Women's Protection Units | |
---|---|
Kurdish: Yekîneyên Parastina Jin (YPJ) Arabic: وحدات حماية المرأة | |
Active | April 2013–present |
Allegiance | Kurdish Supreme Committee (2013) [1] Rojava (2013–present) [2] Democratic Union Party (2013–present) |
Branch | Female service units |
Type | Light infantry (militia) |
Size | 24,000 (2017 estimate) |
Part of | Syrian Democratic Forces (since 2015) |
Motto(s) | "Know yourself, protect yourself" [3] |
Engagements | Syrian civil war |
Website | https://ypjrojava.net/ |
Commanders | |
General Commander [3] | Nesrin Abdullah |
Kobanî commander [4] | Meryem Kobanî |
Aleppo commander [5] | Sewsen Bîrhat |
Leading commander for Raqqa operations [6] [7] | Rojda Felat |
The Women's Protection Units [a] or Women's Defense Units is an all-female militia involved in the Syrian civil war. [9] The YPJ is part of the Syrian Democratic Forces, the armed forces of Rojava, and is closely affiliated with the male-led YPG. [10] While the YPJ is mainly made up of Kurds, it also includes women from other ethnic groups in Northern Syria. [11]
Women have been involved in Syrian Kurdish Resistance fighting since as early as 2011, when the mixed-sex YXG was founded, later to be renamed YPG in 2012. [12] The YPJ was founded as a strictly women's organization on 4 April 2013 [12] with the first battalion formed in Jindires [13] and later expanded its activities towards the Kobane and Jazira cantons. [14] All female fighters who were previously part of the YPG mixed units automatically became members of the YPJ. Initially, there was just one YPJ battalion in each of the three cantons of Rojava, but battalions were quickly established in every neighborhood, expanding the organization. [12]
Between 2014 and November 2016 the YPJ counted between 7,000 and 20,000 members. As of August 2017, the group was reported to have 24,000 members. [15] After the defeat of ISIL the number has decreased and according to an interview by its General Commander Newroz Ahmed given to The Guardian , is currently at 5,000. [16]
In the Syrian civil war, the YPJ and the YPG have fought against various groups in northern Syria, including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and was involved in the defense of Kobanî during the Siege of Kobanî [17] beginning in March 2014, with various Kurdish media agencies reporting that "YPJ troops have become vital in the battle". [18] In the Siege of Kobanî, prior to receiving the support of Western powers, the YPJ was forced to hold off ISIL attacks using only "vintage Russian Kalashnikovs bought on the black market, handmade grenades, and tanks they put together out of construction vehicles and pick-up trucks." [11] It was not until October 2014 that the United States began coordinating air strikes with the YPJ-YPG fighters on the ground. [11]
Additionally, the YPG, YPJ and the PKK were involved in an August 2014 military operation at Mount Sinjar, where up to as many as 10,000 Yazidis were rescued from genocide at the hands of ISIL. [19] [11] [20] ISIL had taken control of most areas around Mount Sinjar after pushing out the Peshmerga. [21] Because ISIL views the Yazidis as "a community of devil worshipers," [22] those formerly inhabiting the town of Sinjar were forced to flee into the mountains. This left many Yazidis, including children and the elderly, without food, shelter, or resources. [22] Those still in the town were either massacred by ISIL or forced into sexual slavery. [23]
Along with the help of US air strikes, the attacking force was able to create a 30 kilometres (19 mi) safe zone for the Yazidi refugees to escape ISIL capture. The refugees were then moved into Northern Syria, with most later departing for safer areas of Iraqi Kurdistan. [24]
YPJ continues to fight alongside YPG as part of the multi-ethnic Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). [11] The YPJ was involved in battles such as the SDF offensive against the major IS strongholds in Tabqa and Raqqa, serving as the main proxy [25] force (along with the YPG) for the United States. [26] During Operation Olive Branch, the Turkish offensive against Afrin Canton, YPJ units were again heavily involved in the fighting. [27] Guerrilla warfare tactics were among the tactics used against Turkey and their Syrian rebel allies.
During the 2019 Turkish offensive into north-eastern Syria, Turkish-backed Free Syrian Army fighters trampled and mutilated the body of what appeared to be a YPJ fighter they killed in the countryside near Kobanî. [28]
The YPJ is politically aligned to the PYD, which bases its philosophy on the writings of Abdullah Öcalan, [29] the leading ideologue in the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), who is imprisoned by Turkey. Central to YPJ ideology is the PYD's ideological concept of "Jineology". [30]
Dating back to the early 1990s, Öcalan had been advocating that a ‘basic responsibility’ of the Kurdish movement was to liberate women. He stated that gender equality and women's liberation is necessary for Kurdish liberation. The PKK established its first all-female units of guerrillas in 1995, stating that in order to “break down gender roles solidified by centuries, women had to be on their own.” [30] The YPJ adheres to the same strand of feminist ideology. Having joined the YPJ, women must spend at least a month practicing military tactics and studying the political theories of Öcalan, including Jineology. In any communal decision, regarding the YPJ/YPG or otherwise, it is required that no less than 40% of women participate. [31]
The group has been praised by feminists for confronting traditional gender expectations and redefining the role of women in conflict in the region. [32] [33] YPJ militants often enter the militia over hardships endured in the family, like lost relatives caused by attacks or fighting. [33] They play a role in changing the Islamic thinking and societal traditions by taking arms. These women say they are changing their community and society by doing so. [34] The YPJ has attracted international attention as an example of significant achievement for women in a region in which women are systematically disadvantaged. [35] [36] [37] [38] [39]
Another all-female force in northern Syria is the Bethnahrain Women's Protection Forces, which was formed as an Assyrian all-female brigade of the Syriac Military Council, seemingly inspired by the example of the YPJ. The Al-Bab Military Council, Kurdish Front and Liwa Thuwar al-Raqqa have also established their own female units. [40] [41]
Abdullah Öcalan's ideas surrounding women's rights have been integral to the founding of the YPJ. Öcalan argued that “the struggle for women's freedom must be waged through the establishment of their own political parties, attaining a popular women's movement, building their own nongovernmental organizations and structures of democratic politics.” [42] Öcalan developed this idea in 1996 when he published his theory of separation, which asserts that "if it is held that revolution cannot be made for the people, but rather by the people, then it must be held that revolution cannot merely be made for women but by women.” [43] The YPJ makes women an integral part of the governmental structure of Rojava as well as giving women an independent military unit which aligns with the theory of separation. As such the YPJ is an example of the manifestation of Kurdish political ideology particularly regarding women's role in nation building.
The YPJ (Women's Defense Units) recruits primarily single women for active combat roles. Married women with children are often assigned to non-combat roles in public relations, administration, and recruitment. [44] Although the bulk of YPJ fighters are Kurdish women, Kurdish forces in Syria declared in 2017 that they will establish a battalion and training facility for Arab women to join the battle against the Islamic State group [IS]. [45] YPJ is a volunteer army, and there is no compulsory recruitment. Some impoverished families receive financial compensation for their daughters' service. Women are allowed five days off per month to visit their families, but not all choose to do so, especially if their families discourage their return to the front lines. In contrast to men, who can go home every ten days, the rules for women's visits are more flexible, as YPJ makes its own decisions based on their unique perspectives and priorities. [46] This reflects a distinct approach from Western feminism, as the women in YPJ have experienced a more direct and tangible form of oppression compared to many in the West, where oppression can be subtler, leading some to deny its existence. [44]
On March 16, 2018, Anna Campbell became the first British woman to die while fighting as a part of the YPJ. Campbell had left her home in Lewes, East Sussex to go to Rojava and join the YPJ. She was killed in the city of Afrin during a YPJ confrontation with Turkish military forces. [47] Since her enlistment, a number of other British women, such as Rûken Renas, have also signed up to fight with the YPJ. [48]
Hanna Bohman is another YPJ fighter hailing from the western hemisphere, in her case Canada. After nearly dying in a motorcycle incident, Bohman decided to leave her home in Vancouver, Canada to join the YPJ in February 2014. [49]
Additionally, Arab and Yazidi women that the YPJ liberated from ISIS have also begun fighting against their former oppressors. [50] The YPJ has set up institutions where these women are trained both militarily, as well as in fields such as feminist history and philosophy. [51] The Yazidi population has since created its own self defense force, the Sinjar Resistance Units (YBŞ). [52]
The YPJ relies on local communities for supplies and food. [32] The YPJ (along with the YPG) received 27 bundles totaling 24 tons of small arms and ammunition as well as 10 tons of medical supplies from the United States and the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraqi Kurdistan during the Siege of Kobanî. [53]
In 2020, the United Nations reported that the YPG/YPJ had the most child soldier recruits of any faction in the Syrian civil war, with 283 child soldiers followed by Tahrir al-Sham with 245 child soldiers. [54] This comes despite a 2014 agreement made with the human rights group Geneva Call promising an end to recruitment of soldiers under the age of 18. [55] [56] [57] Since the agreement, the YPJ has actually recruited more children into their ranks. [58] Often the YPJ is seen as an opportunity to either escape forced marriage or difficult domestic situations. In the academies they receive education but are not involved in military activities. [14]
The Sinjar Resistance Units is a Yazidi militia formed in Iraq. It was formed in 2007 to protect Yazidis in the wake of the Qahtaniyah bombings. It is the second largest Yazidi militia, after the pro-KRG Êzîdxan Protection Force (HPÊ). However, it is much more active than the HPÊ in fighting against the Islamic State.
The Democratic Union Party is a Kurdish left-wing political party established on 20 September 2003 in northern Syria. It is a founding member of the National Coordination Body for Democratic Change. It is the leading political party among Syrian Kurds. The PYD was established as a Syrian branch of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in 2003, and both organizations are still closely affiliated through the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK).
The People's Defense Units (YPG), also called People's Protection Units, is a socialist US-backed Kurdish militant group in Syria and the primary component of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).
The Syriac Military Council is an Assyrian military organisation in Syria, part of the Syrian Democratic Forces. The establishment of the organisation was announced on 8 January 2013. According to the Syriac Military Council, the goal of the organisation is to stand up for the national rights of and to protect Assyrians in Syria. It operates mostly in the densely populated Assyrian areas of Al-Hasakah Governorate, and is affiliated to the Syriac Union Party.
The Rojava–Islamist conflict, a major theater in the Syrian civil war, started after fighting erupted between the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) and Islamist rebel factions in the city of Ras al-Ayn. Kurdish forces launched a campaign in an attempt to take control of the Islamist-controlled areas in the governorate of al-Hasakah and some parts of Raqqa and Aleppo governorates after al-Qaeda in Syria used those areas to attack the YPG. The Kurdish groups and their allies' goal was also to capture Kurdish areas from the Arab Islamist rebels and strengthen the autonomy of the region of Rojava. The Syrian Democratic Forces would go on to take substantial territory from Islamist groups, in particular the Islamic State (IS), provoking Turkish involvement in the Syrian Civil War.
The Sinjar massacre marked the beginning of the genocide of Yazidis by ISIL, the killing and abduction of thousands of Yazidi men, women and children. It took place in August 2014 in Sinjar city and Sinjar District in Iraq's Nineveh Governorate and was perpetrated by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). The massacre began with ISIL attacking and capturing Sinjar and neighboring towns on 3 August, during its Northern Iraq offensive.
Euphrates Region, formerly Kobanî Canton, is the central of three original regions of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, comprising Ayn al-Arab District of the Aleppo Governorate, Tell Abyad District of the Raqqa Governorate, and the westernmost tip of the Ras al-Ayn Subdistrict of the Ras al-Ayn District of Al-Hasakah Governorate. Euphrates Region unilaterally declared autonomy in January 2014 and since de facto is under direct democratic government in line with the polyethnic Constitution of Rojava.
The Sinjar offensive was a combination of operations of Kurdish Peshmerga, PKK and People's Protection Units forces in December 2014, to recapture regions formerly lost to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in their August offensive.
The foreign relations of Rojava are the external relations of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). The AANES, consisting of three regions, was formed in early 2014 in the context of the Syrian Civil War, a conflict that has caused the involvement of many different countries and international organizations in the area.
The Battle of Sarrin refers to a military operation during 2015 in the northeastern Aleppo Governorate, during the Syrian Civil War, conducted by Kurdish YPG and allied forces against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant in the town of Sarrin, in an effort to capture the town and the surrounding region.
The Kobanî massacre was a combination of suicide missions and attacks on Kurdish civilians by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant on the Kurdish-majority city of Kobanî, beginning on Thursday, 25 June 2015, and culminating on Friday, 26 June 2015. The attacks continued into 28 June 2015, with the last remaining ISIL militant being killed on the following day. The attacks resulted in 223–233 civilians dead, as well as 35–37 Kurdish militiamen and at least 79 ISIL assailants. It was the second-largest massacre committed by ISIL since it declared a caliphate in June 2014.
The Rojava conflict, also known as the Rojava Revolution, is a political upheaval and military conflict taking place in northern Syria, known among Kurds as Western Kurdistan or Rojava.
The November Sinjar offensive was a combination of operations of Kurdish Peshmerga, PKK, and Yezidi Kurd militias in November 2015, to recapture the city of Sinjar from the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. It resulted in a decisive victory for the Kurdish forces, who expelled the ISIL militants from Sinjar and regained control of Highway 47, which until then had served as the major supply route between the ISIL strongholds of Raqqa and Mosul.
The Êzîdxan Women's Units is a Yazidi all-women militia formed in Iraq in 2015 to protect the Yazidi community in the wake of attacks by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and other Islamist groups that view Yazidis as pagan infidels.
The Ezidkhan Command for Liberating Sinjar, known as the Sinjar Alliance, is a joint command of two–initially three–Yazidi militias, the Sinjar Resistance Units (YBŞ), and the Êzîdxan Women's Units (YJÊ). Both of the remaining two militias are supported by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).
Narin Afrin is the nom de guerre of Meysa Abdo, a leader of the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG), Women's Protection Units (YPJ), and Kobane resistance, notably during the 2014–2015 Siege of Kobanî.
Jineology is a form of feminism and of gender equality advocated by Abdullah Öcalan, the representative leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the broader Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK) umbrella. From the background of honor-based religious and tribal rules that confine women in Middle East societies, Öcalan said that "a country can't be free unless the women are free", and that the level of women's freedom determines the level of freedom in society at large.
Rojda Felat is a Syrian Kurdish senior commander of the Women's Protection Units (YPJ) and Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), who has fought in the Rojava conflict since it began in 2012, and has led several major campaigns against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). A revolutionary feminist, Felat's stated goal is to achieve social transformation in the Middle East through the YPJ, "liberating the Kurdish woman and the Syrian woman in general from the ties and control of traditional society, as well as liberating the entirety of Syria from terrorism and tyranny".
The Anti-Terror Units are the special forces of the Syrian Democratic Forces, consisting of the best trained and equipped members of the People's Protection Units (YPG) and Women's Protection Units (YPJ). They were led by the Syrian Kurdish commander Ali Boutan until his death in 2016, then by Shervan Kobani until his death in 2023. YAT is trained by United States special operations forces and the CIA.
The Peshmerga Roj, also known as Rojava Peshmerga, are the military wing of the Kurdish National Council and KRG in Syria. They are pro-KDP and take orders from President Barzani of Iraqi Kurdistan.