White supremacy in the United States

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White supremacy in the United States traces to the origins of the country.

Contents

History

White men pose for a photograph of the 1920 Duluth, Minnesota lynchings. Two of the black victims are still hanging while the third is on the ground. Lynchings were often public spectacles for the white community to celebrate white supremacy in the U.S., and photos were often sold as postcards. Duluth-lynching-postcard.jpg
White men pose for a photograph of the 1920 Duluth, Minnesota lynchings. Two of the black victims are still hanging while the third is on the ground. Lynchings were often public spectacles for the white community to celebrate white supremacy in the U.S., and photos were often sold as postcards.
Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926 Ku Klux Klan parade7 crop.jpg
Ku Klux Klan parade in Washington, D.C. in 1926

Early history

White supremacy was dominant in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, and it persisted for decades after the Reconstruction Era. [2] The Virginia Slave Codes of 1705 socially segregated white colonists from black enslaved persons, making them disparate groups and hindering their ability to unite. Unity of the commoners was a perceived fear of the Virginia aristocracy, who wished to prevent repeated events such as Bacon's Rebellion, occurring 29 years prior. [3] Prior to the Civil War, many wealthy white Americans owned slaves; they tried to justify their economic exploitation of black people by creating a "scientific" theory of white superiority and black inferiority. [4] One such slave owner, future president Thomas Jefferson, wrote in 1785 that blacks were "inferior to the whites in the endowments of body and mind." [5] In the antebellum South, four million slaves were denied freedom. [6] The outbreak of the Civil War saw the desire to uphold white supremacy being cited as a cause for state secession [7] and the formation of the Confederate States of America. [8] In an 1890 editorial about Native Americans and the American Indian Wars, author L. Frank Baum wrote: "The Whites, by law of conquest, by justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians." [9]

The Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only. [10] In some parts of the United States, many people who were considered non-white were disenfranchised, barred from government office, and prevented from holding most government jobs well into the second half of the 20th century. Professor Leland T. Saito of the University of Southern California writes: "Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion." [11]

20th century

The denial of social and political freedom to minorities continued into the mid-20th century, resulting in the civil rights movement. [12] The movement was spurred by the lynching of Emmett Till, a 14-year-old boy. David Jackson writes it was the image of the "murdered child's ravaged body, that forced the world to reckon with the brutality of American racism." [13] Vann R. Newkirk II wrote "the trial of his killers became a pageant illuminating the tyranny of white supremacy." [14] Moved by the image of Till's body in the casket, one hundred days after his murder Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on a bus to a white person. [15]

Sociologist Stephen Klineberg has stated that U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965 clearly "declared that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race". [16] [a] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 opened entry to the U.S. to non-Germanic groups, and significantly altered the demographic mix in the U.S. as a result. [16] With 38 U.S. states having banned interracial marriage through anti-miscegenation laws, the last 16 states had such laws in place until 1967 when they were invalidated by the Supreme Court of the United States' decision in Loving v. Virginia . [17] These mid-century gains had a major impact on white Americans' political views; segregation and white racial superiority, which had been publicly endorsed in the 1940s, became minority views within the white community by the mid-1970s, and continued to decline in 1990s' polls to a single-digit percentage. [18] [19] For sociologist Howard Winant, these shifts marked the end of "monolithic white supremacy" in the United States. [20]

After the mid-1960s, white supremacy remained an important ideology to the American far-right. [21] According to Kathleen Belew, a historian of race and racism in the United States, white militancy shifted after the Vietnam War from supporting the existing racial order to a more radical position (self-described as "white power" or "white nationalism") committed to overthrowing the United States government and establishing a white homeland. [22] [23] Such anti-government militia organizations are one of three major strands of violent right-wing movements in the United States, with white-supremacist groups (such as the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazi organizations, and racist skinheads) and a religious fundamentalist movement (such as Christian Identity) being the other two. [24] [25] Howard Winant writes that, "On the far right the cornerstone of white identity is belief in an ineluctable, unalterable racialized difference between whites and nonwhites." [26] In the view of philosopher Jason Stanley, white supremacy in the United States is an example of the fascist politics of hierarchy, in that it "demands and implies a perpetual hierarchy" in which whites dominate and control non-whites. [27]

21st century

The presidential campaign of Donald Trump led to a surge of interest in white supremacy and white nationalism in the United States, bringing increased media attention and new members to their movement; his campaign enjoyed their widespread support. [28] [29] [30] [31]

Some academics argue that outcomes from the 2016 United States Presidential Election reflect ongoing challenges with white supremacy. [32] [33] Psychologist Janet Helms suggested that the normalizing behaviors of social institutions of education, government, and healthcare are organized around the "birthright of...the power to control society's resources and determine the rules for [those resources]". [34] Educators, literary theorists, and other political experts have raised similar questions, connecting the scapegoating of disenfranchised populations to white superiority. [35] [36]

As of 2018, there were over 600 white-supremacist organizations recorded in the U.S. [37] On July 23, 2019, Christopher A. Wray, the head of the FBI, said at a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing that the agency had made around 100 domestic terrorism arrests since October 1, 2018, and that the majority of them were connected in some way with white supremacy. Wray said that the Bureau was "aggressively pursuing [domestic terrorism] using both counterterrorism resources and criminal investigative resources and partnering closely with our state and local partners," but said that it was focused on the violence itself and not on its ideological basis. A similar number of arrests had been made for instances of international terrorism. In the past, Wray has said that white supremacy was a significant and "pervasive" threat to the U.S. [38]

On September 20, 2019, the acting Secretary of Homeland Security, Kevin McAleenan, announced his department's revised strategy for counter-terrorism, which included a new emphasis on the dangers inherent in the white-supremacy movement. McAleenan called white supremacy one of the most "potent ideologies" behind domestic terrorism-related violent acts. In a speech at the Brookings Institution, McAleenan cited a series of high-profile shooting incidents, and said "In our modern age, the continued menace of racially based violent extremism, particularly white supremacist extremism, is an abhorrent affront to the nation, the struggle and unity of its diverse population." The new strategy will include better tracking and analysis of threats, sharing information with local officials, training local law enforcement on how to deal with shooting events, discouraging the hosting of hate sites online, and encouraging counter-messages. [39] [40]

In a 2020 article in The New York Times titled "How White Women Use Themselves as Instruments of Terror", columnist Charles M. Blow wrote: [41]

We often like to make white supremacy a testosterone-fueled masculine expression, but it is just as likely to wear heels as a hood. Indeed, untold numbers of lynchings were executed because white women had claimed that a black man raped, assaulted, talked to or glanced at them. The Tulsa race massacre, the destruction of Black Wall Street, was spurred by an incident between a white female elevator operator and a black man. As the Oklahoma Historical Society points out, the most common explanation is that he stepped on her toe. As many as 300 people were killed because of it. The torture and murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till in 1955, a lynching actually, occurred because a white woman said that he "grabbed her and was menacing and sexually crude toward her". This practice, this exercise in racial extremism has been dragged into the modern era through the weaponizing of 9-1-1, often by white women, to invoke the power and force of the police who they are fully aware are hostile to black men. This was again evident when a white woman in New York's Central Park told a black man, a bird-watcher, that she was going to call the police and tell them that he was threatening her life.

Patterns of influence

Political violence

The Tuskegee Institute has estimated that 3,446 blacks were the victims of lynchings in the United States between 1882 and 1968, with the peak occurring in the 1890s at a time of economic stress in the South and increasing political suppression of blacks. If 1,297 whites were also lynched during this period, blacks were disproportionally targeted, representing 72.7% of all people lynched. [42] [43] According to scholar Amy L. Wood, "lynching photographs constructed and perpetuated white supremacist ideology by creating permanent images of a controlled white citizenry juxtaposed to images of helpless and powerless black men." [44]

School curriculum

White supremacy has also played a part in U.S. school curriculum. Over the course of the 19th, 20th, and 21st centuries, material across the spectrum of academic disciplines has been taught with a heavy emphasis on white culture, contributions, and experiences, and a lack of representation of non-white groups' perspectives and accomplishments. [45] [46] [47] [48] In the 19th century, Geography lessons contained teachings on a fixed racial hierarchy, which white people topped. [49] Mills (1994) writes that history as it is taught is really the history of white people, and it is taught in a way that favors white Americans and white people in general. He states that the language used to tell history minimizes the violent acts committed by white people over the centuries, citing the use of the words, for example, "discovery," "colonization," and "New World" when describing what was ultimately a European conquest of the Western Hemisphere and its indigenous peoples. [46] Swartz (1992) seconds this reading of modern history narratives when it comes to the experiences, resistances, and accomplishments of black Americans throughout the Middle Passage, slavery, Reconstruction, Jim Crow, and the civil rights movement. In an analysis of American history textbooks, she highlights word choices that repetitively "normalize" slavery and the inhumane treatment of black people. She also notes the frequent showcasing of white abolitionists and actual exclusion of black abolitionists and the fact that black Americans had been mobilizing for abolition for centuries before the major white American push for abolition in the 19th century. She ultimately asserts the presence of a masternarrative that centers Europe and its associated peoples (white people) in school curriculum, particularly as it pertains to history. [50] She writes that this masternarrative condenses history into only history that is relevant to, and to some extent beneficial for, white Americans. [50]

Elson (1964) provides detailed information about the historic dissemination of simplistic and negative ideas about non-white races. [46] [51] [52] Native Americans, who were subjected to attempts of cultural genocide by the U.S. government through the use of American Indian boarding schools, [51] [53] were characterized as homogenously "cruel," a violent menace toward white Americans, and lacking civilization or societal complexity (p. 74). [49] For example, in the 19th century, black Americans were consistently portrayed as lazy, immature, and intellectually and morally inferior to white Americans, and in many ways not deserving of equal participation in U.S. society. [47] [51] [49] For example, a math problem in a 19th-century textbook read, "If 5 white men can do as much work as 7 negroes..." implying that white men are more industrious and competent than black men (p. 99). [54] In addition, little to nothing was taught about black Americans' contributions, or their histories before being brought to U.S. soil as slaves. [51] [52] According to Wayne (1972), this approach was taken especially much after the Civil War to maintain whites' hegemony over emancipated black Americans. [51] Other racial groups have received oppressive treatment, including Mexican Americans, who temporarily were prevented from learning the same curriculum as white Americans because they supposedly were intellectually inferior, and Asian Americans, some of whom were prevented from learning much about their ancestral lands because they were deemed a threat to "American" culture, i.e. white culture, at the turn of the 20th century. [51]

Role of the Internet

With the emergence of Twitter in 2006, and platforms such as Stormfront , which was launched in 1996, an alt-right portal for white supremacists with similar beliefs, both adults and children, was provided in which they were given a way to connect. Jessie Daniels, of CUNY-Hunter College, discussed the emergence of other social media outlets such as 4chan and Reddit, which meant that the "spread of white nationalist symbols and ideas could be accelerated and amplified." [55] Sociologist Kathleen Blee notes that the anonymity which the Internet provides can make it difficult to track the extent of white-supremacist activity in the country, but nevertheless she and other experts [56] see an increase in the number of hate crimes and amount of white-supremacist violence. In the latest wave of white supremacy, in the age of the Internet, Blee sees the movement as having become primarily a virtual one, in which divisions between groups become blurred: "[A]ll these various groups that get jumbled together as the alt-right and people who have come in from the more traditional neo-Nazi world. We're in a very different world now." [57]

David Duke, a former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, wrote in 1999 that the Internet was going to create a "chain reaction of racial enlightenment that will shake the world." [58] Daniels documents that racist groups see the Internet as a way to spread their ideologies, influence others and gain supporters. [55] Legal scholar Richard Hasen describes a "dark side" of social media:

There certainly were hate groups before the Internet and social media. [But with social media] it just becomes easier to organize, to spread the word, for people to know where to go. It could be to raise money, or it could be to engage in attacks on social media. Some of the activity is virtual. Some of it is in a physical place. Social media has lowered the collective-action problems that individuals who might want to be in a hate group would face. You can see that there are people out there like you. That's the dark side of social media. [59]

A series on YouTube hosted by the grandson of Thomas Robb, the national director of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, "presents the Klan's ideology in a format aimed at kids — more specifically, white kids." [60] The short episodes inveigh against race-mixing, and extol other white-supremacist ideologies. A short documentary published by TRT describes Imran Garda's experience, a journalist of Indian descent, who met with Thomas Robb and a traditional KKK group. A sign that greets people who enter the town states "Diversity is a code for white genocide." The KKK group interviewed in the documentary summarizes its ideals, principles, and beliefs, which are emblematic of white supremacists in the United States. The comic book super hero Captain America was used for dog whistle politics by the alt-right in college campus recruitment in 2017, an ironic co-opting because Captain America battled against Nazis in the comics, and was created by Jewish cartoonists. [61] [62]

References

  1. ↑ "History of Lynching in America". NAACP. Archived from the original on January 3, 2023. Retrieved March 14, 2022.
  2. ↑ Fredrickson, George (1981). White Supremacy. Oxford Oxfordshire: Oxford University Press. p.  162. ISBN   978-0-19-503042-6.
  3. ↑ Fenelon, James V. (2023). INDIAN, BLACK AND IRISH: indigenous nations, african peoples, european invasions, 1492-1790. S.l.: ROUTLEDGE. ISBN   9781003315087.
  4. ↑ Boggs, James (October 1970). "Uprooting Racism and Racists in the United States". The Black Scholar. 2 (2). Paradigm Publishers: 2–5. doi:10.1080/00064246.1970.11431000. JSTOR   41202851.
  5. ↑ Paul Finkelman (November 12, 2012). "The Monster of Monticello" Archived April 9, 2022, at the Wayback Machine . The New York Times. Retrieved July 14, 2020.
  6. ↑ Harris, Paul (2012-06-16). "How the end of slavery led to starvation and death for millions of black Americans". The Guardian . Archived from the original on 2013-09-14. Retrieved 2022-01-28.
  7. ↑ A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union Archived August 11, 2011, at the Wayback Machine : "We hold as undeniable truths that the governments of the various States, and of the confederacy itself, were established exclusively by the white race, for themselves and their posterity; that the African race had no agency in their establishment; that they were rightfully held and regarded as an inferior and dependent race, and in that condition only could their existence in this country be rendered beneficial or tolerable. That in this free government all white men are and of right ought to be entitled to equal civil and political rights; that the servitude of the African race, as existing in these States, is mutually beneficial to both bond and free, and is abundantly authorized and justified by the experience of mankind, and the revealed will of the Almighty Creator, as recognized by all Christian nations; while the destruction of the existing relations between the two races, as advocated by our sectional enemies, would bring inevitable calamities upon both and desolation upon the fifteen slave-holding states."
  8. ↑ The controversial "Cornerstone Speech", Alexander H. Stephens (Vice President of the Confederate States), March 21, 1861, Savannah, Georgia Archived November 17, 2007, at the Wayback Machine : "Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery—subordination to the superior race—is his natural and normal condition."
  9. ↑ "L. Frank Baum's Editorials on the Sioux Nation". Archived from the original on December 9, 2007. Retrieved December 9, 2007. Full text of both, with commentary by professor A. Waller Hastings
  10. ↑ Schultz, Jeffrey D. (2002). Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics: African Americans and Asian Americans. Oryx Press. p. 284. ISBN   978-1-57356-148-8. Archived from the original on March 7, 2024. Retrieved March 25, 2010.
  11. ↑ Leland T. Saito (1998). "Race and Politics: Asian Americans, Latinos, and Whites in a Los Angeles Suburb". p. 154. University of Illinois Press
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  13. ↑ "How The Horrific Photograph Of Emmett Till Helped Energize The Civil Rights Movement". 100 Photographs | The Most Influential Images of All Time. Archived from the original on July 6, 2017. Retrieved 2017-08-05.
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  15. ↑ Haas, Jeffrey (2011). The Assassination of Fred Hampton. Chicago: Chicago Review Press. p. 17. ISBN   978-1-56976-709-2.
  16. 1 2 Jennifer Ludden. "1965 immigration law changed face of America". All Things Considered . NPR. Archived from the original on October 21, 2016. Retrieved April 6, 2018.
  17. ↑ Warren, Earl. Majority opinion. Loving v. Virginia. Documents of American Constitutional and Legal History, edited by Urofsky and Finkelman, Oxford UP, 2002, p. 779.
  18. ↑ Schuman, Howard; Steeh, Charlotte; Bobo, Lawrence; Krysan, Maria (1997). Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations. Harvard University Press. pp. 103ff. ISBN   978-0-674-74568-1. The questions deal with most of the major racial issues that became focal in the middle of the twentieth century: integration of public accommodations, school integration, residential integration, and job discrimination [and] racial intermarriage and willingness to vote for a black presidential candidate. ... The trends that occur for most of the principle items are quite similar and can be illustrated ...using attitudes toward school integration as an example. The figure shows that there has been a massive and continuous movement of the American public from overwhelming acceptance of the principle of segregated schooling in the early 1940s toward acceptance of the principle of integrated schooling. ... by 1985, more than nine out of ten chose the pro-integration response.
  19. ↑ Healey, Joseph F.; O'Brien, Eileen (May 8, 2007). Race, Ethnicity, and Gender: Selected Readings. Pine Forge Press. ISBN   978-1-4129-4107-5. In 1942 only 42 percent of a national sample of whites reported that they believed blacks to be equal to whites in innate intelligence; since the late 1950s, however, around 80 percent of white Americans have rejected the idea of inherent black inferiority.
  20. ↑ Winant, Howard (1997). "Behind Blue Eyes: Whiteness and Contemporary US Racial Politics". New Left Review (225): 73. ISBN   978-0-415-94964-4. Archived from the original on March 7, 2024. Retrieved October 21, 2020– via Google Books: «Off White: Readings on Power, Privilege, and Resistance». white racial attitudes shifted dramatically in the postwar period. ... So, monolithic white supremacy is over, yet in a more concealed way, white power and privilege live on.
  21. ↑ Berlet, Chip; Lyons, Matthew N. (March 8, 2018). Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort. Guilford Publications. ISBN   978-1-4625-3760-0. While the New Right and Christian Right flourished in the 1970s and 1980s, the Far Right also rebounded... The Far Right—encompassing Ku Klux Klan, neonazi, and related organizations—attracted a much smaller following than the New Right, but its influence reverberated in its encouragement of widespread attacks against members of oppressed groups and in broad-based scapegoating campaigns
  22. ↑ Belew, Kathleen (2018). Bring the war home: The white power movement and paramilitary America. ISBN   978-0-674-28607-8. The white power movement that emerged from the Vietnam era shared some common attributes with earlier racist movements in the United States, but it was no mere echo. Unlike previous iterations of the Ku Klux Klan and white-supremacist vigilantism, the white power movement did not claim to serve the state. Instead, white power made the state its target, declaring war against the federal government in 1983.
  23. ↑ Blanchfield, Patrick (June 20, 2018). "Declaration of War: The violent rise of white supremacy after Vietnam (How Did Vietnam Transform White Supremacy?)". The Nation . ISSN   0027-8378. Archived from the original on April 7, 2019. Retrieved March 12, 2024.
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  27. ↑ Stanley, Jason (2018). How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them. New York: Random House. p.13. ISBN   978-0-52551183-0
  28. ↑ "Why White-Nationalist Thugs Thrill to Trump". National Review. 2016-04-11. Archived from the original on 2018-08-24. Retrieved 2022-07-17.
  29. ↑ Smith, Candace. "The White Nationalists Who Support Donald Trump". ABC News. Archived from the original on July 17, 2022. Retrieved 2022-07-17.
  30. ↑ "How Trump Is Inspiring A New Generation Of White Nationalists". HuffPost. 2016-03-07. Archived from the original on July 17, 2022. Retrieved 2022-07-17.
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  32. ↑ Inwood, Joshua (2019). "White supremacy, white counter-revolutionary politics, and the rise of Donald Trump" . Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space. 37 (4): 579–596. doi:10.1177/2399654418789949. ISSN   2399-6544. S2CID   158269272. Archived from the original on February 25, 2021. Retrieved January 3, 2021.
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  34. ↑ Helms, Janet (2016). "An election to save White Heterosexual Male Privilege" (PDF). Latina/o Psychology Today. 3 (2): 6–7. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2017-05-14.
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  38. ↑ Chalfant, Morgan (July 23, 2019) "FBI's Wray says most domestic terrorism arrests this year involve white supremacy" Archived September 27, 2020, at the Wayback Machine The Hill
  39. ↑ Sands, Geneva (September 20, 2019) "Homeland Security counterterrorism strategy focuses on white supremacy threat" Archived September 22, 2019, at the Wayback Machine CNN
  40. ↑ Williams, Pete (September 20, 2019) "Department of Homeland Security strategy adds white supremacy to list of threats" Archived September 21, 2019, at the Wayback Machine NBC News
  41. ↑ "How White Women Use Themselves as Instruments of Terror". The New York Times. May 27, 2020. Archived from the original on May 28, 2020. Retrieved February 5, 2021.
  42. ↑ "Lynchings: By State and Race, 1882–1968". University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. Archived from the original on June 29, 2010. Retrieved July 26, 2010. Statistics provided by the Archives at Tuskegee Institute.
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  44. ↑ Wood, Amy Louise (2005). "Lynching Photography and the Visual Reproduction of White Supremacy". American Nineteenth Century History. 6 (3): 373–399. doi:10.1080/14664650500381090. ISSN   1466-4658. S2CID   144176806.
  45. ↑ Brown, M. Christopher, (2005). The Politics of Curricular Change : Race, Hegemony, and Power in Education. Land, Roderic R., 1975–. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Incorporated. ISBN   0-8204-4863-X. OCLC   1066531199.
  46. 1 2 3 Mills, Charles W. (1994). "REVISIONIST ONTOLOGIES: THEORIZING WHITE SUPREMACY". Social and Economic Studies. 43 (3): 105–134. ISSN   0037-7651.
  47. 1 2 Carter G. Woodson (Carter Godwin) (1993). The mis-education of the Negro. Internet Archive. Trenton, N.J. : AfricaWorld Press. ISBN   978-0-86543-171-3.
  48. ↑ Boutte, Gloria Swindler (2008). "Beyond the Illusion of Diversity: How Early Childhood Teachers Can Promote Social Justice". The Social Studies. 99(4): 165–173. doi : 10.3200/TSSS.99.4.165-173. ISSN   0037-7996.
  49. 1 2 3 Elson, Ruth Miller (1964). Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press.
  50. 1 2 Swartz, Ellen (1992). "Emancipatory Narratives: Rewriting the Master Script in the School Curriculum". The Journal of Negro Education. 61(3): 341–355. doi : 10.2307/2295252. ISSN   0022-2984.
  51. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Au, Wayne, 1972–. Reclaiming the multicultural roots of U.S. curriculum : communities of color and official knowledge in education. Brown, Anthony Lamar, Aramoni Calderón, Dolores, Banks, James A.,. New York. ISBN   978-0-8077-5678-2. OCLC   951742385.
  52. 1 2 Brown, Anthony L. (2010). "Counter-memory and Race: An Examination of African American Scholars' Challenges to Early Twentieth Century K-12 Historical Discourses". The Journal of Negro Education. 79 (1): 54–65. ISSN   0022-2984. JSTOR   25676109.
  53. ↑ Stout, Mary, 1954– (2012). Native American boarding schools. Santa Barbara: Greenwood. ISBN   978-0-313-38676-3. OCLC   745980477.
  54. ↑ Lander, Samuel (1863). Our Own School Arithmetic, Greensboro, N.C.: Sterling, Campbell, and Albright, in Elson, Ruth Miller (1964). Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press.
  55. 1 2 Daniel, Jessie (October 19, 2017). "Twitter and White Supremacy: A Love Story". CUNY Academic Works. Archived from the original on April 6, 2022. Retrieved December 9, 2018.
  56. ↑ The El Paso shooting isn't an anomaly. It's American history repeating itself. Why white supremacist violence is rising today — and how it echoes some of the darkest moments of our past, by Zack Beauchamp, Vox, Aug 6, 2019 Archived August 6, 2019, at the Wayback Machine .
  57. ↑ Chow, Kat (December 8, 2018) "What The Ebbs And Flows Of The KKK Can Tell Us About White Supremacy Today" Archived December 9, 2018, at the Wayback Machine NPR
  58. ↑ Beckett, Lois (2020-07-31). "Twitter bans white supremacist David Duke after 11 years". The Guardian. Archived from the original on April 19, 2022. Retrieved 2022-07-29.
  59. ↑ Diep, Francie (August 15, 2017). "How Social Media Helped Organize and Radicalize America's White Supremacists". Pacific Standard . Archived from the original on December 9, 2018. Retrieved December 9, 2018.
  60. ↑ Bennett-Smith, Meredith (July 2, 2013). "'The Andrew Show,' Hosted By Pint-Sized Andrew Pendergraft, Markets Klan's Racist Message To Kids". Huffington Post . Archived from the original on March 27, 2019. Retrieved December 9, 2018.
  61. ↑ Harrison, Berry (January 25, 2017). "Fliers For Nationalist Organization Appear at Boise State". Boise Weekly. Archived from the original on April 4, 2019. Retrieved July 18, 2019.
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  1. ↑ This quote is by Klineberg in the NPR story, not from the text of any US law.
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