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All 135 seats in the Parliament of Catalonia 68 seats needed for a majority | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Registered | 5,293,657 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Turnout | 3,133,926 (59.2%) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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A regional election was held in Catalonia on Sunday, 17 October 1999, to elect the 6th Parliament of the autonomous community. All 135 seats in the Parliament were up for election.
Against the backdrop of Jordi Pujol's 19 year-tenure as Catalan president and the confidence and supply agreements of his Convergence and Union (CiU) party—the Majestic Pact—with the People's Party (PP), the announcement in June 1998 by former Barcelona mayor Pasqual Maragall to stand as the presidential candidate of the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) turned the regional election into the most competitive since 1980. Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) had suffered the split in 1996 of its former leader Àngel Colom's Party for Independence (PI), which was ultimately disbanded in 1999 over its lacklustre results in the 1999 local elections. [1] Initiative for Catalonia–Greens (IC–V) saw the splitting of both the Party of the Communists of Catalonia (PCC) in 1997—which, together with some elements of the late Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC) coalesced into the new United and Alternative Left (EUiA) party—and the The Greens–Ecologist Confederation of Catalonia (EV–CEC) in 1998.
Running under a broad platform that included progressive independents (Citizens for Change) and an electoral alliance with IC–V in the three smaller constituencies—Girona, Lleida and Tarragona—Maragall's PSC scored its first popular vote win in a Catalan regional election up to that point, as well as the party's best result to date. Pujol's CiU retained first place in terms of seats by a razor-thin margin and, together with the PP, was able to secure a narrow majority of 68 seats out of 135. All three smaller parties (the PP, ERC and IC–V) lost votes and seats due to the race's bipolarisation around Pujol and Maragall, whereas the United Left (IU)-supported EUiA failed to secure any parliamentary representation. The election resulted in Pujol being re-elected for a sixth (and last) term in office.
The 1995 election had resulted in an insufficient victory for the ruling Convergence and Union (CiU) of Jordi Pujol, which for the first time since 1980 failed to secure an absolute majority in the regional parliament. [2] [3] Pujol was able to get re-elected as Catalan president for a fifth term in office, [4] but his minority position forced him to secure confidence and supply from the People's Party (PP) in exchange of CiU's support to the newly-formed national government of Prime Minister José María Aznar as a result of the 1996 Spanish general election, [5] [6] in what came to be known as the Majestic Pact. [7] [8]
The CiU–PP alliance and Pujol's decision to provide support to Aznar's government proved uneasy due to previous animosity between the two parties, [9] [10] with the issue of their relationship and mutual concessions dominating this period. [11] Both parties frequently clashed over policy and the degree of fulfillment of their signed commitments, [12] [13] [14] but mutual interest—with the stability of the Spanish government also dependant on continued support from CiU in the Cortes Generales —helped ensure that the legislative term reached its end. [15] Divergences on economic policy saw Pujol demanding more investments from the General State Budget for Catalonia, [16] [17] as well as pushing for greater devolution and a "fiscal pact" for Catalonia similar to the Basque Economic Agreement. [18] The Majestic Pact provided for a large transfer of powers, [19] [20] [21] including on fiscal management (such as taxes on personal income, wealth, property transfers, documented legal acts, inheritance, gifts and gambling), [22] [23] but differences over the degree of devolution to be awarded and the fiscal policy of Aznar's government resulted in frequent clashes. [24] [25] [26] This period also saw Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC) opting for a strategy of greater prominence and differentiation from its larger partner, Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC), [27] [28] with their relationship becoming strained at times, [29] [30] [31] occasionally jeopardizing the maintenance of the CiU alliance. [32] [33] [34]
Negotiations for a regional law regulating the use of the Catalan language became one of the main issues throughout 1997, with a proposal to make the use of the language mandatory in commercial relations and the possibility of enforcing sanctions causing political divisions, first between CDC and UDC (with the latter pushing for a less restrictive approach), [35] [36] then with other parties in the regional parliament such as Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC)—which argued for the mandatory use of Catalan in daily interactions—and Initiative for Catalonia (IC), [37] [38] and finally between Pujol's and Aznar's governments (with the PP advocating for the abolition of Catalonia's language immersion policy and the establishment of a dual school system based on the students' mother tongue). [39] [40] [41] The law was finally approved through an agreement between CiU and the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) that lifted the proposed sanctioning scheme, [42] but the political controversy dragged on into 1998, [43] [44] particularly regarding the law's regulatory development, [45] [46] and the dubbing of films into Catalan. [47]
In the opposition, the announcement in November 1996 by the mayor of Barcelona, Pasqual Maragall, that he would be stepping down from his post within ten months, fueled speculation about a posible run as PSC candidate in the next regional election, [48] [49] [50] with his personal popularity being perceived as rivaling that of Pujol. [51] After several months dedicated to university lecturing in Rome and New York City, [52] [53] and with his party's acclaim, [54] [55] [56] Maragall confirmed on 26 June 1998 that he would contest the regional presidency. [57] [58]
Under the 1979 Statute of Autonomy, the Parliament of Catalonia was the unicameral legislature of the homonymous autonomous community, having legislative power in devolved matters, as well as the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a regional president. [59] As a result of no regional electoral law having been approved since the re-establishment of Catalan autonomy, the electoral procedure came regulated under transitory provisions, supplemented by the provisions within the national electoral law. [60]
Voting for the Parliament was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over 18 years of age, registered in Catalonia and in full enjoyment of their political rights, provided that they were not sentenced—by a final court ruling—to deprivation of the right to vote. [60] [61] [62]
The Parliament of Catalonia was entitled to 135 seats. All members were elected in four multi-member constituencies—corresponding to the provinces of Barcelona, Girona, Lleida and Tarragona, with each being allocated a fixed number of seats—using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional voting system, with a threshold of three percent of valid votes (which included blank ballots) being applied in each constituency. [60] [61] [63] The use of the electoral method resulted in a higher effective threshold based on the district magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies. [64]
As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Parliament constituency was entitled the following seats: [60] [65]
| Seats | Constituencies |
|---|---|
| 85 | Barcelona |
| 18 | Tarragona |
| 17 | Girona |
| 15 | Lleida |
The law did not provide for by-elections to fill vacated seats; instead, any vacancies that occurred after the proclamation of candidates and into the legislative term were to be covered by the successive candidates in the list and, when required, by the designated substitutes. [66]
The term of the Parliament of Catalonia expired four years after the date of its previous election, unless it was dissolved earlier. The election decree was required to be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in the Official Journal of the Government of Catalonia (DOGC), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication. [60] [61] [67] The previous election was held on 19 November 1995, which meant that the legislature's term would have expired on 19 November 1999. The election decree was required to be published in the DOGC no later than 26 October 1999, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible date for election day on Sunday, 19 December 1999.
The regional president had the prerogative to dissolve the Parliament of Catalonia and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since a previous one under this procedure. [68] In the event of an investiture process failing to elect a regional president within a two-month period from the first ballot, the Parliament was to be automatically dissolved and a fresh election called. [69] [70]
As early as April 1997, Pujol warned that he could call a snap election if the Catalan and Spanish political situation—then dependant on CiU's alliance with the PP—"forced him to do so". [71] Throughout 1997 and 1998, speculation arose on Pujol's alleged intention to trigger an early election for the spring of 1999, [72] [73] [74] initially to prevent it from being sandwiched between the June 1999 local elections and the general election scheduled for March 2000, [75] [76] then in an attempt to thwart a consolidation of Pasqual Maragall's candidacy. [77] Some CiU sectors dissatisfied with the agreements with the PP also pushed for an immediate early election throughout 1998. [78] [79] Ultimately, Pujol chose to maintain the election for the autumn of 1999 over divergences between the two component parties in the CiU alliance—CDC and UDC—and owing to the belief that a late election could allow for a weakening of Maragall's electoral impact, [80] [81] and following a reassuring from José María Aznar (then prime minister of Spain) that the 2000 general election would not be advanced to be held concurrently with the Catalan election. [82] Further speculation on the specific election date (with 17 and 24 October 1999 being commented as the most likely) ended when Pujol confirmed in August 1999 that he would call it for 17 October. [83] [84] [85]
The Parliament of Catalonia was officially dissolved on 24 August 1999 with the publication of the dissolution decree in the DOGC, setting election day for 17 October. [65] [86]
The table below shows the composition of the parliamentary groups in the chamber at the time of dissolution. [87] [88] [89] [90]
| Groups | Parties | Legislators | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Seats | Total | ||||
| Convergence and Union's Parliamentary Group | CDC | 46 | 60 | ||
| UDC | 14 | ||||
| Socialist Group in the Parliament of Catalonia | PSC | 33 | 33 | ||
| People's Parliamentary Group | PP | 17 | 17 | ||
| Republican Left of Catalonia's Parliamentary Group | ERC | 9 | 9 | ||
| Initiative for Catalonia–The Greens's Parliamentary Group | IC–V | 9 | 9 | ||
| Mixed Group | PI | 4 [c] | 7 | ||
| PCC | 1 | ||||
| EV–CEC | 1 | ||||
| CSP | 1 [d] | ||||
The electoral law allowed for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, alliances and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form an alliance ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant electoral commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates. [95]
Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which contested the election:
| Candidacy | Parties and alliances | Leading candidate | Ideology | Previous result | Gov. | Ref. | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Vote % | Seats | ||||||||
| CiU | List | | Jordi Pujol | Catalan nationalism Centrism | 40.9% | 60 | [96] [97] [98] [99] | ||
| PSC–CpC | List
| | Pasqual Maragall | Social democracy | 26.1% | 35 | [58] [100] [101] [102] | ||
| PP | List
| | Alberto Fernández Díaz | Conservatism Christian democracy | 13.1% | 17 | [103] [104] | ||
| ERC | List | | Josep-Lluís Carod-Rovira | Catalan independence Left-wing nationalism Social democracy | 9.5% | 13 | [105] | ||
| IC–V | List | | Rafael Ribó | Regionalism Eco-socialism Green politics | 8.5% [f] | 10 | [106] [107] [108] [109] | ||
| EUiA | List
| | Antoni Lucchetti | Socialism Communism | [110] [111] [112] | ||||
| EV–CEC | List | | Elisenda Forés | Ecologism | [113] [114] [115] | ||||
| Party or alliance | Original slogan | English translation | Ref. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| CiU | « Catalunya, primer » « A Catalunya, primer les persones » | "Catalonia, first" "In Catalonia, first the people" | [116] [117] [118] | |
| PSC–CpC | « Canviar és guanyar » | "To change is to win" | [119] [120] | |
| PP | « Decisius per Catalunya » | "Decisive for Catalonia" | [121] [122] | |
| ERC | « Aire fresc » | "Fresh air" | [123] [124] | |
| IC–V | « Planta cara a la dreta » | "Stand up to the right" | [123] [125] | |
| EUiA | « Ara! Catalunya d'esquerres » | "Now! Left-wing Catalonia" | [123] | |
| Date | Organisers | Moderator(s) | P Present [g] S Surrogate [h] NI Not invited I Invited A Absent invitee | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| CiU | PSC | PP | IC–V | ERC | EUiA | EV–CEC | Audience | Ref. | |||
| 1 October | CCMA | P Pujol | P Maragall | P F. Díaz | P Ribó | P Carod | P Lucchetti | P Forés | [126] | ||
The tables below list opinion polling results in reverse chronological order, showing the most recent first and using the dates when the survey fieldwork was done, as opposed to the date of publication. Where the fieldwork dates are unknown, the date of publication is given instead. The highest percentage figure in each polling survey is displayed with its background shaded in the leading party's colour. If a tie ensues, this is applied to the figures with the highest percentages. The "Lead" column on the right shows the percentage-point difference between the parties with the highest percentages in a poll.
The table below lists weighted voting intention estimates. Refusals are generally excluded from the party vote percentages, while question wording and the treatment of "don't know" responses and those not intending to vote may vary between polling organisations. When available, seat projections determined by the polling organisations are displayed below (or in place of) the percentages in a smaller font; 68 seats were required for an absolute majority in the Parliament of Catalonia.
Exit poll
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | Turnout | | | | | | PI | | Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1999 regional election | 17 Oct 1999 | — | 59.2 | 37.7 56 | 37.9 52 | 9.5 12 | 2.5 3 | 8.7 12 | – | 1.4 0 | 0.2 |
| Eco Consulting/CCRTV [p 1] | 17 Oct 1999 | ? | ? | 37.4 55/57 | 36.7 50/52 | 9.6 12/14 | 3.2 3/4 | 8.5 11/13 | – | – | 0.7 |
| Opitel/Tele 5 [p 1] | 17 Oct 1999 | ? | ? | 40.0 57/58 | 37.5 50/52 | 9.0 11/12 | 4.5 4 | 7.0 10/12 | – | – | 2.5 |
| Sigma Dos/Antena 3 [p 1] | 17 Oct 1999 | ? | ? | 37.7 55/59 | 36.5 49/51 | 10.0 13 | 3.2 3 | 9.1 11/13 | – | 1.7 0 | 1.2 |
| DYM/El Periódico [p 1] [p 2] | 10 Oct 1999 | 3,643 | ? | 40.5 57/63 | 30.3 40/46 | 11.3 14/15 | 5.6 5/6 | 9.7 12/15 | – | 2.0 0 | 10.2 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC [p 3] | 2–7 Oct 1999 | 2,400 | ? | 37.2 53/55 | 32.9 45/47 | 12.1 15/16 | 6.7 7/8 | 8.9 12/13 | – | – | 4.3 |
| Sigma Dos/El Mundo [p 1] | 5–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | ? | 40.4 58/62 | 35.7 48/50 | 10.2 12/14 | 2.6 3 | 7.7 10 | – | 1.5 0 | 4.7 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC [p 4] | 5–6 Oct 1999 | 800 | ? | 36.5 52/55 | 32.7 45/47 | 12.4 15/16 | 7.2 8 | 8.9 12/13 | – | – | 3.8 |
| Demoscopia/El País [p 1] [p 5] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 65 | 40.1 58/60 | 36.6 48/50 | 10.7 13/14 | 3.2 3 | 7.7 10 | – | 1.5 0 | 3.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | ? | 39.0 56/58 | 36.0 51/52 | 10.5 13 | 4.0 4 | 7.5 9/10 | – | 1.5 0 | 3.0 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC [p 7] | 3–4 Oct 1999 | 800 | ? | 36.2 52/54 | 33.1 45/47 | 11.8 14/15 | 7.4 8 | 9.6 13/14 | – | – | 3.1 |
| CIS [p 8] [p 9] [p 10] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 65.6 | 38.6 57/59 | 31.7 45/47 | 11.7 14/15 | 4.5 4/5 | 9.7 11/13 | – | – | 6.9 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC [p 11] | 28 Sep–2 Oct 1999 | 1,400 | ? | 36.8 53/55 | 34.6 47/48 | 11.9 14/15 | 6.1 7 | 8.3 12 | – | – | 2.2 |
| Metra Seis/Colpisa [p 1] | 27 Sep–1 Oct 1999 | 1,000 | 70 | 36.2 53/56 | 34.1 48/50 | 11.4 14/16 | 6.0 6/7 | 8.3 10/12 | – | – | 2.1 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC [p 12] | 28–29 Sep 1999 | 1,000 | ? | 36.4 52/54 | 35.1 46/48 | 12.1 14/15 | 6.2 7 | 7.9 12 | – | – | 1.3 |
| DYM/El Periódico [p 1] [p 13] | 15–21 Sep 1999 | 3,666 | ? | 42.8 60/65 | 34.3 43/50 | 10.7 11/15 | [i] | 8.7 11/14 | – | 2.2 0 | 8.5 |
| Inner Line/PSC [p 14] | 10–21 Sep 1999 | 1,300 | ? | 39.3 56 | 41.2 58 | 9.1 10 | ? 3 | 5.9 8 | – | – | 1.9 |
| Line Staff/Avui [p 1] | 19 Sep 1999 | 1,900 | ? | 42.6 61/62 | 34.1 49 | 9.0 12 | 2.0 0 | 10.2 12/13 | – | 0.4 0 | 8.5 |
| Demoscopia/El País [p 15] [p 16] | 13–15 Sep 1999 | 800 | 65 | 38.8 55/58 | 37.6 50/52 | 10.6 13/14 | 3.7 4 | 7.0 10/11 | – | – | 1.2 |
| La Vanguardia [p 17] | 13 Sep 1999 | ? | ? [j] | 38.6 55/58 | 34.6 47/51 | 11.1 14 | 4.6 4 | 7.8 9/12 | – | – | 4.0 |
| ? [k] | 35.3 52/55 | 38.7 52/57 | 10.9 13/14 | 4.0 3/4 | 7.7 9/12 | – | – | 3.4 | |||
| Sigma Dos/El Mundo [p 1] | 7–9 Sep 1999 | 2,000 | ? | 40.4 58/63 | 33.9 46/48 | 10.0 13 | 3.6 4 | 7.5 9/12 | – | 2.2 0 | 6.5 |
| CiU [p 18] | 2 Sep 1999 | ? | ? | ? 57 | ? 45/47 | ? 14/15 | ? 5/6 | ? 14/15 | – | – | ? |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | ? | 38.0 55/56 | 36.0 49/51 | 10.5 13/14 | 5.0 4/6 | 7.5 10/11 | – | 1.0 0 | 2.0 |
| Line Staff/Avui [p 1] [p 20] [p 21] | 26–30 Aug 1999 | 1,900 | ? | ? 57/58 | ? 47 | ? 13/14 | ? 5 | ? 12 | – | – | ? |
| UDC [p 22] | 28 Jul 1999 | ? | ? | ? 55 | ? 45 | ? 14/15 | ? 7 | ? 14/15 | ? 0 | ? 0 | ? |
| DYM/El Periódico [p 23] [p 24] | 18 Jul 1999 | ? | ? | 41.5 | 28.3 | 7.7 | 7.6 | 10.4 | – | – | 13.2 |
| 1999 EP election | 13 Jun 1999 | — | 54.8 | 29.3 (47) | 34.6 (50) | 16.9 (25) | 5.4 (5) | 6.1 (8) | 0.4 (0) | 2.0 (0) | 5.3 |
| 1999 local elections | 13 Jun 1999 | — | 55.9 | 26.7 | 37.6 | 10.9 | 7.9 | 7.7 | 0.4 | 2.0 | 10.9 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 25] [p 26] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | ? | 39.0 58 | 31.0 44 | 15.0 19 | 6.0 6 | 7.0 8 | 0.0 0 | 0.5 0 | 8.0 |
| Central de Campo/PSC [p 27] [p 28] | 22–24 Apr 1999 | 800 | ? | 37.5– 38.5 | 36.0– 37.0 | 10.0– 11.0 | 5.0– 6.0 | 8.0– 9.0 | 0.5– 1.5 | 1.5– 2.5 | 1.5 |
| DYM/El Periódico [p 29] [p 30] | 23 Jan 1999 | ? | ? | 38.6 | 28.0 | 11.1 | 7.4 | 9.0 | 0.6 | 2.9 | 10.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 31] [p 32] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | ? | 38.0 57 | 31.0 44 | 16.0 21 | 6.0 6 | 6.0 7 | 0.5 0 | 1.0 0 | 7.0 |
| ERC [p 33] | 5 Nov 1998 | ? | ? | ? 53/55 | ? 46/48 | ? 15/17 | ? 2/4 | ? 12/14 | – | – | ? |
| PSOE [p 34] [p 35] [p 36] | 3 Nov 1998 | 1,400 | ? | 33.7 | 35.6 | 13.7 | 4.2 | 8.1 | – | 2.6 | 1.9 |
| Line Staff/CDC [p 34] [p 35] [p 36] [p 37] | 2 Nov 1998 | 2,000 | ? | ? 59/61 | ? 44/45 | ? 15/16 | ? 6 | ? 8/9 | – | – | ? |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 38] [p 39] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | ? | 39.5 61 | 28.0 41 | 14.0 19 | 6.5 6 | 7.0 8 | 0.5 0 | 1.0 0 | 11.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 40] [p 41] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | ? | 39.5 61 | 27.0 40 | 13.5 18 | 7.0 8 | 6.5 8 | 0.5 0 | 1.0 0 | 12.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 41] [p 42] | 3–4 Nov 1997 | 900 | ? | 42.5 65 | 23.0 33 | 14.0 19 | 7.5 8 | 7.5 10 | 1.0 0 | – | 19.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 43] | 18–19 Jun 1997 | 600 | ? | 41.0 | 23.0 | 15.0 | 9.0 | 7.5 | – | – | 18.0 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 44] | 7–8 Mar 1997 | 600 | ? | 39.5 | 25.5 | 15.0 | 9.0 | 7.0 | – | – | 14.0 |
| 1996 general election | 3 Mar 1996 | — | 76.5 | 29.6 (44) | 39.4 (54) | 18.0 (25) | 7.6 (8) | 4.2 (4) | – | – | 9.8 |
| 1995 regional election | 19 Nov 1995 | — | 63.6 | 40.9 60 | 24.9 34 | 13.1 17 | 9.7 11 | 9.5 13 | – | – | 16.0 |
The table below lists raw, unweighted voting preferences.
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | | | | | | PI | | Lead | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1999 regional election | 17 Oct 1999 | — | 22.2 | 22.3 | 5.6 | 1.5 | 5.1 | – | 0.8 | — | 39.4 | 0.1 |
| CIS [p 8] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 33.2 | 22.8 | 4.8 | 3.2 | 5.3 | – | 0.6 | 18.5 | 9.7 | 10.4 |
| 1999 EP election | 13 Jun 1999 | — | 16.2 | 19.1 | 9.3 | 3.0 | 3.3 | 0.2 | 1.1 | — | 44.5 | 2.9 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 19] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 26.9 | 22.3 | – | – | – | – | – | – | – | 4.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 19] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 25.0 | 20.2 | – | – | – | – | – | – | – | 4.8 |
| Demoscopia/El País [p 45] | 5–8 Jul 1998 | 800 | 30.8 | 35.6 | 6.3 | 1.8 | 3.5 | – | 2.3 | – | – | 4.8 |
| PSC [p 46] | 25–28 May 1998 | 1,000 | 27.3 | 20.7 | 5.5 | 2.3 | 4.6 | 0.5 | 1.5 | 29.2 | 7.0 | 6.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 19] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | 30.2 | 20.2 | – | – | – | – | – | – | – | 10.0 |
| 1996 general election | 3 Mar 1996 | — | 22.7 | 30.2 | 13.8 | 5.9 | 3.2 | – | – | — | 23.0 | 7.5 |
| 1995 regional election | 19 Nov 1995 | — | 26.1 | 15.8 | 8.3 | 6.2 | 6.1 | – | – | — | 36.0 | 10.3 |
The table below lists opinion polling on the victory preferences for each party in the event of a regional election taking place.
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | | | | | | | Other/ None | Lead | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 38.3 | 37.1 | – | – | – | – | 8.8 | 15.8 | 1.2 |
| CIS [p 8] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 39.5 | 28.0 | 5.0 | 4.1 | 6.3 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 16.3 | 11.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | 34.5 | 35.8 | – | – | – | – | 8.2 | 21.5 | 1.3 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 25] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 40.2 | 35.1 | – | – | – | – | 6.8 | 17.9 | 5.1 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 31] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 34.8 | 35.3 | – | – | – | – | 8.0 | 21.9 | 0.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 38] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | 38.7 | 34.9 | – | – | – | – | 5.3 | 21.1 | 3.8 |
The table below lists opinion polling on the perceived likelihood of victory for each party in the event of a regional election taking place.
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | | | | | Other/ None | Lead | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Demoscopia/El País [p 47] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 61.0 | 19.0 | – | – | 20.0 | 42.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 61.5 | 17.5 | – | – | 0.3 | 20.7 | 44.0 |
| CIS [p 8] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 63.7 | 18.3 | 1.8 | 0.0 | – | 16.2 | 45.4 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | 48.6 | 25.5 | – | – | 0.6 | 25.3 | 23.1 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 25] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 60.9 | 18.0 | – | – | 0.8 | 20.3 | 42.9 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 31] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 51.2 | 21.2 | – | – | 2.2 | 25.4 | 30.0 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 38] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | 58.7 | 20.1 | – | – | 0.4 | 20.8 | 38.6 |
The table below lists opinion polling on leader preferences to become president of the Government of Catalonia.
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | | | | | | | | Other/ None/ Not care | Lead | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU | Maragall PSC | F. Díaz PP | Ribó IC–V | Carod ERC | Colom PI | Lucchetti EUiA | ||||||
| CIS [p 8] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 44.1 | 32.3 | 2.2 | 2.3 | 3.9 | – | 0.6 | 1.1 | 13.6 | 11.8 |
| PSC [p 46] | 25–28 May 1998 | 1,000 | 30.4 | 33.7 | 5.1 | 4.3 | 4.4 | 1.4 | 1.6 | 19.1 | 3.3 | |
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | | | Other/ None/ Not care | Lead | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU | Maragall PSC | ||||||
| Demoscopia/El País [p 47] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 45.0 | 39.0 | 16.0 | 6.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 38.3 | 37.2 | 8.5 | 16.0 | 1.1 |
| Inner Line/PSC [p 14] | 10–21 Sep 1999 | 1,300 | 39.8 | 42.5 | 17.7 | 2.7 | |
| Demoscopia/El País [p 47] | 13–15 Sep 1999 | 800 | 40.0 | 44.0 | 16.0 | 4.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | 34.9 | 37.5 | 7.2 | 20.4 | 2.6 |
| DYM/El Periódico [p 23] | 18 Jul 1999 | ? | 30.2 | 34.5 | 35.3 | 4.3 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 25] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 41.8 | 37.0 | 7.1 | 14.1 | 4.8 |
| Central de Campo/PSC [p 27] [p 28] | 22–24 Apr 1999 | 800 | 35.0– 36.0 | 35.5– 37.5 | 27.5– 28.5 | 0.5– 1.5 | |
| DYM/El Periódico [p 29] [p 30] | 23 Jan 1999 | ? | 33.0 | 33.4 | 33.6 | 0.4 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 31] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 36.0 | 37.2 | 8.3 | 18.5 | 1.2 |
| Demoscopia/El País [p 45] | 5–8 Jul 1998 | 800 | 37.0 | 45.0 | 18.0 | 8.0 | |
| DYM/El Periódico [p 48] | 22 Jun 1998 | ? | 36.8 | 44.3 | 18.9 | 7.5 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 38] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | 37.9 | 38.4 | 5.1 | 18.6 | 0.5 |
| Demoscopia/El País [p 49] | 1 Dec 1996 | ? | 40.0 | 38.0 | 22.0 | 2.0 | |
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | | | Other/ None/ Not care | Lead | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU | Nadal PSC | ||||||
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 40] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | 44.0 | 22.0 | 13.3 | 20.6 | 22.0 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 42] | 3–4 Nov 1997 | 900 | 47.4 | 17.7 | 13.7 | 21.2 | 29.7 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 43] | 18–19 Jun 1997 | 600 | 47.7 | 9.5 | 19.2 | 23.6 | 38.2 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 44] | 7–8 Mar 1997 | 600 | 41.7 | 13.2 | 17.0 | 28.1 | 28.5 |
The table below lists opinion polling on the perceived likelihood for each leader to become president.
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | | | Other/ None/ Not care | Lead | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU | Maragall PSC | ||||||
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC [p 4] | 5–6 Oct 1999 | 800 | 62.0 | 16.0 | – | 22.0 | 46.0 |
| Demoscopia/El País [p 47] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 59.0 | 24.0 | 17.0 | 35.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 60.7 | 17.8 | 0.2 | 21.3 | 42.9 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC [p 7] | 3–4 Oct 1999 | 800 | 66.0 | 14.0 | – | 20.0 | 52.0 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC [p 11] | 28 Sep–2 Oct 1999 | 1,400 | 63.0 | 20.0 | – | 17.0 | 43.0 |
| Demoscopia/El País [p 47] | 13–15 Sep 1999 | 800 | 55.0 | 28.0 | 17.0 | 27.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | 48.5 | 26.5 | 0.5 | 24.5 | 22.0 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 25] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 60.4 | 20.3 | 0.7 | 18.6 | 40.1 |
| Central de Campo/PSC [p 27] | 22–24 Apr 1999 | 800 | 55.6 | 20.5 | 23.9 | 35.1 | |
| DYM/El Periódico [p 29] [p 30] | 23 Jan 1999 | ? | 49.1 | 22.4 | 28.5 | 26.7 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 31] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 50.8 | 24.2 | 1.5 | 23.5 | 26.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 38] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | 55.7 | 21.6 | 1.1 | 21.6 | 34.1 |
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | | | Other/ None/ Not care | Lead | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU | Nadal PSC | ||||||
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 40] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | 72.3 | 8.8 | 3.3 | 15.6 | 63.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 42] | 3–4 Nov 1997 | 900 | 71.9 | 10.3 | 3.8 | 14.0 | 61.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 43] | 18–19 Jun 1997 | 600 | 68.2 | 3.5 | 8.2 | 20.1 | 64.7 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia [p 44] | 7–8 Mar 1997 | 600 | 74.0 | 4.0 | 5.2 | 16.8 | 70.0 |
The table below shows registered voter turnout on election day, without including non-resident citizens.
| Province | Time | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 13:00 | 18:00 | 20:00 | |||||||
| 1995 | 1999 | +/– | 1995 | 1999 | +/– | 1995 | 1999 | +/– | |
| Barcelona | 25.72% | 24.13% | −1.59 | 51.03% | 46.10% | −4.93 | 63.23% | 59.52% | −3.71 |
| Girona | 29.29% | 26.70% | −2.59 | 56.68% | 50.32% | −6.36 | 68.12% | 62.75% | −5.37 |
| Lleida | 24.10% | 22.59% | −1.51 | 52.67% | 46.95% | −5.72 | 67.21% | 62.12% | −5.09 |
| Tarragona | 26.16% | 23.59% | −2.57 | 50.90% | 44.87% | −6.03 | 64.55% | 58.91% | −5.64 |
| Total | 25.96% | 24.21% | −1.75 | 51.59% | 46.40% | −5.19 | 63.99% | 59.90% | −4.09 |
| Sources [127] | |||||||||
| Parties and alliances | Popular vote | Seats | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | ±pp | Total | +/− | ||
| Socialists' Party of Catalonia–Citizens for Change (PSC–CpC) | 1,183,299 | 37.85 | +11.75 | 52 | +17 | |
| Socialists' Party–Citizens for Change–Initiative–Greens (PSC–CpC–IC–V)2 | 235,097 | 7.52 | +0.67 | 16 | +3 | |
| Convergence and Union (CiU) | 1,178,420 | 37.70 | −3.25 | 56 | −4 | |
| People's Party (PP) | 297,265 | 9.51 | −3.57 | 12 | −5 | |
| Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) | 271,173 | 8.67 | −0.82 | 12 | −1 | |
| Initiative for Catalonia–Greens (IC–V)23 | 78,441 | 2.51 | n/a | 3 | −5 | |
| United and Alternative Left (EUiA)3 | 44,454 | 1.42 | n/a | 0 | −1 | |
| The Greens–Ecologist Confederation of Catalonia (EV–CEC)3 | 22,797 | 0.73 | n/a | 0 | −1 | |
| The Greens–Green Alternative (EV–AV) | 8,254 | 0.26 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Internationalist Socialist Workers' Party (POSI) | 2,784 | 0.09 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Catalan State (EC) | 1,774 | 0.06 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Humanist Party of Catalonia (PHC) | 1,327 | 0.04 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Spanish Phalanx of the CNSO (FE–JONS) | 1,281 | 0.04 | +0.03 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Democratic and Social Centre (CDS) | 1,161 | 0.04 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Natural Law Party (PLN) | 1,029 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| UNIC–Federation of Independents of Catalonia (UNIC–FIC) | 881 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Bounced Public Workers (TPR) | 833 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Espinalist Party (PE) | 799 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Internationalist Struggle (LI (LIT–CI)) | 485 | 0.02 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Federal Democratic Union (UFD) | 447 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Catalans in the World (CAM) | 110 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Democratic Party of the People (PDEP) | 108 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Blank ballots | 28,968 | 0.93 | −0.04 | |||
| Total | 3,126,090 | 135 | ±0 | |||
| Valid votes | 3,126,090 | 99.75 | +0.03 | |||
| Invalid votes | 7,836 | 0.25 | −0.03 | |||
| Votes cast / turnout | 3,133,926 | 59.20 | −4.44 | |||
| Abstentions | 2,159,731 | 40.80 | +4.44 | |||
| Registered voters | 5,293,657 | |||||
| Sources [87] [127] [128] | ||||||
Footnotes:
| ||||||
| Constituency | PSC–CpC | CiU | PP | ERC | IC–V | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | |
| Barcelona | 40.0 | 36 | 35.1 | 31 | 9.9 | 8 | 7.7 | 7 | 3.3 | 3 |
| Girona | 29.2 | 5 | 48.6 | 9 | 6.0 | 1 | 12.8 | 2 | ||
| Lleida | 29.5 | 5 | 48.1 | 8 | 8.0 | 1 | 11.6 | 1 | ||
| Tarragona | 34.1 | 6 | 41.3 | 8 | 10.6 | 2 | 10.5 | 2 | ||
| Total | 37.9 | 52 | 37.7 | 56 | 9.5 | 12 | 8.7 | 12 | 2.5 | 3 |
| Sources [87] [127] [128] | ||||||||||
| Investiture Jordi Pujol (CDC) | ||
| Ballot → | 16 November 1999 | |
|---|---|---|
| Required majority → | 68 out of 135 | |
68 / 135 | ||
55 / 135 | ||
Abstentions
| 12 / 135 | |
| Absentees | 0 / 135 | |
| Sources [87] | ||
| Motion of no confidence Pasqual Maragall (PSC) | ||
| Ballot → | 17 October 2001 | |
|---|---|---|
| Required majority → | 68 out of 135 | |
55 / 135 | ||
68 / 135 | ||
Abstentions
| 12 / 135 | |
| Absentees | 0 / 135 | |
| Sources [87] | ||