of the throne], let the second eldest succeed to the throne; if the second eldest, too, is unworthy [of the throne], select the brother the people consider the best qualified for the throne. [13] [14]

[...] we the Orient, for our admiration for the ways of the Tang dynasty, have emulated its writings, objects, rites and music. [15] [16]

The King Injong of Goryeo once issued an edict that urged the Koreans to discard the ways of the Khitan "barbarians" in favor of Chinese traditions:

[...] replicate and follow the ways of Hwaha, forbid the traditions of the Khitan barbarians [...] [17]

The Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty labelled Korea as "Sojunghwa" (小中華) and highlighted the relations between China and Korea:

Ever since Jizi arrived in the East, [his] enlightenment became widespread; males exhibited the qualities of martyrs, while females were chaste and upright; [hence Korea is] known in historiography as 'Sojunghwa'. [18]

"Ever since Jizi was enfeoffed, every [Korean] dynasty has been regarded as part of the realm [of China]. The Han dynasty established four commanderies [on the Korean Peninsula], while the Tang dynasty established an additional Fuyu Commandery. During the [extant] Ming dynasty, all eight provinces [of the Joseon dynasty] are placed under [the administration of] Liaodong; all [Joseon] clothing, headwear, writings and objects follow the style of Hwa; [the Ming dynasty] conferred upon the [Joseon] king a seal, appointing him [the responsibility of] governance [...] [19]

The court-commissioned Comprehensive Mirror of the Eastern State by Seo Geo-jeong highlighted the Chinese influence on Korea:

All [Joseon] clothing and institutions mirror that of Jungguk, thus [the Joseon dynasty] is known as 'the state of poetry, books, rites and music', and 'the state of benevolence and righteousness'; these were introduced by Jizi, so how could these be untrue! [20]

In the 17th century, when the Manchu-led Qing dynasty replaced the Han-led Ming dynasty as the ruling dynasty of China proper, the Joseon dynasty believed that the Qing dynasty was unworthy of succeeding the politico-cultural orthodoxy of "China". Instead, the Confucianist Joseon dynasty asserted itself as the legitimate heir to the Chinese civilization and termed itself "Little Central Kingdom". [1]

Sojunghwa is closely related to the classical sadaejuui . [21]

Vietnam

Numerous Vietnamese dynasties attempted to replicate the Chinese tributary system in Southeast Asia, whilst maintaining tributary relations with Chinese dynasties. [22] Vietnamese monarchs of multiple dynasties adopted the imperial title "hoàng đế" (皇帝; "emperor") domestically, but reverted to the royal title "vương" (; "king") when dealing with China—a policy known as "emperor at home, king abroad". On many occasions, some Vietnamese monarchs styled themselves as the "Central Kingdom" or "Central State" and referred to various Chinese dynasties as "Bắc Triều" (北朝; "northern dynasty") in relation to Vietnam, self-styled as "Nam Triều" (南朝; "southern dynasty"). [23] In 1010, Lý Thái Tổ issued the Edict on the Transfer of the Capital that likened himself to Chinese monarchs who initiated the relocation of the capital, effectively positioning the Lý dynasty within the politico-cultural realm of China:

In the old days, until [the reign of] Pan Geng, the Shang dynasty shifted [its capital] five times; until [the reign of] the King Cheng [of Zhou], the Zhou dynasty relocated its capital three times. How could the monarchs of the Three Dynasties [of Ancient China] who moved [their capitals] be motivated by personal gains? They did so [out of a desire] to expand their territories or [in search of] a centralized location [for better governance], all for the good of the people. [24]

The Complete Annals of Đại Việt used "Trung Quốc" (中國) to refer to Vietnam:

[...] [the Lý dynasty] once again launched a massive attack on the Song dynasty in the Qin Prefecture and the Lian Prefecture, with the intent of rescuing the people of Trung Quốc afflicted by Song's implementation of the Green Sprouts Law. [25]

[...] [Lý Nhân Tông] ordered Lý Thường Kiệt to launch a campaign against Champa. At the start, Lý Giác fled to Champa and disclosed information on Trung Quốc [...] [26]

Amidst Hồ's usurpation of the Trần throne, the Ming dynasty [launched] a southward invasion, annexed our territories, subjugated our people, [enforced] strict laws and punishments, [implemented] heavy taxes and labor. The heroic individuals of Trung Quốc frequently feinted as [submissive] officials [of the Ming dynasty] to keep the North at ease. [27]

Lê Thái Tổ once issued an edict that adopted "Trung Quốc" (中國) as an alternative name for Vietnam:

The [Ming] larcenists were in Trung Quốc, [the livelihood of] the people were still unstable, did you have a peace of mind? Previously [when] the Hồ clan was immoral, the [Ming] larcenists thus seized our country. The abuses [perpetuated by the Ming dynasty] were witnessed by all. [28]

In 1470, in preparation for his invasion of Champa, Lê Thánh Tông issued an edict which referred to the Later Lê dynasty and earlier Vietnamese regimes as "Trung Quốc" (中國):

Since ancient times, barbarians have posed a threat to Trung Quốc; thus the sage-king embarked on military campaigns to deter all under Heaven. [29]

In 1479, Lê Thánh Tông issued an edict to justify his invasion of Muang Phuan. In the edict, "Trung Hạ" (中夏) was used to refer to the Later Lê dynasty:

I [intend to] follow the pioneering steps of my ancestors, propagate and implement a magnificent plan, rule over Trung Hạ, pacify the outer barbarians. [30]

The Nguyễn dynasty considered itself the legitimate heir to the Chinese civilization. [31] Gia Long Đế once used "Trung Quốc" (中國) and "Hạ" () to refer to the Nguyễn and earlier Vietnamese dynasties:

Trung Quốc vis-à-vis the outer barbarians [is akin to] the [properly] governed vis-à-vis the ungoverned [...] [32]

The late king governed all under Heaven [by adhering to the principle that] Hạ should not intermix with the barbarians [...] [33]

The Imperially-commissioned Annotated Text Reflecting the Complete History of Việt referred to the Nguyễn dynasty as "Thần Châu" (神州):

Until the numerous sages of our dynasty laid the foundation in the South, our Thế Tổ, the Emperor Cao, pacified Thần Châu and ruled over the entirety of Việt, [with Nguyễn territories] bordering the sea to the east, Yunnan to the west, the Khmer barbarians to the south and Liangguang to the north. The expansiveness of [Nguyễn] territories was hitherto unmatched [by prior Vietnamese dynasties]. [34]

In the Poems on the Way to Min, Lý Văn Phức (a descendent of Ming Chinese refugees) escorted some stranded Chinese sailors back to Fujian province. However, when he arrived there, the guesthouse where he was supposed to stay had a sign over it which indicated that it was for "barbarians." Lý Văn Phức defended his position with an essay that highlighted that Vietnam followed the ways of China without the Manchurian influences of the 17th century and therefore should be considered "Hoa" ():

In terms of governance and law, [Vietnam] follows [the ways of] the Two Emperors and Three Kings [of Ancient China]; in terms of [Confucian] orthodoxy, [Vietnam] adheres to [the teachings of] the Six Classics and Four Books, and subscribes to the schools of thought of Confucius, Mencius, Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi. In terms of knowledge, [Vietnam] consults The Commentary of Zuo , Discourses of the States and [the works of] Ban Gu and Sima Qian; in terms of writings, [Vietnamese] poetries and rhapsodies imitate [the styles of] the Selections of Refined Literature and that of Li Bai and Du Fu; in terms of calligraphies and paintings, [Vietnamese works] emulate [the styles of] the Rites of Zhou and the Six Methods and that of Zhong Yao and Wang Xizhi. [The procedures of] selecting the virtuous for government positions [in Vietnam have their roots in] the Han and Tang dynasties; the belts and headwear [of Vietnam originate from] the clothing [styles] of the Song and Ming dynasties. Since [Vietnam] follows the ways [of China], yet if [China considers the Vietnamese] as barbarians; how, then, do you define the meaning of Hoa? [35]

Japan

Fujiwara no Hirotsugu once presented a memorial to the throne, referring to Japan as "Chūgoku" (中國) and adopted the Chinese worldview of treating surrounding ethnic minorities as "barbarians":

The northern barbarians Emishi and the western barbarians Hayato, [with] natural dispositions [akin to] wolves, revolt easily and whose wild ambitions cannot be easily tamed. Since ancient times, [whenever] Chūgoku has sages, [the barbarians] would subsequently submit; [whenever] the court experiences [political] instability, [the barbarians] would rebel at the earliest opportunity [...] [36]

The Chronicles of Japan used "Chūgoku" (中國) to refer to Japan:

[...] Silla refused to submit to Chūgoku. [37]

The Extended Chronicles of Japan referred to Japan as "Chūgoku" (中國):

This [marked] the start of contact between the Tokan Island and Chūgoku. [38]

When the Empress Genmei yielded the throne to the Empress Genshō, Japan was referred to as "Kaka" (華夏) in an edict issued by the former:

[Her] wisdom, lenience and kindness [are] bestowed by Heaven. [She is] placid and personable. Kaka [will last] an eternity. [She is] widely praised. Today, the imperial throne [will be] passed to the princess. [39]

After the Qing dynasty had replaced the Ming dynasty in China proper, Japanese scholars declared that the Qing dynasty did not have the legitimacy to represent the politico-cultural realm of "China" whilst simultaneously explicitly identifying Japan as "China". In Kai Hentai by Hayashi Gahō and Hayashi Hōkō, it was argued that Japan had replaced the Qing dynasty as the center of Chinese civilization. [40] In Chūchō Jijitsu by Yamaga Sokō, "Chūchō" (中朝; used in a similar sense as "Middle Kingdom"), "Chūka" (中華) and "Chūgoku" (中國) were adopted as alternative names for Japan, while "Gaichō" (外朝; "outer dynasty") was used to refer to the Qing dynasty. [41]

During the Meiji Restoration, the Emperor Meiji once issued an edict that referred to Japan as "Ka" ():

[There is a] need to urgently rectify the nominal relations between the monarch and the officials, to make clear the distinctions between Ka and the barbarians and between the inner and outer domains, so as to uphold the cardinal principles of all under Heaven. [42]

See also

Notes

  1. The prefix So- (; ), meaning "little", is sometimes affixed to Junghwa in Korean writings to refer to Korean dynasties.

Related Research Articles

Sinocentrism refers to a worldview that China is the cultural, political, or economic center of the world.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Fourth Era of Northern Domination</span> 1407–1427 period of Chinese rule in Vietnam

The Fourth Era of Northern Domination was a period of Vietnamese history, from 1407 to 1427, during which Ming-dynasty China ruled Vietnam as the province of Jiaozhi. The Ming established their rule in Vietnam following their conquest of the Hồ dynasty in 1406-1407. The fourth period of Chinese rule over Vietnam eventually ended with the establishment of the Lê dynasty in 1428.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Lê dynasty</span> Imperial dynasty in Vietnam from 1428 to 1789

The Lê dynasty, also known in historiography as the Later Lê dynasty, officially Đại Việt, was the longest-ruling Vietnamese dynasty, having ruled from 1428 to 1789, with an interregnum between 1527 and 1533. The Lê dynasty is divided into two historical periods: the Initial Lê dynasty before the usurpation by the Mạc dynasty, in which emperors ruled in their own right, and the Revival Lê dynasty, in which emperors were figures reigned under the auspices of the powerful Trịnh family. The Revival Lê dynasty was marked by two lengthy civil wars: the Lê–Mạc War (1533–1592) in which two dynasties battled for legitimacy in northern Vietnam and the Trịnh–Nguyễn Wars between the Trịnh lords in North and the Nguyễn lords of the South.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Korean–Jurchen border conflicts</span>

The Korean–Jurchen border conflicts were a series of conflicts from the 10th century to the 17th century between the Korean states of Goryeo and Joseon and the Jurchen people.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Edict on the Transfer of the Capital</span> 1010 edict to relocate the Vietnamese capital

Edict on the Transfer of the Capital (chữ Hán: 遷都詔, chữ Nôm: 詔移都, Vietnamese: Thiên đô chiếu, Chiếu dời đô) is an edict written at the behest of emperor Lý Thái Tổ and issued in the fall of 1010 to transfer the capital of Đại Cồ Việt from Hoa Lư to Đại La.

During the late Zhou dynasty, the inhabitants of the Central Plains began to make a distinction between Hua and Yi, referred to by some historians as the Sino–barbarian dichotomy. They defined themselves as part of cultural and political region known as Huaxia, which they contrasted with the surrounding regions home to outsiders, conventionally known as the Four Barbarians. Although Yi is usually translated as "barbarian", other translations of this term in English include "foreigners", "ordinary others", "wild tribes" and "uncivilized tribes". The HuaYi distinction asserted Chinese superiority, but implied that outsiders could become Hua by adopting their culture and customs. The Hua–Yi distinction was not unique to China, but was also applied by various Vietnamese, Japanese, and Koreans regimes, all of whom considered themselves at one point in history to be legitimate successors to the Chinese civilization and the "Central State" in imitation of China.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Diyi</span> Chinese ceremonial attire for empresses and crown princess

Diyi, also called known as huiyi and miaofu, is the historical Chinese attire worn by the empresses of the Song dynasty and by the empresses and crown princesses in the Ming Dynasty. The diyi also had different names based on its colour, such as yudi, quedi, and weidi. It is a formal wear meant only for ceremonial purposes. It is a form of shenyi, and is embroidered with long-tail pheasants and circular flowers. It is worn with guan known as fengguan which is typically characterized by the absence of dangling string of pearls by the sides. It was first recorded as Huiyi in the Zhou dynasty.

Sadae is a Korean term which is used in pre-modern contexts. Sadae is a Confucian concept, based on filial piety, that describes a reciprocal hierarchical relationship between a senior and a junior, such as a tributary relationship. The term is used as a descriptive label for bilateral foreign relations between Imperial China and Joseon dynasty Korea. Korea's concept of sadae toward China was implemented after the Confucianization of Korea in the early Joseon dynasty. Before that Korea's Goryeo dynasty had Buddhism as its state religion.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Tributary system of China</span> Network of loose international relations centered on China

The tributary system of China, or Cefeng system at its height was a network of loose international relations centered around China which facilitated trade and foreign relations by acknowledging China's hegemonic role within a Sinocentric world order. It involved multiple relationships of trade, military force, diplomacy and ritual. The other states had to send a tributary envoy to China on schedule, who would kowtow to the Chinese emperor as a form of tribute, and acknowledge his superiority and precedence. The other countries followed China's formal ritual in order to keep the peace with the more powerful neighbor and be eligible for diplomatic or military help under certain conditions. Political actors within the tributary system were largely autonomous and in almost all cases virtually independent.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">History of Sino-Korean relations</span>

The history of Sino-Korean relations dates back to prehistoric times.

The Huang-Ming Zuxun were admonitions left by the Hongwu Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang, the founder of the Chinese Ming dynasty, to his descendants. The text was composed in 1373 under the title Record of the Ancestor's Instructions; this was changed to Huang Ming Zu Xun during the publication of the 1395 edition.

<i>Hanfu</i> Traditional dress of the Han Chinese people

Hanfu, are the traditional styles of clothing worn by the Han Chinese since the 2nd millennium BCE. There are several representative styles of hanfu, such as the ruqun, the aoqun, the beizi and the shenyi, and the shanku.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Slavery in Vietnam</span>

The practice of slavery in Vietnam persisted since the Hồng Bàng period. Vietnam has been both a source and a destination for slaves.

Emperor at home, king abroad was a system of conducting relations between states within the Chinese cultural sphere. Rulers of lesser regimes would adopt the title of emperor and/or other imperial titles domestically, and adopt the title of king when dealing with the dominant Chinese regime. Instead of using the styles Imperial Majesty and Majesty (陛下), rulers of lesser realms were styled as Highness (殿下). This system was applicable to Japan, Korea and Vietnam, as well as less powerful Chinese states, among others.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Java arquebus</span> Long arquebus or musket from Java

Java arquebus refers to long-barreled early firearm from the Nusantara archipelago, dating back to the early 16th century. The weapon was used by Javanese armies, albeit in low number compared to total fighting men, before the arrival of Iberian explorers in the 16th century. In historical records, the weapon may be classified as arquebus or musket.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Eunuchs in Vietnam</span>

A eunuch is a man who has been castrated. Throughout history, castration often served a specific social function.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Debate on the Chineseness of the Yuan and Qing dynasties</span>

The debate on the "Chineseness" of the Yuan and Qing dynasties is concerned with whether the Mongol-led Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) and the Manchu-led Qing dynasty (1644–1912) can be considered "Chinese dynasties", and whether they were representative of "China" during their respective historical periods. The debate, although historiographical in nature, has political implications. Mainstream academia and successive governments of China, including the imperial governments of the Yuan and Qing dynasties, have maintained the view that they were "Chinese" and representative of "China". The debate stemmed from differing opinions on whether regimes founded by ethnic minorities could be representative of "China", where the Han Chinese were and remain the main people.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sacrifice to Heaven</span> East Asian noble religious ritual

Sacrifice to Heaven is an Asian religious practice originating in the worship of Shangdi in China. In Ancient Chinese society, nobles of all levels constructed altars for Heaven. At first, only nobles could worship Shangdi but later beliefs changed and everyone could worship Shangdi.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Brushtalk</span> International use of Literary Chinese

Brushtalk is a form of written communication using Literary Chinese to facilitate diplomatic and casual discussions between people of the countries in the Sinosphere, which include China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam.

References

  1. 1 2 Chan, Robert Kong (2017). Korea-China Relations in History and Contemporary Implications. Springer. p. 10. ISBN   9783319622651.
  2. 1 2 Kim, Youngmin (2018). A History of Chinese Political Thought. John Wiley & Sons. p. 220. ISBN   9781509523160.
  3. 1 2 Wang, Q. Edward; Fillafer, Franz; Iggers, Georg (2007). The Many Faces of Clio: Cross-cultural Approaches to Historiography. Berghahn Books. p. 251. ISBN   9781845452704.
  4. Kelley, Liam (2005). Beyond the Bronze Pillars: Envoy Poetry and the Sino-Vietnamese Relationship. University of Hawaii Press. p. 9. ISBN   9780824874001.
  5. Alpert, William (2005). The Vietnamese Economy and Its Transformation to an Open Market System. M.E. Sharpe. p. 17. ISBN   9780765606693.
  6. 1 2 Fong, Brian; Wu, Jieh-min; Nathan, Andrew (2020). China's Influence and the Center-periphery Tug of War in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Indo-Pacific. Routledge. ISBN   9781000284263.
  7. Horesh, Niv; Kim, Hyun Jin; Mauch, Peter (2014). Superpower, China? Historicizing Beijing's New Narratives Of Leadership And East Asia's Response Thereto. World Scientific. p. 82. ISBN   9789814619172.
  8. "Seoul Journal of Korean Studies". 2004.
  9. Berger, Stefan (2007-07-12). Writing the Nation: A Global Perspective. Springer. ISBN   9780230223059.
  10. Lee, Jeong-Mi (2010) "Choso˘n Korea as Sojunghwa, the Small Central Civilization: Sadae kyorin Policy and Relations with Ming/Qing China and Tokugawa Japan in the Seventeenth Century" Archived 2014-12-17 at the Wayback Machine Asian cultural studies (36), 305-318, International Christian University
  11. Zhang, Yun (2006). 西藏历史问题研究. 中国藏学出版社. p. 201. ISBN   9787800577475. 夷狄入中国,则中国之,中国入夷狄,则夷狄之。
  12. History of the Three Kingdoms . Vol. 33. 金春秋入唐,請襲唐儀,太宗皇帝詔可之,兼賜衣帶,遂還來施行,以夷易華,文武王在位四年,又革婦人之服,自此已後,衣冠同於中國
  13. History of Goryeo . Vol. 2. 傳國以嫡,雖曰常禮,然丹朱不肖,堯禪於舜,實爲公心。若元子不肖,與其次子又不肖,與其兄弟之衆所推戴者,俾承大統。
  14. Lee, Peter (2010). Sourcebook of Korean Civilization. Vol. 1. p. 264. ISBN   9780231515290.
  15. History of Goryeo . Vol. 2. 惟我東方,舊慕唐風,文物禮樂,悉遵其制。
  16. Kang, Jae-eun (2006). The Land of Scholars: Two Thousand Years of Korean Confucianism. p. 77. ISBN   9781931907378.
  17. History of Goryeo . Vol. 16. 景行華夏之法,切禁丹狄之俗
  18. "Veritable Records of Seongjong". Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty . 吾東方自箕子以來,教化大行,男有烈士之風,女有貞正之俗,史稱小中華。
  19. "Veritable Records of Seonjo". Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty . 我國自箕子受封之後,歷代皆視為內服,漢時置四郡,唐增置扶餘郡。至於大明,以八道郡縣,皆隸於遼東,衣冠文物,一從華制,委國王御寶以治事
  20. Comprehensive Mirror of the Eastern State . 衣冠制度,悉同乎中國,故曰詩書禮樂之邦,仁義之國也,而箕子始之,豈不信哉!
  21. 정창수, ed. (2017). K-Potential: 한반도와 한국인의 잠재력. e퍼플. ISBN   9788969339843.
  22. Ngaosīvat, Mayurī; Ngaosyvathn, Pheuiphanh (2001). Vietnamese Source Materials concerning the 1827 Conflict between the Court of Siam and the Lao Principalities. Vol. 1. Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for Unesco, the Toyo Bunko. p. 28. ISBN   9784896561111.
  23. Complete Annals of Đại Việt . Vol. Prologue. 北朝歷代主皆書帝,以與我各帝一方也。
  24. Edict on the Transfer of the Capital. "昔商家至盤庚五遷。周室迨成王三徙。豈三代之數君徇于己私。妄自遷徙。以其圖大宅中。爲億万世子孫之計。"
  25. Complete Annals of Đại Việt . Vol. 3. 又大舉伐宋欽、廉州,聲言宋行清苗役法,殘害中國民,興師問之,欲相救也。
  26. Complete Annals of Đại Việt . Vol. 3. 命李常傑伐占城。初,李覺亡占城,言中國虛實
  27. Complete Annals of Đại Việt . Vol. 10. 時胡簒陳祚,明人南侵,郡縣我彊域,臣妾我兆庶,法峻刑苛,賦繁役重。凡中國豪傑之士,多陽假以官,安𢮿于北。
  28. Complete Annals of Đại Việt . Vol. 10. 賊在中國,民猶未定,於汝安乎。昔胡氏無道,賊因此而奪我國家。虐害之中,爾眾已見之矣。
  29. Zhu, Yunying (1981). 中國文化對日韓越的影響. 蓋自古夷狄為患中國,故聖王弧矢以威天下。
  30. Xie, Xuanjun (2017). 少数民族入主中国史略. Lulu.com. p. 6. ISBN   9781387255351. 朕丕绳祖武,光御洪图,莅中夏,抚外夷
  31. Xie, Xuanjun (2016). 第三中国论. Lulu.com. p. 202. ISBN   9781329800250.
  32. 中華文化復興月刊. Vol. 88–93. 1975. 中國之於外夷,治以不治
  33. Xie, Xuanjun (2016). 第三中国论. Lulu.com. p. 202. ISBN   9781329800250. 先王经理天下,夏不杂夷
  34. Imperially-commissioned Annotated Text Reflecting the Complete History of Việt . Vol. 1. 逮我國朝列聖,肇基南服,奉我世祖高皇帝大定神州,奄有全越,東際大海,西接雲南,南接高蠻,北接兩廣,幅員之大,前此未之有也。
  35. "Discourses on the Barbarians". Poems on the Way to Min. 以言乎治法,則本之二帝三王;以言乎道統,則本之六經四子,家孔孟而戶朱程也。其學也,源左國而溯班馬;其文也,詩賦則昭明文選而以李杜為歸依;字畫則周禮六書而以鍾王為楷式。賓賢取士,漢唐之科目也;博帶峩冠,宋明之衣服也。推而舉之,其大也如是。而謂之夷,則正不知其何如為華也。
  36. Great History of Japan . Vol. 117. 北狄蝦夷、西戎隼俗,狠性易亂,野心離馴。往古已來,中國有聖則後服,朝堂有變則先叛
  37. The Chronicles of Japan . Vol. 14. 新羅不事中國。
  38. Extended Chronicles of Japan . Vol. 1. 其度感嶋通中國於是始矣。
  39. Extended Chronicles of Japan . Vol. 6. 天縱寛仁。沈靜婉孌。華夏載佇。謳訟知歸。今傳皇帝位於内親王。
  40. Ng, Wai-ming (2019). Imagining China in Tokugawa Japan: Legends, Classics, and Historical Terms. SUNY Press. p. xvii. ISBN   9781438473086.
  41. Davis, Bret (2019). The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Philosophy. Oxford University Press. p. 294. ISBN   9780199945726.
  42. "明治時代における史学の確立に関して ― 漢学、国学とランケ史学の狭間に" (PDF): 1. 須ク速ニ君臣ノ名分ノ誼ヲ正シ、華夷内外ノ弁ヲ明ニシ内外ノ命ヲ明ニシ、以テ天下ノ綱常ヲ扶植セヨ。{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)