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Turnout | 82.24% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Election by states, shaded accounding to vote share | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies 257 seats needed for a majority | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below. |
This article is part of a series on the |
General elections were held in Brazil on October 3, 1994, the second to take place under the provisions of the 1988 constitution and the second direct presidential election since 1960.
Elected in 1989, President Fernando Collor of the centre-right National Reconstruction Party (PRN) had resigned in the face of an impeachment trial, resulting in Vice President Itamar Franco succeeding him. [1] Facing a fiscal crisis Franco's government launched the Plano Real ("Real Plan") to stabilize the national economy. With Franco barred from running for a full term, the architect of the Real Plan, Minister of Finance Fernando Henrique Cardoso, [2] [3] was chosen by the PSDB to serve as their presidential candidate in Franco's absence. For the position of Vice President, Cardoso selected former presidential Chief of Staff Marco Maciel of the Liberal Front Party (PFL). [4]
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a former labor leader and federal deputy for São Paulo who had narrowly lost the 1989 presidential election, resigned as president of the Workers' Party (PT) to mount a second presidential candidacy. [5] Lula intended to make José Paulo Bisol of the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB) his running mate as he had in 1989. [6] Bisol was replaced by Lula ally and fellow PT member Aloizio Mercadante on the ticket. [7] [8] In the spring of 1994, Lula appeared an overwhelming favorite over Cardoso, leading with 40% to Cardoso's 12% in an April poll, and by a 41% to 17% margin as of May. [9] The Real Plan proved popular among Lula's own voters, with 70% of Lula supporters indicating their support for the Franco Administration's signature policy, and Lula was damaged by his opposition to the program. [9] [10]
On election day, Cardoso received 54 percent of the vote, negating the need for a second round. He defeated Lula by over 27 points, still a record margin for a presidential election held under democratic conditions. Cardoso notably won every state in the northeast, a region which would later emerge as the PT's political base. [11] The relative success of far-right candidate Enéas Carneiro, a cardiologist who had never won office before and ran as a member of the Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order (PRONA), was also noted; Carneiro received over 7% of the vote, placing him ahead of many established politicians. [12] Carneiro's vote share was the highest received by a far-right presidential candidate until Jair Bolsonaro's victory in 2018.
In 1989, Brazil held its first direct presidential election since 1960 following the end of the military dictatorship in Brazil. Fernando Collor, a young, charismatic leader who had previous served as Governor of Alagoas, won a hotly contested election versus Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva after positioning himself as a political outsider. [13] [14] Just over two years into his presidency, Collor was faced with allegations of corruption by his brother Pedro Collor, and chose to resign in late 1992 rather than face certain conviction and removal in an impeachment trial. [15] [16]
Following his resignation, Vice President Itamar Franco succeeded him in the office. [1] Once in office, Franco switched from the National Reconstruction Party (PRN) to the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). [17] Facing a hyperinflation crisis and popular discontent, Franco's government pushed a fiscal policy known as the Plano Real (Real Plan) to stabilize the economy. [18] Minister of Finance Fernando Henrique Cardoso, an experienced politician who had previously served as Senator from São Paulo and as Franco's Minister of Foreign Affairs, served as the architect of the plan. [19]
Franco was barred from running for a full term in 1994. In Brazil, whenever a vice president serves part of a president's term, even when the president travels abroad, it counts as a full term. At the time, the Constitution did not allow a president to run for immediate reelection. In the absence of Franco, Cardoso would be chosen by the PSDB (a party born from inside the PMDB) as their nominee for President of Brazil in the 1994 election.
As he had in 1989, Lula intended for Senator José Paulo Bisol of Rio Grande do Sul, a member of the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB), to serve as his vice presidential running mate. A former judge, Bisol had a strong reputation as an opponent of corruption, [20] playing a key role in the investigation that ultimately led to President Fernando Collor de Mello's resignation. Additionally, his membership of a party that played a crucial role in the centre-left coalition made his selection attractive to Lula. [21] Bisol's image as a "Mr. Clean" was harmed during campaign season by revelations of wrongdoing as a judge in 1981. [22]
The saga proved damaging to Lula's campaign, and as a result the leadership of the PT looked for a replacement for Bisol on the ticket. Arguing that Bisol should be replaced on the ticket by a fellow member of the PSB, PSB president Miguel Arraes pushed for the selection of Célio de Castro, then serving as Vice Mayor of Belo Horizonte, to replace Bisol as Lula's running mate. [23] Key power-players in the PT, such as party president Rui Falcão, successfully convinced Lula to replace Bisol with Aloizio Mercadante. A co-founder of the PT, Mercadante was then serving as a federal deputy for São Paulo. [24] Mercadante's background as a career economist during a hyperinflation crisis was seen as a plus for PT party leadership. [25]
In the 1989 presidential election, the right-wing nationalist campaign of Enéas Carneiro received attention for Carneiro's exotic image. A short, bald man with a long beard and distinct "coke-bottle" glasses, [26] Carneiro's unusual appearance and signature catchphrase Meu nome é Enéas ("My name is Enéas") gained the cardiologist a following. [27] Nonetheless, Carneiro, who ran as a member of the Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order (PRONA), came 12th in a field of 21 candidates.
In 1994, Carneiro mounted a second bid for the presidency. The entrance of federal deputy Regina Gordilho of Rio de Janeiro, who had been elected as a member of the centre-left Democratic Labour Party, allowed his campaign to receive more guaranteed election time. [28] For the position of Vice President, Carneiro chose Rear Admiral [29] Roberto Gama e Silva to serve as his running mate.
Considered a nationalist and accused by opponents of being a member of the far-right, [30] Carneiro's unexpected third-place finish with over 7% of the national vote was considered a shocking result. [31] Carneiro, who had never been elected to office, received a larger share of the vote than longtime staple of the Brazilian Left Leonel Brizola, who had been a top candidate for the presidency four years prior. [32]
Party | Candidate | Most relevant political office or occupation | Party | Running mate | Coalition | Electoral number | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Liberal Party (PL) | Flávio Rocha | Member of the Chamber of Deputies from Rio Grande do Norte (1987–1995) | Liberal Party (PL) | Jadihel Lohedo Júnior | — | 22 | ||
Labour Party of Brazil (PTdoB) | Caetano Matanó Júnior. | Labour Party of Brazil (PTdoB) | Rafael Francisco | — | 70 |
Candidate | Running mate | Party | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Fernando Henrique Cardoso | Marco Maciel (PFL) | Brazilian Social Democracy Party | 34,364,961 | 54.28 | |
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva | Aloizio Mercadante | Workers' Party | 17,122,127 | 27.04 | |
Enéas Carneiro | Roberto Gama | Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order | 4,671,457 | 7.38 | |
Orestes Quércia | Iris de Araújo | Brazilian Democratic Movement Party | 2,772,121 | 4.38 | |
Leonel Brizola | Darcy Ribeiro | Democratic Labour Party | 2,015,836 | 3.18 | |
Esperidião Amin | Gardênia Gonçalves | Reform Progressive Party | 1,739,894 | 2.75 | |
Carlos Antônio Gomes | Dilton Carlos Salomoni | National Reconstruction Party | 387,738 | 0.61 | |
Hernani Fortuna | Vitor Nósseis | Social Christian Party | 238,197 | 0.38 | |
Total | 63,312,331 | 100.00 | |||
Valid votes | 63,312,331 | 81.22 | |||
Invalid/blank votes | 14,636,133 | 18.78 | |||
Total votes | 77,948,464 | 100.00 | |||
Registered voters/turnout | 94,782,803 | 82.24 | |||
Source: TSE |
Party | Votes | % | Seats | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Brazilian Social Democracy Party | 15,652,182 | 16.34 | 9 | |
Brazilian Democratic Movement Party | 14,870,466 | 15.52 | 14 | |
Workers' Party | 13,350,294 | 13.93 | 4 | |
Liberal Front Party | 13,014,066 | 13.58 | 11 | |
Democratic Labour Party | 7,299,932 | 7.62 | 4 | |
Liberal Party | 7,138,405 | 7.45 | 1 | |
Reform Progressive Party | 4,473,291 | 4.67 | 2 | |
Progressive Party | 4,208,013 | 4.39 | 4 | |
Brazilian Labour Party | 4,015,701 | 4.19 | 3 | |
Popular Socialist Party | 2,447,931 | 2.55 | 1 | |
Brazilian Socialist Party | 2,336,549 | 2.44 | 1 | |
National Reconstruction Party | 1,628,491 | 1.70 | 0 | |
Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order | 1,150,157 | 1.20 | 0 | |
Social Christian Party | 963,615 | 1.01 | 0 | |
Communist Party of Brazil | 751,428 | 0.78 | 0 | |
Social Democratic Party | 737,939 | 0.77 | 0 | |
United Socialist Workers' Party | 674,856 | 0.70 | 0 | |
Progressive Republican Party | 613,761 | 0.64 | 0 | |
Party of National Mobilization | 486,430 | 0.51 | 0 | |
Total | 95,813,507 | 100.00 | 54 | |
Total votes | 77,949,111 | – | ||
Registered voters/turnout | 94,743,043 | 82.27 | ||
Source: Nohlen |
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