وان گجر | |
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![]() Van Gujjar child from Uttarakhand | |
Total population | |
Uttarakhand 70,000 [1] [2] [3] [4] (estimation) | |
Regions with significant populations | |
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Languages | |
Van Gujjari, Pahadi, Urdu, [5] Hindi [5] | |
Religion | |
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Related ethnic groups | |
Gaddis • Bakarwal • Muslim Gujjars |
The Van Gujjars ("forest Gurjars") are a Van Gujjari-speaking nomadic Muslim ethnic group and a sub-tribe of the larger Gurjar community. [6] [7] [8] [9] They are traditionally herders and live mainly in the Shivalik Hills region of Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh and Western Uttar Pradesh. [10] They follow Islam and are traditionally a pastoral semi-nomadic community, known for practicing transhumance. [11] Van Gujjars started adopting Islam between the 13th and 14th centuries, with Sufi teachings playing a significant role in their conversion. [9] Van Gujjars of Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh have strong ties with the Muslim Gujjars of Himachal Pradesh, with intermarriages being common, but they have not maintained relations with Hindu Gujjars of North India. [12] : 108 [13] [14]
Historically, they were referred to as Jammuwallahs, or Dudh Gujjars by others, but they simply identified themselves as Gujjars. [9]
The Shivalik Hills Forest Division has been a seasonal habitat for the Van Gujjars since the late 1920s. Traditionally, they'd migrate with their livestock, spending winter in Shivalik Hills and summer in the meadows of Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Currently about 4,000 Van Gujjar families reside in Shivalik hills forest area. [15]
Van Gujjars are known to be lactovegetarians due to sole dependence on animal-herding and milk delivery as a livelihood opportunity. [16] [17]
Van Gujjars' presence is documented in British-era forest department records, dating back to their takeover of the Doon Valley following the 1814-1815 Anglo-Gurkha War. This marked a formal acknowledgement of the Van Gujjars' presence and limited rights as forest inhabitants, with the British incorporating their management into forestry practices, underscoring their pre-colonial habitation in the Doon valley of Uttarakhand. [18]
The state's emphasis on fixed borders and territories inherently conflicts with the Van Gujjars' nomadic way of life. A notable example of this discord is the 1865 British Forest Act, which stripped indigenous communities of their ancestral lands. [1] Decades after Indian independence, the narrative remains unchanged. [19] : 243 The Forest Department of Uttarkhand's biased perspective continues to verify the Van Gujjars, subjecting them to abuse and rights violations, with their traditional pastoral lifestyle misconstrued as a threat to conservation. [1]
In a historical account from 1870, British forester Sainthill Eardley-Wilmot portrayed the Van Gujjars as a nomadic tribe with a deep connection to the forest, traveling the Himalayas seasonally. Despite noting their cultural differences, Wilmot's description suggests a certain admiration for their way of Life. [20]
British officer Williams' 1874 notes confirm the Van Gujjars migration to the Doon Valley of Uttarakhand in the 18th century. Further historical documents from the British forestry officials support the notion that the Van Gujjars have a deep-rooted history in the region of Doon Valley. [21] : 9
1880s British surveys revealed that Van Gujjars in five khols possessed 542 buffaloes, 26 cows, and 81 sheep or goats. This livestock count seems low compared to earlier estimates, particularly since individual herders were known to own up to 350 head of cattle. The discrepancy raises questions: were the numbers underreported or maybe many Van Gujjar migrated to Shivalik Hills later in the 1880s. [22] : 271
In 1885 fisher's official reports alerted British authorities to a volatile situation: the people of Bashahr had forcibly expelled the Van Gujjars from their lands, allegedly sacrificing a Gujjar boy in a temple ritual. This followed a violent incident in 1884 where Van Gujjars were accused of killing a man in the Jaunsar. [22] : 217
Their nomadic lifestyle, devoid of permanent homes of farmland, set them apart and made it easy for the colonial state to view them as outsiders. Their no settled way of life deviated from the states expectations , facilitating their marginalization. In January 1885, an order from the North-Western Province showed their complex relationship with the British Raj. [9] One such order was as follows:
All Gujars and other wandering herdsmen are warned that for the ensuing year, only 150 heads of buffaloes will be allowed to graze in the Jaunsari, Tehri Garhwal, Raimgarh and Dadi partitions of the Jaunsar Division. [9]
On August 17th, 1887, E.M Moir, the Conservator of Forest for the Jaunsar Division Department in the North-Western Provinces, detailing a devastating cattle disease outbreak that had a disastrous impact on a Gujar herder (Van Gujjar), who lost 300 out of 350 cattle. [22] : 197
In 1902 a new measure was proposed to regulate Van Gujjar migration. Upon returning to British provinces in autumn, each herder would pay a small security deposit of 8 Annas (half rupee). This sum would be refunded in April to those who demonstrated good behavior, specifically by avoiding excessive tree cutting in protected forests. According to Dickinson, this system could generate significant revenue – 50 rupees for every 100 cattle. [22] : 198
British colonial records indicate that the Van Gujjars moved to the Shivalik hills in Saharanpur district of Uttar Pradesh in the mid or late 19th century, driven by forest restrictions and population growth in Punjab. As they expanded eastward, they occupied the rugged terrain spanning Uttar Pradesh to Uttarakhand, including the Rajaji National Park forest area in Uttarakhand. The British Government soon appointed an official to identify and demarcate forests with valuable timber reserves in the region. [23]
Since the British Raj, annual grazing permits have been issued to family or clan leaders of the Van Gujjar community, delineating specific are made by compartments for each group's use. Main decisions regarding these compartments and migration patterns are made by the family head, ensuring effective management of resources. [24]
The Van Gujjars are landless, inhabiting and grazing on common land managed by the state of the forest departments, typically in Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh. Historically, they utilized these areas for centuries before the British colonial administration imposed a permit system to regulate their nomadic lifestyle. This move was part of a larger colonial strategy to capitalize on forest resources. These permits specified grazing areas and livestock quotas for each Van Gujjar family. [25] : 39
The permit system is still in effect today, requiring Van Gujjars to annually produce their documents and pay taxes for grazing in the Himalayan meadows and for using forest resources in the Shivalik hills in order to access grazing rights for their buffaloes. [25] : 39
Van Gujjars face systemic marginalization due to the British-era forest policy, which is rooted in an exclusionary approach to the environment. Their dual identity as Muslims and indigenous people makes them particularly vulnerable. Unlike other indigenous Indian Tribes, Van Gujjars have been unable to secure Scheduled Tribe (ST) status, likely due to their religious identity in a society marked by communal and ethnic divisions. Limited access to basic rights, such as domicile, advocacy opportunities, and education further exacerbates their marginalization. [21] : 19
According to a report by the National Human Rights Commission of India, Van Gujjars residing in the Rajaji National Park area are subjected to harassment and abuse by Uttarakhand Forest Department's officials and staff members. [21] : 9
In Himachal Pradesh a significant proportion of Van Gujjars lack homes and land ownership. As per a 1983 report by the Himachal Pradesh government, a staggering 88.17% of Van Gujjars are landless, with no property to build a permanent dwelling. [26] : 1620
The Shivalik range's partnership with the Indian army dates back to the 1980s, yet the state's efforts to evict the Van Gujjars from Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand Forests persist. The Van Gujjars distrust the forest department, seeing it as a mechanism to justify displacement under the pretext of conservation or progress. This distrust is compounded by the claim of the Indian Forest Department that 25,000 hectares are vacant, despite being home to 1,800 Van Gujjar families. [27]
Though the Indian Forest Rights Act of 2006 grants them forest land rights for being "traditional forest dwellers", they experience conflicts with the local state forest authorities that prohibit human and livestock populations inside reserved parks. [28] [29] Due to their Muslim identity they have often been targeted by the authorities of Uttarakhand Forest Department, and they've been subjected to numerous incorrect eviction notices, forced evictions, and other illegal actions by the forest department. [1] [21] : 16 [30]
Van Gujjars' displacement was first attempted in 1985, and they faced ongoing pressure to vacate the forest land in subsequent years. To resist eviction, the community represented by the Ban Gujjar Kalyan Samiti, took their case to the Uttarakhand High Court in 2005. In 2008 court issued a contempt notice to the director of RajaJi National Park for failing to settle the community's forest rights under the 2006 Forest Right Act. [31]
Further displacement orders were issued by Uttarakhand's government in 2011 and 2017, affecting specific Van Gujjar families within the areas. A 2018 high court's ruling declared the Van Gujjars' presence in forest land unlawful, sparking widespread protest due to the lack of rehabilitation provisions. Later that year Supreme Court of India intervened, staying the High court's eviction order. In 2020, forest officials clashed with Van Gujjar families during a confrontation in the Asharodi Forest Ranges and they used physical force against the community members, women and arrested several individuals. The Uttarakhand High Court directed the state government to establish a committee to address issues of Van Gujjars. [31]
The Uttarakhand High Court ruled on May 25, 2021, that Van Gujjars have the right to access meadows within the Govind Pashu Vihar National Park, citing the 2006 Forest Rights Act. The court directed the local administration and park authorities to permit their entry. The court noted that the Van Gujjars had endured undignified living conditions for a month and ordered authorities to grant them access to summer habitats and provide basic necessities by June 15, 2021, for Van Gujjars and their livestock. [32]
Meanwhile, the Van Gujjar Tribal Yuva Sangathan pursued recognition under the 2006 Forest Right Act and submitted claims to the SDM office, seeking ST status for the community in 2022. In 2023 A Van Gujjar organization Van Panchayat Sangharsh Morcha contest eviction notices. In May 2023 Uttarkhand's forest department acknowledged their mistakes in the eviction notices they issued to Van Gujjars. [33] [31]
2023 flood in Uttarakhand's Haridwar district ravaged the Naouki settlement of the Van Gujjars, with nine out of 100 homes destroyed due to early and intense rainfall. The Van Gujjars attribute the severity of the damage to the retaining walls constructed by the NHAI for the Char Dham highway project, which they believe exacerbated the impact of the floodwaters. But NHAI's usual consideration of area to mitigate flood damage, the Naouki settlement was overlooked due to its unofficial status. The settlement isn't mentioned on official waps because the Forest Department doesn't recognize the Van Gujjars as permanent residents, leaving them excluded from protection and rights. [34]
The term Van Gujjar, is a combination of two Van Gujjari words "van" and "Gujjar", translating to "forest-dwelling" "Gujjars". The community added the prefix "van" in the 1980s to distinguish itself from other Gujjars, particularly the Hindu Gujjars of north western India, historically, the Van Gujjars were referred to by various names, including Jammuwallahs and Dudh Gujjars , while within their own community, they simply identified as Gujjars. [9]
The Van Gujjars are believed to have originally migrated from the Kashmir region, passing through Sirmaur before settling in the Bhabar tracts of the Shivalik Hills approximately 1,500 years ago. [9] [35] [25] : 9 - 10 They further traces their origins back to the Gurjara Kingdom, which dates back to 570 CE in what is now Rajasthan, North India. [36]
As per the Van Gujjars ancestors tale, they came to Uttarakhand from Jammu. A princess from Jammu and Kashmir married into a royal family in Uttarakhand but missed her homeland's Gujjar community. She requested her father to send some Gujjars to her new home, and they came as part of her dowry around 250 years ago. [37] [25] : 9 - 10
The Van Gujjars are a forest-dwelling, pastoral Muslim community primarily residing in the Himalayan and Sivalik foothills of northern India. They are traditionally found around the Himalayan states such as Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh. [10]
Besides these Himalayan states, Van Gujjars also reside in Haryana, Indian Punjab. They live in settled villages of Haryana, Indian Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, where their population is approximately 80,000. [38]
In Uttarakhand, Van Gujjars are primarily found in the southern districts, particularly Nainital and Dehradun. They traditionally migrate with their buffalo herds through forested regions and have longstanding seasonal routes between winter and summer pastures within the state. [39]
In Himachal Pradesh, Van Gujjars are predominantly located in the southern and northern districts. Key areas of settlement include Kangra, Bilaspur, Sirmour, Shimla, and Chamba. Their presence in the state is characterised by transhumant pastoralism and a deep dependence on forest resources for livelihood and cultural practices. [40]
In Western Uttar Pradesh their settlements are mostly found in the Chapdi range of the Sivalik forest located near the Saharanpur, Bijnor, Rampur, and Pilibhit district. [41] [15] [42] From 2002 to 2023, it is reported that 50 or more families of Van Gujjars were killed by the illegal firing of the Asan Field Firing Range of the Indian army. Because of such firing, the Van Gujjars repeatedly requested the administration of Saharanpur district for the settlements and relocation of the Van Gujjars from the Shivalik Hills to mainland areas of the district, but the district administration didn't hear their demands. [42]
The Van Gujjars are completely Muslim and adhere to the Sunni sect of Islam, similar to other Muslim Gujjar communities such as the Bakarwals. [43] [44]
It is believed they converted to Islam through Sufism in the 13th to 14th centuries during the Turkish rule in India. [45]
The Van Gujjars Have not maintained ties with their Hindu Gujjar counterparts in Uttar Pradesh and have lost contact with their kin in Jammu and Kashmir. However, they continue to have martial relationships with the Muslim Gujjars of Himachal Pradesh. [12] : 108 [13]
They share similar clans with Hindu Gurjars, Muslim Gujjars and Bakarwals. Some of their notable clans include. [46]
Van Gujjars adhere to Islamic law, which doesn't restrict family planning. But, their nomadic lifestyle, dependence on herding, and women's physical demands likely contribute to limited birth rates. Divorce is rare among Van Gujjars families. They use local Panchayat system to resolve disputes and marital issues. [48]
The Van Gujjar community specializes in rearing a unique, indigenous breed of wild buffalos, designated as "Gojri" or "Gujari". [24] [49]
Van Gujjar women typically don vibrant long-sleeved Salwar kameez outfits adorned with prints. A distinctive aspect of their attire is the emphasis on covering their heads using dupattas. This practice of head covering extends to children as well, who dress similarly to the adults. [50]
The Van women wear long kurtas, churidar trousers and jackets. Van Gujjar women typically don't observe the purdah system. Van Gujjar men are recognizable by their distinctive attire, which includes turbans, loose tahmat, and often long beards, waistcoats. [51]
The Men of the Van Gujjar community wear a traditional embroidery cap called "Topi" in cultural events and rituals. [52]
Both men and women of Van Gujjar community are deeply invested in their animals, which play a significant role in determining relationships. [48] Van Gujjar community's fundamental social unit is the family, typically comprising a father and his son, along with their buffaloes. These families often cluster together in settlements, forming kinship-based groups that share a common ancestry. [24]
Among the Van Gujjar community, monogamy is the prevalent practice, with polygamy being uncommon. Additionally, due to limited education and strong religious convictions, they tend to oppose family planning measures. [53] [54]
The Van Gujjar marriages showcase distinct customs that set them apart from other Muslim communities of Northern India. A unique aspect of their wedding rituals is the mehndi ceremony, where both men and women adorn their hands with simple traditional henna designs. Notably, these celebrations often span several days, accommodating guests who travel from far to attend. Furthermore, it's customary for the groom's family to gift the newlyweds a buffalo, symbolizing their prosperity. This and other practices reflect the strong communal ties that characterize the Van Gujjar society. [5]
In wedding ceremonies Van Gujjar brides wear exquisite silver ornaments, including chains, Sargast, Gani, Mahail, Dolara, Bangles, rings and earrings. Each piece of jewelry carries significant meaning, reflecting the community's cultural and social traditions. [55] : 6
In Van Gujjar society, women stand on an equal footing with men. They take charge during migrations, with elder women leading the way and handling important interactions with authorities. This shift has empowered them, transforming their roles from supportive followers to key leaders within migratory groups. Van women have also been receptive to modern family planning methods in government programs. [56] : 10
Van Gujjars' traditional diet centers around chappatis made from wheat or maize flour, often served with potatoe or onion curry,and occasionally lentil curry. While some community members enjoy homegrown vegetables, meat is typically reserved for special occasions. Notably, they refrain from slaughtering their own buffaloes for meals. [12] : 111 — 112 [57] In terms of habits, they tend to avoid alcohol but have a notable fondness for cigarettes, tobacco, and betel leaf. [12] : 111 — 112
Van Gujjars follows a predominantly vegetarian diet, with dairy products playing a central role. [53] Their daily meals frequently feature yogurt, lassi, kheer, desi ghee, butter, and Paneer, all derived from milk. [12] : 111 — 112
Like Hindu Gujjars, they also neither slaughter nor sell their buffaloes for meat. [28]
Van Gujjars resides in traditional dwellings known as "Deras", which are often clustered in small groups or scattered across the forest landscape. These homes are remarkably well-maintained and clean, featuring large, thatched huts with conical roofs supported by study wooden poles. [58]
The animal shelters are separate from the living areas, featuring sturdy wooden frames that support thatched roofs and protect the livestock from wild animals at night. Some Deras have mud walls, and wealthier families may have an additional thatched huts that serves as a gathering space, furnished with numerous cots. [58]
Bead jewelery making is an important craft practiced by the Van Gujjars. The tribal handicraft centers have enabled them to create a range of products, from decorative pieces of functional items like cattle ropes and grass brooms. This show case their exceptional craftsmanship and artistic flair, where everyday objects are transformed into works of art. A total of five such handcraft centers have been established in Uttarakhand to support this initiative. [55] : 4 — 7
Examining the Van Gujjar women's tradition of bead jewellery making through a feminist lens offers a deeper understanding of their cultural practices and roles. Jewelry has a long history, and among the Van Gujjars, it makes sense that they favor lightweight and portable adornments. Van women mostly wear bead jewelery, which may have roots in pre-Islamic traditions. [55] : 6
The Van Gujjar women have masterfully woven beadwork into their traditional adornments, such as the vibrant Kaintha jewelry. This craft not only showcases their creativity and identity and also serves as a vital connection to their heritage, enriching Uttarkhand's cultural diversity. Young Van Gujjar girls, take great interest in crafting intricate Kaintha pieces, experimenting with colorful beads and patterns. The artful selection and blending of beads are essential to creating Kaintha jewelry. [55] : 8
The Van Gujjars observe all major Islamic festivals, including Eid al-Fitr, Eid al-Adha, Ramadan, Eid Milad un-Nabi, and Muharram, in line with broader Muslim traditions.
Sela Parv or the green festival is a special festival of the Van Gujjar community that they celebrate every year from July 20 to 30 in three North Indian states: Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand.In Gujjari language "Sela" means green and "parv" means feast day. Sela Parv is a festival that combines tree plantations with cultural festivities, showcasing their profound connection to nature. [59] [60]
The Van Gujjar community's population figures have not been documented in any Indian census reports yet. [45] According to CFM (City Forest Management plan) for Dehradun, the Van Gujjar population in Dehradun district of Uttarakhand, was around 3,072 in 1931, growing to approximately 5,500 by 1991. [61]
The total population of Van Gujjars in Uttarakhand state is approximately reached to 70,000. [1] [2] [3] [4]
The Social status of the Van Gujjars varies by location; In Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir they are classified as Scheduled Tribes (ST). [5] [62]
In states like Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh they are classified as Other Backward classes (OBC). [24] [5]
A non-governmental organization (NGO) highlighted that the Uttar Pradesh Government had recommended Scheduled Tribe status for the Van Gujjars in 1994. The state government's letter to the National Government of India was in response to the NGO'S advocacy efforts, which aimed to secure ST status for the Van Gujjars residing in Uttar Pradesh's forests. Despite the efforts, Van Gujjar community still awaits recognition as a Scheduled tribe. [63]
The Van Gujjar community in Uttarakhand made a demand in March 2013 for Scheduled Tribe (ST) recognition, giving the state government a one-month deadline to issue a resolution in their favor, but their demand is still not accepted by the state government. [64]
In 1979 nearly 1,393 Van Gujjar families were relocated from the Rajaji National Park to Gaindikhata about 15 years ago, yet around 1,610 families remain living inside the National Park. [31] [65]
In March 2000, over 400 Van Gujjar families had been relocated to Pathri and Gaindikhata, two rehabilitation sites located near Haridwar district, outside the Rajaji National Park. [51]
In 2012 the Uttarakhand Of Government relocated around 1,200 Van Gujjar families from the Jim Corbett and Rajaji Tiger reserves. Breaking it down, 181 families from the Jim Corbett National Park received land and other facilities as promised, while 84 families didn't get anything. Another 154 families only got land, but no other facilities. Around 157 Van families were relocated from the Sonanadi Wildlife Sanctuary. Meanwhile, 878 families from Rajaji National Park were shifted to Gaindi Khata in Uttarakhand. [66]
In 2016, around 1,400 Van Gujjar families from Rajaji National Park in Rishikesh were shifted into single-room dwellings located near the Beatles Ashram, which lies outside their traditional social and cultural environment. [67]
The economy of the Van Gujjars revolves around livestock, forest resources, and the sale of milk and dairy products. They convert most of their milk into butter and ghee due to limited market access in the high-altitude areas, selling these products to traders as they descend to the foothills. Their economy heavily relies on milk production, dairy products and providing high-quality indigenous buffalo offspring to local people in Uttarakhand. [56] : 1 — 4
The Van Gujjar community faces significant educational challenges, with nearly three-quarters (74.12%) of the population being illiterate. Only a small fraction (23.13%) have completed primary education, and the dropout rate is alarming high. The nomadic lifestyle of Van Gujjars is characterized by frequent migration between summer and winter pastures (often 50-300 km apart), making it very difficult for children to access consistent, quality education, contributing to low enrollment and high dropout rates. [26] : 1623
Various organizations worked to help and promote education in Van Gujjars. Rural Litigation & Entitlement Kendra's (RLEK) education program for the Van Gujjar community was a pioneering initiative. This program stands out due to its flexible approach, accommodating the community's migratory patterns and allowing for continuous education. As per RLEK's claim over 21,000 Van Gujjars have gained literacy skills, which have enhanced their traditional livelihoods. [68]
In 2015 to 2016 the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act enabled the establishment of Non-Residential Special Training Centers in select Van Gujjars settlements, including Kunau Chaud, to provide formal education to children of the Van community. [69]
The 1950s and 1960s marked a significant turning point for Van Gujjar politics. Rehabilitation initiatives thrust the "Gujjar question" into the national spotlight, expanding its scope beyond forest administration. As a result, Gujjar communities in Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh engaged more frequently with politicians. This new dynamic enabled them to air grievances through government channels, submitting petitions to district magistrates and higher authorities. In the mid-1970s, during a conflict in the Rupin-Supin area of U.P (now Uttarakhand), Van Gujjar leaders sought help from the Uttar Pradesh Government, knowing they would find a sympathetic audience – particularly notable was the support they received in 1994. [22] : 378
Van Gujjars are increasingly asserting their political presence, with their voting power and influence growing. Local village leaders now prioritize issues of Van Gujjars. In a recent Panchayat election in Uttar Pradesh, a Van Gujjar candidate, Abdul Kareem ran alongside 12 others in the Geneshpur Mohand village Panchayat. Van Gujjar community enthusiastically campaigned for their candidate, and although their candidate didn't win, they gained valuable experience from the election process. [70]
The Van Gujjars, who identify as Indigenous to South Asia, follow Islam and practice transhumance and semi-nomadic activities in the states of Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, and Uttarakhand. Within Uttarakhand, where this case study is located, about 70,000 Van Gujjars are spread out across various constituencies in forested landscapes.
At that time the Van Gujjars were still (at least) officially just part of a large fuzzy, ethnic group of Muslim Gujjars.
The Van Gujjars of Uttarakhand closely related to the Muslim Gujjars of H.P. (Himachal Pradesh) whom they met during the summer migration. The Gujjars of H.P. are like family to them, and the two groups have been known to intermarry.
{{cite journal}}
: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of September 2025 (link)The Van Gujjars of U.P (Uttar Pradesh) closely related to the Muslim Gujjars of H.P. (Himachal Pradesh) whom they met during the summer migration.The Gujjars of H.P. are like family to them, and the two groups have been known to intermarry.
The Van Gujjars, who are viewed by the state as encroachers on forest land, face political marginalisation due to their Muslim, nomadic identity.
Already, over the previous six decades, many Van Gujjar clans had been driven out of the jungles by government policies; today perhaps 80,000 of them live settled in villages in Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh, with little connection to their ancestral ways.
Van Gujjars are Sunni Muslims, as might be expected from their origins.
Van Gujjars have many clans such as the Kushan (Kasana), Chechi, and Lodha.
One detail that is interesting for identity formation was the symbolic importance of the embroidered cap, topi, traditionally used by Van Gujjar men.
The CFM plan seeks to circumvent the trauma of forcefull eviction that the Van Gujjars otherwise face. The book highlights the population trends in the area and points out that the Van Gujjars have been unjustifiably accused of breeding like rabbits. The Van Gujjar population has shown a marginal increase from approximately 3072 in 1931 to about 5500 at present, while the population of Dehradun district has multiplied roughly four times between 1941 and 1991.