General elections were held in Singapore on 3 May 2025 to elect 97 members to the Parliament of Singapore across 33 constituencies. It was the 19th general election in Singapore's history since 1948 and the first election under prime minister Lawrence Wong, who succeeded Lee Hsien Loong in May 2024 and as secretary-general of the governing People's Action Party (PAP) that December. News outlets had described this election as "a key test of public confidence" in Wong. The 14th Parliament was dissolved on 15 April, with Nomination Day being 23 April. A record 211 candidates contested the election, including 53 women, the highest number of female candidates in Singapore's history.
The parties focused their campaigns on the cost of living, with opposition parties pushing for reductions or exemptions in the Goods and Services Tax (GST). The opposition also called for reforms to public housing policies. Additionally, parties such as the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) and the People's Alliance for Reform (PAR) advocated for stricter immigration controls. The PAP focused its campaign on constituency-level achievements and emphasised policy discussions, marking a stark contrast to previous elections where personal attacks and national-level rhetoric had played a more prominent role. The elections also saw attempted foreign interference, especially by politicians from the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS; Malay: Parti Islam Se-Malaysia).
The PAP retained its two-thirds supermajority, winning 87 seats and improving its popular vote share to 65.57%. The Workers' Party (WP) held all 10 of its seats and secured two Non-constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seats, taking them from the PSP, which lost its representation in Parliament. Voter turnout was 92.83% – the lowest since 1968. Wong formed his cabinet on 21 May.
Electoral divisions (aka constituencies) are organised into single-member constituencies (SMCs) and group representation constituencies (GRCs). Each SMC returns one MP using the first-past-the-post voting system, while each GRC returns four or five MPs by party block voting. At least one candidate in every GRC must be from a minority community in Singapore, i.e. Malay or Indian/other (other being not Chinese, Malay or Indian). Whether a GRC requires a Malay or Indian/other non-Malay minority candidate is determined by the President. A group of candidates intending to contest an election in a GRC must all be members of the same political party, or a group of independent candidates. The voting age in Singapore is 21 years. Elections are conducted by the Elections Department (ELD), a department under the Prime Minister's Office.[8]
Under Singapore's constitution, the opposition is guaranteed a set number of parliamentary seats which may consist of elected Members of Parliament (MPs) from the opposition team and unsuccessful candidates in this election from the best-performing losing opposition party or parties, collectively known as Non-constituency Members of Parliament (NCMP). The 2016 constitution set a 12-seat minimum. The opposition consisted of ten elected seats all by the Workers' Party and two NCMP seats from the Progress Singapore Party (PSP).[12][13][14]
Election date
On 8 March 2024, the Elections Department (ELD) announced that 50,000 public servants had been appointed as election officials.[15] After Lawrence Wong became prime minister in May 2024, the South China Morning Post speculated that elections could be held as early as September; elections were typically held around the school breaks of March and September. Goh Chok Tong held his first general election in August 1991, ten months after he assumed office in November 1990; his successor Lee Hsien Loong held his first general election in May 2006, two years after he assumed office in August 2004. However, Eugene Tan, an associate professor at Singapore Management University, felt a September election would be "hasty" for Wong to establish his mandate, and that the election was more likely to be held after the announcement of the 2025 budget.[16][17] Holding the elections in 2025 would coincide with the country's SG60 National Day celebrations.[17]
Following Lee Hsien Loong's announcement in April 2024 that he would step down as prime minister in May, Channel NewsAsia (CNA) speculated that the general elections could be held at the end of that year.[18] However, Lee's successor, Lawrence Wong, said in November that the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) had not yet been convened.[19] Following the formation of the EBRC in January 2025, political observers interviewed by The Straits Times speculated that the election could be held as early as April or May, following the passage of the 2025 budget. July was deemed unlikely because it would be right before the SG60 National Day celebrations.[20]
Voter rolls
The ELD released a statement outlining that the Register of Electors would be refreshed in 2025, being closed for updating a few months ahead of the plausible election date. As such, for the 2025 election, a citizen must be aged 21 and above as of 1 February 2025 to be able to vote.[21] The latest certification from the Register of Electors was released on 21 July, announcing an electorate of 2,715,187.[22] The voter rolls opened for public inspection from 15 to 28 February,[23][24] and was updated on 24 March, further increasing the electorate to 2,758,095; after the writ of election is issued, the number was further increased to 2,758,858.[25][26] By 18 April 2025, 18,389 voters were registered as overseas voters, with 8,630 casting their votes at one of 10 overseas polling stations,[c] and 9,759 via postal voting, first introduced in the 2023 Singaporean presidential election.[27]
Other constitutional changes
Entrance to the Elections Department, Singapore
Amendments were made by the ELD, together with the Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of Digital Development and Information (MDDI). It was announced that, if they were foreigners or Permanent Residents (PRs), family members of candidates would not need the candidates' written authorisation (or that of their election agents) to participate in election activities, though direct involvement in politics, such as canvassing, would still be prohibited,[28] with this regulation extending to minors under the age of 16.[29] On 31 May 2024, the ELD announced that the Returning Officer, appointed by the Prime Minister, would have the authority to instruct individuals and social media platforms to remove online election advertisements in violation of election regulations.[30]
The ELD stated on 15 October 2024 that special arrangements at nursing homes, first implemented in the 2023 presidential election, would be discontinued due to logistical constraints and mixed reception.[31][32] A spending limit is set for electoral campaigns; on 27 March 2025, it was raised to S$5 per elector per constituency from $4 to account for inflation.[33]
After the writ of election was issued, the ELD announced further campaigning regulations banning deepfake technology (such as digitally manipulated online material or advertising that misrepresent a candidate's speech or action), which came in light after such a video of former President Halimah Yacob surfaced online on the same day.[34] No new banners, flags, and posters were allowed to be posted until the start of campaigning, with exceptions for some used as permanent location markers, or existing ones placed in the constituency prior to the issuance (such as Town Council banners); Aetos Security Management was allowed to take down posters at its own discretion if there were violations.[35][36]
The Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC), which reviews and redraws Singapore's electoral map before every general election, was convened on 22 January 2025.[23] They released their report on 11 March, which called for the creation of 18 GRCs and 15 SMCs, totalling an increased 97 seats in Parliament.[37][38][39] According to them, these changes were to account for the uneven distribution of growth in the number of electors across the existing electoral divisions,[40] with most notable changes in the eastern and western ends of Singapore.[41]
The boundary changes were accepted by the Singapore government.[37] While the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) was "heartened that the EBRC has somewhat disclosed more of the reasoning behind its decisions, contrary to its previous report in 2020", the party felt that "the EBRC could have accounted for population shifts without making drastic changes to existing major electoral boundaries". The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) expressed "disappointment with the disappearance of Yuhua and Bukit Batok SMCs" – the electoral districts where the SDP had planned to contest[47] – and claimed the process of redrawing boundaries "lacked transparency".[41] Similarly, on 25 March, Workers' Party's (WP) Pritam Singh cited the change as "one of the most radical redrawing(s)" in one of his Facebook posts, and said that an opaque institution could become divisive and that changes to the political system could be greatly improved.[48]
Lee Hsien Loong (left) was succeeded as prime ninister and secretary-general of the PAP by Lawrence Wong (right) in May and December 2024 respectively.
In November 2018, the PAP appointed Heng Swee Keat as the party's first assistant secretary-general. The Straits Times speculated that with Heng's appointment, he would succeed Lee Hsien Loong as the next prime minister.[54] Heng remained in the PAP's Central Executive Committee (CEC) in the 2020 party elections,[55] in which Lawrence Wong was first elected into the CEC.[56] However, in April 2021, Heng stepped down as leader of the PAP's fourth-generation (4G) team, citing his age and health concerns.[57] Analysts from The Straits Times suggested that Heng's withdrawal could have been due to the PAP's weaker performance in the previous general election, where it secured only 61.24% of the popular vote. In the suggestion, the outcome could have signalled a lack of voter confidence in his leadership.[58][59] On the other hand, CNA analysts suggested that Heng's decision might be "personal", as he still held support from the 4G team following the election.[60]
In a party caucus on 14 April 2022, Wong, the Minister for Finance, was selected as the leader of the 4G team, following consultations with other ministers of the 4G team.[61][62] On 13 June that year, Wong was appointed deputy prime minister (DPM) following a cabinet reshuffle. Wong also assumed responsibility for the Strategy Group within the Prime Minister's Office.[63] On 5 November 2023, Lee said he would hand over party leadership to Wong in 2024, before the party's 70th anniversary.[64][65][66] On 15 April 2024, Lee announced Wong would succeed him as prime minister on 15 May.[67][68] In Wong's new cabinet, Gan Kim Yong was promoted as DPM and Lee was appointed as senior minister;[69] Wong only planned major changes to the cabinet after the next election.[70] On 24 November, at the PAP's biennial conference celebrating the party's 70th anniversary, Lee stepped down as secretary-general, although he remained in the CEC.[71][72] Gan also stepped down from the CEC, while Chee Hong Tat was co-opted into CEC for the first time.[73] On 4 December 2024, Wong was elected as the PAP secretary-general.[74]
At the conference of the party's Women's Wing on 1 September 2024, Wong pledged to field more women candidates in the upcoming election.[75] Candidates were to be progressively announced before the expiry of the existing parliamentary term, including the successors for three of four vacated seats,[76] three new members in opposition constituencies,[77] and at least one candidate in a potential swing constituency.[78] On 7 July 2023, Tharman Shanmugaratnam resigned from all his positions in the government and as a member of the PAP to run for the 2023 presidential election.[79] He won the election and was elected president on 14 September.[80]
Former Minister of Transport S. Iswaran was arrested in 2023 and subsequently sentenced to jail in 2024
On 12 July 2023, Lee instructed transport minister S. Iswaran to take a leave of absence and suspended his parliamentary duties after the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) summoned Iswaran to assist in a corruption investigation. Chee Hong Tat was appointed as acting transport minister.[81] On 15 July, it was reported that Iswaran had been arrested as part of the investigation and was released on bail on 11 July.[82] The investigation also involved billionaire businessman Ong Beng Seng.[83][84][85]
On 17 July 2023, Speaker of ParliamentTan Chuan-Jin and fellow PAP MP Cheng Li Hui resigned from both Parliament and the PAP after having an extramarital affair with each other.[86] In a statement, Lee said that their resignations were "necessary" to "maintain the high standards of propriety and personal conduct which the PAP [had] upheld all these years".[87][88] On 2 August 2023, Seah Kian Peng succeeded Tan as speaker of parliament.[89]
The CPIB concluded its investigations into Iswaran on 9 January 2024, and the case was handed over to the Attorney-General's Chambers (AGC) for prosecution.[90] A week later, Iswaran resigned as transport minister and from the PAP.[91] He also pledged to repay the government the salary he had received since the CPIB investigation began in July 2023.[91] On 18 January, Iswaran was charged in the state courts with 27 offences, including charges of corruption and obstruction of justice,[92][93] He was the first cabinet minister to face corruption charges after national development minister Teh Cheang Wan in 1986.[94][95][96] Chee succeeded Iswaran as transport minister while Grace Fu succeeded him as minister-in-charge for trade relations.[97] Iswaran pleaded guilty to five charges on 24 September and was sentenced for 12 months in jail on 3 October.[98][99] He was later placed on house arrest on 8 February 2025.[100]
After the 2020 general election, the government appointed WP secretary-general Pritam Singh as Singapore's first official Leader of the Opposition; the party had won ten seats in parliament.[103] In December 2020, Singh and chairperson Sylvia Lim were re-elected to their posts unopposed, while the four new MPs of Sengkang GRC were elected into the CEC.[104][105] In 2022, former Hougang SMC MP Png Eng Huat stepped down from the CEC, while Nathaniel Koh, Ang Boon Yaw and Tan Kong Soon were elected into the CEC.[106] On 30 June 2024, former secretary-general Low Thia Khiang remained a CEC member along with Singh and Lim. Lee Li Lian, former MP for the defunct Punggol East SMC, was reinstated into the CEC on 30 June 2024 after her exit in 2021. At reinstatement, she was working as a town councillor for Sengkang Town Council.[107][108]
On 13 January 2019, Singh declared the WP's intentions to contest and win one-third of parliament seats in the medium term.[109] Observers on The Straits Times speculated that the party may contest an estimated 30 seats in eastern Singapore.[110][111] Former secretary-general Low, who did not contest in the previous election due to an injury, was initially adamant that he would remain involved in politics, though he felt that it would be a "back step" to nominate himself for candidacy.[112] On 7 December 2024, Low confirmed he would not contest in the 2025 elections.[113][114] On 18 November, the WP hired external firms to assist with candidate screening and personality reviews to ensure better representation for Singapore in the upcoming election.[115][116][117]
Legal challenges
Raeesah Khan (left) resigned on 30 November 2021 after making unsubstantiated allegations in Parliament, while Leon Perera (right) resigned on 19 July 2023 following an extramaritial affair with Nicole Seah.
A trial involving the WP leaders over alleged breaches of duties as town councillors for Aljunied–Hougang (AHTC) and Sengkang Town Councils (SKTC) concluded with a successful appeal in July 2024. While the High Court initially found that the WP MPs, councillors, and FMSS owners had breached their duties, the court of appeal overturned these rulings. As a result, the WP was awarded the costs, and the town councils’ claims for damages and legal costs were dismissed.[118] In the last review of the town councils on 27 June 2024, both town councils had performed better in their areas of management over the years.[119]
On 30 November 2021, Raeesah Khan admitted to making unsubstantiated allegations in Parliament on three occasions and subsequently resigned.[120][121] Following the Parliament's Committee of Privileges' interview regarding Khan, party leaders Singh and Faisal Manap were referred to the public prosecutor for potentially misleading parliament. Faisal was later advised by the police "to familiarise himself with the conduct expected of MPs". On 20 March 2024, Singh was charged for lying to Parliament by the public prosecutor.[122][123][124] The trial concluded on 8 November.[125] On 17 February 2025, the court issued the maximum S$7,000 fine on both counts; Singh lodged an appeal.[126][127] However, he was not barred from elections as the sentences were counted separately.[128][129][130][d]
On 19 July 2023, a video showing an extramarital affair between Leon Perera and Nicole Seah, president of the WP youth wing, circulated online. Both members subsequently resigned from the party.[134][135] While Perera was seen volunteering at Progress Singapore Party (PSP) events, it was later announced that he had moved to New York City to be an executive director at Yamada Consulting Group (YCG) USA.[136][137]
After the 2020 general election, assistant secretary-general Leong Mun Wai and vice-chairperson Hazel Poa stepped down from their leadership positions, having been appointed NCMPs by Prime MinisterLee Hsien Loong.[138] As part of the party's reorganisation, a policy research team was formed to support its NCMPs, alongside new youth and women's wings.[139] Amidst reports of internal party rifts and calls for a leadership refresh, PSP founder Tan Cheng Bock stepped down as secretary-general to become chairperson on 3 April 2021, with Francis Yuen succeeding him as secretary-general.[140] However, Yuen stepped down from the role on 26 March 2023.[141] Leong was elected as secretary-general on 4 April,[142] which political analysts on CNA interpreted as a sign of the party's confidence in him and an endorsement of his parliamentary debate style.[143] In May 2023, Tan declared his readiness to contest the subsequent general election, while Leong announced the possibility of "proactively facilitating" an opposition alliance.[144]
On 23 February 2024, the PSP announced Leong's resignation from the post. Leong had accepted responsibility for a recent order under the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) against a social media post by him concerning financial aid to an elderly couple in West Coast.[145] He was succeeded by Poa.[146][147] On 13 May, assistant secretary-general Ang Yong Guan, who was also a doctor of his own practice, was suspended from medical practice. He was found guilty of professional misconduct for his role in a patient's 2012 death due to improper medication prescriptions. The PSP expressed respect for the court's decision.[148][149] On 5 February 2025, the PSP confirmed that Ang would not contest in the 2025 general election.[150]
In a walkabout at West Coast GRC in January 2024, Tan reaffirmed his plan to contest in the next election.[151] He anticipated a redrawing of West Coast GRC's electoral boundaries, describing the constituency as "too big".[152][153] In the next CEC election on 20 March 2025, Tan, Poa and Leong were re-elected into the CEC along with six first-time members.[154][155] The party also confirmed their intention to contest in Chua Chu Kang GRC and West Coast–Jurong West GRC, among other constituencies, but did not disclose who would stand in the election.[156] On 26 March, Leong was reinstated as secretary-general.[157][158] On 20 April, the PSP confirmed that Tan, Leong and Poa would contest in West Coast–Jurong West GRC.[159] Political analyst Felix Tan believed that the leadership change would not sway voters, citing existing trust in the party's core leadership and the likely insignificance of Leong's past POFMA incident. However, Chong Ja Ian, an associate professor at the National University of Singapore (NUS), raised concerns about the frequency of leadership changes, suggesting it could undermine the party's perceived stability. However, he also posited that Leong's reinstatement might signal the party's preference for his more vocal leadership style over Poa's.[160]
Altercations with PAP volunteers
On 4 January, PSP and PAP volunteers were involved in altercations during their walkabouts in Chua Chu Kang GRC, starting from an HDB estate in Low Yen Ling's Bukit Gombak division. PSP treasurer Sri Nallakaruppan claimed that PAP volunteers followed PSP volunteers who were distributing flyers. When asked to conduct their outreach elsewhere, the PAP volunteers allegedly asserted that the area was "their territory".[161] Low counteralleged that the PSP volunteers started the altercations,[162] and PAP volunteer Azman Ibrahim released two videos documenting "aggressive behaviour" by the PSP volunteers against him.[163][164] Tan stated that he found no evidence of such behaviour, only subtitles in the videos alleging it.[165] He later told on the media on 12 January that PSP members had to adhere to the party's code of conduct, and confirmed that neither party's volunteers were physically harmed.[166]
Police investigations ended on 29 August, with action being taken against neither party; it was also announced that neither the police nor the Attorney-General's Chambers had chose to disclose the investigation findings to the public. The PSP stated that it respected the decision, but called the non-disclosure of the probe "questionable". The party also pledged not to repeat the incident, and affirmed its continued support to political opposition.[167]
The Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA), a coalition comprising the Singapore Justice Party (SJP) and the Singapore Malay National Organisation (PKMS[e]), planned to contest Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC, which it had contested since 2006. SDA chief Desmond Lim also stated that the alliance was working to amend its constitution to allow associate members to run for Parliament under the SDA banner, including independent candidates.[175] Following the redrawing of electoral boundaries, the SDA announced its plans to contest in Pasir Ris–Changi GRC, while being open to discussions with the WP regarding which party should contest the newly created Punggol GRC.[176] Despite opposition parties outlining their intentions, NUS professor Chong viewed it as a strategic move to coordinate among themselves, given that none had the manpower to contest all seats. Meanwhile, Kasthuri Prameswaren, an associate faculty member at the Singapore University of Social Sciences (SUSS), emphasised that it was important for opposition parties to form blocs and stick to their plans instead of "paying lip service".[175]
In August 2020, Kenneth Jeyaretnam, secretary-general of the Reform Party (RP), removed chairperson Andy Zhu and treasurer Noraini Yunus from the party's CEC. The party accused the two of improper handling of the party's bank account, and the CEC unanimously agreed to their removal. Zhu claimed the allegations were "baseless" and accused Jeyaretnam of having an "undemocratic stance". He was succeeded by Charles Yeo.[177] In January 2021, Zhu formed a splinter party, Singapore United Party (SUP), with several former members of the RP.[178] On 15 January 2022, Yeo resigned as chairperson following police investigations against him for alleged criminal breach of trust and forgery. He claimed political motivation, which the police denied, for the investigations. Yasmine Valentina became the acting chairperson.[179] Yeo was also separately charged under the Protection from Harassment Act for harassing a police officer and wounding the religious feelings of Christians.[180] While Yeo posted bail in July 2022 and was allowed to leave Singapore for a hearing in Vietnam, he instead sought political asylum in the United Kingdom.[181] He was arrested by UK authorities on 4 November 2024 following an extradition request by Singapore made in October 2023.[182]
Lim had previously been convicted in July 2024 for practicing law without a valid certificate and sentenced to six weeks in jail and fined S$1,000 (US$745) on 17 February. Like Singh, he retained his eligibility for elections and announced his intention to appeal his conviction and sentence.[187][d] Following the redrawing of electoral boundaries, Lim declared that the PAR was ready to contest in 10 constituencies.[188]
Nomination Day was held on 23 April, and nomination centres opened from 11:00 to 12:00 for candidates to file their nomination papers, a political donation certificate, and in the case of GRCs, at least one minority candidate and a certificate confirming their minority status.[202][203] The election deposit was S$13,500 per candidate (rounded down from MP's allowance of S$13,750; same amount as of the previous general election).[f] As with previous elections, a failure to secure 12.5% of the vote would result in an SMC candidate or GRC team forfeiting their deposit.[204]
Ten nomination centres were set up for nominations.[205] A total of 211 candidates contested in the election, including 89 first-time candidates, 32 of whom were from the ruling PAP.[206] Twenty incumbent MPs, all from PAP, did not seek reelection.[207] The election also saw the highest number of female candidates at 53.[208]
A January 2025 study by Blackbox Research's sentiment tracker, SensingSG, found that the cost of living remained the primary concern for Singaporeans.[209][210] Voters also cited employment and housing as key issues, while higher-income groups expressed concerns about civil rights and democracy.[211] Respondents indicated they prioritised the quality of governance at the constituency level rather than the national level, with nearly 90% of respondents expressing this view. Additionally, 88% of respondents emphasised the importance of candidate quality in their constituency, while 87.8% highlighted service delivery and infrastructure as key factors.[209] Unlike in other countries, Blackbox anticipated that the upcoming general election would not be driven by personality-based politics.[211][210]
Bhavan Jaipragas of The Straits Times commented that beyond everyday concerns like public housing and living costs, opposition parties should also address geopolitical matters as these can significantly influence domestic issues, particularly with the introduction of tariffs by the second Trump administration.[212]Agence France-Presse and Nikkei Asia expected that economic uncertainties due to the tariffs would be a key concern among voters.[213][214] Jaipragas also called for voters not to take Singapore's relevance and sovereignty for granted as he cited a 2009 Lee Kuan Yew speech.[215] On the other hand, commentators on SCMP expected voters to prioritise domestic issues over international affairs.[216] Analysts on CNA said the PAP's traditional "flight to safety" strategy during times of crisis – appealing to voters' to stick with familiar leadership – may not be as effective amid growing voter scepticism and a more diverse electorate.[217] Teo on SCMP added that the electorate might desire diverse voices in parliament.[216] Opposition leaders have called for unity through parliamentary diversity, pushing back on what they see as government fearmongering. Analysts expect that building trust, demonstrating sincerity, and clearly communicating plans to address both global developments and domestic issues are essential in shaping electoral outcomes.[217]
Ahead of the upcoming election, CNA and other Mediacorp media outlets identified East Coast, Marine Parade, Sengkang, and West Coast GRCs as potential election "hotspots", with residents across these districts primarily concerned about the rising cost of living, employment, job security, and housing affordability.[218][219][220] In East Coast, where PAP narrowly beat WP in 2020, ageing infrastructure and elderly support are major issues. Private estate owners also seek greater transparency on lease renewals.[220][221][222] In Marine Parade, in addition to concerns regarding immigration, job competition, school placements,[223][224]CNA speculated that Tan Chuan-Jin's marital affair could influence the constituency's electoral outcome as he was well-regarded among residents there.[218] In WP-held Sengkang, national issues take priority over constituency-level issues like estate cleanliness.[219][225][226] Meanwhile, in West Coast, where the PAP won by just 3.36% in 2020, estate management and transport are key concerns.[227][228]CNA believes the prosecution of S. Iswaran and the presence of PSP's founding chairman Tan Cheng Bock, a former PAP MP, could determine the next election outcome.[229]
In a CNA survey after the redrawing of electoral boundaries, most residents in redrawn constituencies like East Coast GRC, Marine Parade–Braddell Heights, and West Coast–Jurong West were largely indifferent to the changes. However, residents in East Coast and Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRCs had questioned the rationale, and political analysts noted that the opposition could face more challenges.[230] Analysts on The Straits Times, such as Mustafa Izzuddin and Felix Tan, believe that the boundary changes have strengthened support for the PAP in the newly formed GRCs in the west.[231] Analysts also suggested that East Coast could be highly competitive due to the inclusion of educated, middle-class voters in Joo Chiat, who could prioritise political pluralism and checks on parliamentary power.[232] Political observer Tan noted that younger voters in the newly formed Punggol GRC could potentially influence voting trends,[233] and The Straits Times expected a fierce PAP–WP fight in Punggol.[234] However, Teo believed that many voters would focus more on national issues, party performance, and candidate quality than constituency-specific changes.[235]
Social media
Before the election campaign, The Straits Times reported in 2024 that politicians and political parties were prioritising their social media presence, with Teo Kay Key predicting that social media would play a significant role in the upcoming general election campaign.[236] According to Bhavan Jaipragas of The Straits Times, the political climate in Singapore remained "comparatively healthy", but noted increasing polarisation on social media.[237]
The PAP engaged social media influencers, with its MPs having actively used social media for outreach.[236] In a March 2025 CNA Today article, the party claimed to avoid a "one-size-fits-all" approach to social media. According to itself, its MPs addressed a range of issues important to them and their residents, utilising social media in ways that "best [suited] their personalities".[238] The WP and other opposition parties had also regularly updated their accounts with walkabout reports and other activities,[236] considering social media essential for "levelling the playing field" and direct engagement with Singaporeans. Ravi Philemon, the secretary-general of RDU, said that a social media presence was essential to compete against established parties with large followings. However, many had to operate with limited resources and depend on volunteers to manage their social media accounts.[238]
While social media engagement was seen as crucial for voter outreach, Teo considered the electorate unlikely to rely solely on social media in their voting choices.[236] According to the WP, social media was a complement rather than a substitute for its "longstanding" commitment to on-the-ground engagement ("ground work"). On the other hand, SDP vice-chairperson Bryan Lim stated that social media had been effective in addressing "some of the weaknesses of ground work," such as allowing him to connect with constituents he had failed to engage with in-depth.[238]
Podcasts
(L–R) PAP's Lawrence Wong, WP's Jamus Lim, and SDP's Paul Tambyah on The Daily Ketchup Podcast.
Politicians, including Prime MinisterLawrence Wong, Minister for HealthOng Ye Kung, and NCMP Hazel Poa, appeared on local podcasts as part of their communication and campaign strategies.[239] Producers and hosts of four Singaporean podcasts told CNA Today that political interest in appearing on their platforms had surged since 2020, especially ahead of the 2025 general election.[238] Experts interviewed by The Straits Times suggested that the casual format allowed politicians to connect with voters beyond traditional media, particularly younger people and older millennials.[239] Kenneth Paul Tan of Hong Kong Baptist University noted that podcasts in Singapore served both as hegemonic reinforcement and contestation. While allowing the PAP to humanise its leaders and foster relatability, it also allowed the opposition to bypass mainstream media, challenge the PAP, and appeal to disillusioned Singaporeans, especially in Singapore's tightly controlled media landscape.[240] Tan also believed that podcasts during the election changed Singaporeans' engagement with politics as politicians became more candid while voters "began listening differently".[241]
Natalie Pang, head of NUS's Department of Communications and New Media, added that such podcasts could provide a platform for individuals with differing political views to engage in candid exchange with one another, an "important" factor amid rising political polarisation worldwide. Pang also highlighted that some podcast hosts had been willing to challenge politicians on their shows, often voicing public concerns and asking pressing questions.[239] Nevertheless, commentators on CNA Today noted that viral online content did not necessarily translate into electoral success, as voters had mixed opinions on its influence. They also said that social media's reach was more confined to specific demographics, particularly younger voters.[239]
In line with the 2011 and 2015 general elections, each GRC had two sites marked for physical rallies, while each SMC had one. One site was also designated for lunchtime rallies.[242] Physical rallies had been suspended in 2020 due to safety measures against the COVID-19 pandemic.[243][244]
Political broadcasts and debates
Two Party Political Broadcasts (PPBs) were held on 25 April and 1 May, during the campaigning period. Political parties fielding at least six candidates under a recognised party symbol were allowed to deliver their campaigning messages on the PPBs.[196]Mediacorp also hosted two roundtable talks on 27 and 29 April.[245]
SPP on 1.52% SDP on 4.45% NSP on 3.75% Other on 7.65%
50.01
Foreign interference
On 25 April, the Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA) ordered Meta to restrict Singaporeans' access to social media posts by foreign nationals it had flagged as foreign interference in the election. Among those accused of illegal campaigning were Zulfikar bin Mohamad Shariff, an Australian citizen who renounced his Singapore citizenship in 2020, having been previously detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA), and two Malaysians: Iskandar Abdul Samad, national treasurer of PAS, and Mohamed Sukri Omar, the PAS youth chief in Selangor. Iskandar had expressed support for WP MP Faisal Manap, while Sukri reposted a post by Zulfikar criticising Malay-Muslim MPs for failing to represent Muslim interests.[276][277] Senior minister of state Zaqy Mohamad warned of disruption if Singaporeans voted along religious lines, while saying that it could be common outside of Singapore.[278] However, Iskandar denied the accusations of foreign interference against him and "slammed" the attempt to link PAS to the WP. He stated that the post was "aimed at his predominantly Malay Muslim audience in Malaysia" rather than an "audience in Singapore".[279] During a PAP walkabout in Tampines GRC on 29 April, Lee Hsien Loong called for the separation of race and religion from politics.[280]
Noor Deros, a Singaporean Islamic religious teacher based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, also claimed that the WP "had agreed to his political demands" after meeting with some of the party's Malay candidates.[281]Pritam Singh denied this, adding that while the WP "[had] no control over foreigners supporting candidates", he stated that the party would be unsuccessful if it "[played the] race and religion card".[282] Other opposition parties, including the SDP, PSP and NSP, also stated their opposition to foreign interference, rejecting any foreign support.[283] Deros denied trying to interfere in Singapore's politics and claimed to advocate on behalf of Singapore's "marginalised" Malay-Muslim community.[284] Separately, one day after the restriction was imposed, RDU candidate Liyana Dhamirah lodged a police report for online harassment pertaining to "racist and sexist undertones".[285]
As of 29 April, around 5,000 comments posted by 900 fake Facebook accounts and bots spreading anti-PAP and anti-WP sentiments and targeting news coverage of foreign interference were found, and the Ministry of Digital Development and Information (MDDI) urged Singaporeans to remain discerning in their consumption of information.[286][287] On 30 April, Jom, an online publication website, was blocked due to a violation of promoting unauthorised third-party paid online election advertising (OEA) and the use of forbidden articles and materials, according to MDDI.[288]
Party campaigns
People's Action Party
The 2025 general election was the first under Lawrence Wong's leadership,[289] with Nikkei Asia describing the vote as "a key test of public confidence" in the new prime minister.[213] On 13 April, Wong acknowledged that the PAP would face a "fiercely contested" election, with no constituencies guaranteed as "safe seats" for the party.[290][291] Wong also announced that the PAP would field at least 30 new candidates in the election – the largest slate in the party's recent history.[292] Wong stated "profound changes" and growing global uncertainty as reasons for calling for the vote, allowing Singaporeans to choose a leadership team to navigate future challenges.[293]
On 17 April, the PAP launched their manifesto, presented as a "roadmap" in navigating global uncertainties.[246] To address the cost of living, the PAP planned to distribute CDC vouchers, cash payouts, and utility rebates to households, while enhancing support schemes for lower-income families and seniors such as ComCare, Silver Support, and ComLink+. It also promised to reduce preschool fees, raise childcare subsidies, expand parental leave, and provide more support for larger families.[294] The PAP aimed to support businesses facing rising costs with tax rebates and policies like the Progressive Wage Credit Scheme. It also proposed investment in transport, digital infrastructure, and clean energy (including nuclear) while accelerating tech adoption. For seniors, it proposed raising the re-employment age, increasing CPF contributions, and co-funding wages. PMETs (professionals, managers, executives and technicians) were to receive help through leadership development, re-skilling initiatives, and jobseeker support under SkillsFuture, a national retraining scheme.[295] On housing, the PAP made plans to build 50,000 new flats in the next three years, and offer more public housing options for higher-income couples and singles. It also planned to rejuvenate HDB towns through the Voluntary Early Redevelopment Scheme.[296]
During the PAP's first rally, Wong warned the opposition against inflaming sensitive issues or using domestic politics to cause political divisions especially during uncertain times.[317] In his statement during the first PPB, he called the election timed "at a time of profound global change" and pledged to prioritise important matters. He also said that voters would have to make a "crucial decision" for the country's future in the polls.[318] On 25 April, Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan, contesting Holland–Bukit Timah GRC, urged opposition candidates to focus on offering "real solutions",[319] a statement later reiterated by Minister for EducationChan Chun Sing.[320] In another rally on 26 April, Youth Minister Edwin Tong, contesting East Coast GRC, insisted that there was no "silver bullet" for upcoming challenges and urged voters not to be swayed by "rhetoric" or "soundbites" promising "easy solutions".[321] At a 29 April rally, K. Shanmugam, Minister for Law and Home Affairs, warned of job risks due to tariffs in the second Trump administration and urged the public to trust the government's budget measures, emphasising that the PAP "always [told] the truth directly".[322]
At a lunchtime rally on 28 April, Wong warned that voting for the opposition would weaken the PAP by ousting ministers and accused the opposition of seeking more seats without responsibility.[323]Indranee Rajah claimed that opposition voices would still exist under the NCMP scheme, and pledged that the PAP government would continue providing support, such as CDC vouchers, GST vouchers, cash payouts, and utilities rebates, to address cost pressures she deemed "externally driven".[324]Senior MinisterLee Hsien Loong said that a "good government" required "good people" and urged voters against voting out key ministers[b] during uncertainty.[325] On 29 April, Lee dismissed Singh's "ridiculous" claim that the government could function without a two-thirds majority.[326] Wong also told the media that the WP's view of voting out ministers was a "cavalier and irresponsible approach".[327] On 1 May, Wong refuted Singh's claims that negative politics was ingrained in the PAP's DNA, asserting instead that the party is committed to "forging as wide a national consensus" on contentious issues and "bringing Singaporeans together". He also emphasised that the effectiveness of policy debates in Parliament depended more on the quality of contributions than the number of voices.[328]
Addressing Singh's criticisms that labour MPs had ignored a controversial deal to sell 51% of NTUC Income to Allianz that was scrapped after public outrage, Ng Chee Meng, secretary-general of the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) and PAP candidate for Jalan Kayu SMC, stated on 27 April that the deal was made "in good faith" and had been considered "reasonable" as it was intended to strengthen Income and safefguard the interests of policyholders. In light of public concerns, Ng said he had initiated a review within NTUC Enterprise and pledged that the organisation would "do better".[329]Chan Chun Sing, a former secretary-general of NTUC, also defended labour MPs against WP criticisms, stating that they "[worked] quietly behind the scenes" to represent workers and raise diverse issues in Parliament. He rejected Singh's claim that NTUC served as a "trampoline" for losing PAP candidates and instead emphasised that voters should assess parties based on their ability to deliver jobs, wages, and price stability, and whether their proposals were realistic and financially sustainable.[330] On 28 April, former NTUC Income Insurance CEO Tan Suee Chieh published an open letter calling for Gan Kim Yong to provide full disclosure regarding his role in the deal; the letter became viral across various social media platforms.[331] In his Labour Day speech on 1 May, Wong expressed gratitude to union workers, while also cautioning against voting out key ministers and urging voters to judge the PAP fairly.[332][333][334] Separately, Ng reflected on his experiences over the five years between the two elections during his opening remarks.[335] At the PAP's final rallies, Wong, while visiting the secondary schools of North Vista and Yusof Ishak to support the PAP teams for the GRCs of Sengkang and Punggol, reiterated a point that the government Singaporeans wanted, and not the number of seats the PAP won, mattered in the election.[336]
The PAP spent S$9.4 million in their campaign.[337] According to PAP activists interviewed on CNA Today, their campaign strategy involved prioritising resources in the eastern and north-eastern electoral hotspots, avoiding personal attacks in favor of policy discussions, and leveraging incumbency strengths by emphasising constituency-level achievements.[338] Felix Tan of NTU described Wong's first election campaign as "rather safe". Although his speeches lacked the gravitas of past leaders, Tan noted that Wong successfully highlighted the PAP's handling of the pandemic and its record on economic management.[339] Elsewhere, several Reddit users began to question about PAP's campaigning strategies and criticized some of the teams for not campaigning hard in both safe and battleground constituencies.[340] As of early May 2025, a man was under police investigation for leading two individuals under 16 to distribute PAP flyers in Punggol GRC, an action prohibited under Singaporean law.[341][342]
Following the dissolution of Parliament, Pritam Singh thanked residents of Aljunied GRC, Hougang SMC, and Sengkang GRC for the "privilege of [service]".[293] Shortly after, the WP launched its campaign slogan "Working for Singapore", alongside a teaser video emphasising a need for political balance.[249] Singh also called for donations for its campaign, noting that costs for running a campaign had "risen considerably".[293] On 16 April, the WP claimed that 15 policy proposals, which it had previously advocated for, were adopted "in some form" by the government, covering areas like housing, transport, and employment. Eugene Tan, an associate professor at Singapore Management University (SMU), believed that the move signalled the WP's campaign strategy: positioning itself as an effective, constructive opposition and suggesting that it could achieve more with greater parliamentary presence.[343] The PAP rejected the strategy, asserting that the ideas originated from its own MPs, and accused the WP of aligning itself with government successes.[344]
On 17 April, the WP launched their manifesto which included 125 policy proposals.[345] To address the cost of living, the party called for exemptions of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) on essential items and the introduction of a minimum wage of S$1,600 (US$1194.03).[294] Regarding economic concerns, it proposed recognising and valuing unpaid household labour to correct what it called a perception that only paid work was meaningful. The WP also called for stronger leadership support in small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to improve talent attraction, the abolition of the statutory retirement age to give older workers more choice, and refinements to CPF policies, including allowing members to co-invest savings with GIC, a sovereign wealth fund.[295] On housing, it proposed using first-time buyers' median income to assess affordability, offering lower-priced 70-year Build-To-Order (BTO) flats with a 29-year lease extension option, a universal buy-back scheme for ageing flats, and greater transparency in land valuation processes.[296] Other proposals included the repeal of the Internal Security Act, the enactment of a Freedom of Information Act,[345] and formal recognition of the State of Palestine.[346]
On 17 April, Singh confirmed that the WP would field candidates for less than a third of parliamentary seats,[347][348] 14 of which were new.[349] On Nomination Day, the WP fielded its candidates to contest 26 seats in the GRCs of Punggol, Sengkang, Aljunied, Tampines, and East Coast, and the SMCs of Jalan Kayu, Tampines Changkat, and Hougang.[350] Chairperson Sylvia Lim described the slate as the "most promising" group of candidates the party had fielded to date.[351][352] Wong Pei Ting of The Straits Times noted the WP mounted a "considerably larger campaign" for 2025 compared to its 2020 campaign efforts.[353]
However, the WP decided not to contest Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC, which resulted in a walkover for the PAP.[354] Justifying the decision, Singh said that the WP had to make the "difficult decision" due to its lack of resources and the extensive boundary changes of the constituency.[355] The move was widely criticised by various other opposition parties. Goh Meng Seng, the secretary-general of the PPP and a former WP member,[356] criticised the WP as a "spoiler party" for contesting against the PPP and the NSP in Tampines GRC, while chairperson Derrick Sim was "dumbfounded" by the WP's "lame excuse". Sim claimed that the WP had never contested Tampines GRC since the creation of the constituency in 1988.[h] NSP secretary-general Spencer Ng also criticised the WP for a lack of opposition unity, saying that such a unity had become "close to impossible".[358][359] SPP secretary-general Steve Chia expressed disappointment for voters in Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC, saying, "Every constituency benefits from active competition, since it fosters greater accountability." On the other hand, SDP chairperson Paul Tambyah and PSP secretary-general Leong Mun Wai respected the decision to pull out of Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC, given that WP had previously contested Marine Parade GRC in the past two elections; it was also added that the opposition would have to work on future electoral strategies.[360][361][362] Singh rebutted the criticisms the next day, insisting that the lineup was planned all along.[363][364][365]
According to Ang Qing and Kok Yufeng, the first WP rally on 24 April emphasised that political competition and diverse perspectives were important, with former NCMP Yee Jenn Jong warning that the PAP sought to preserve its political dominance.[366] Singh also urged voters to support the WP despite global uncertainties, arguing that the WP had proven itself as a "force for good" during crises like the COVID-19 pandemic. He emphasised that a stronger WP presence in Parliament would contribute to a more rational and responsive political landscape.[367][368] In response to a statement by Wong of a sizeable opposition already existing in Parliament, Singh emphasised a differing view – that one-third of Parliament should consist of opposition MPs – and argued that voters should compare PAP and WP backbenchers fairly.[369] On his first PBB on 25 April, Singh said that having the WP win more constituencies was vital for the future of Singapore's democracy. He said that having more WP-held constituencies would increase the likelihood of maintaining a fully elected opposition presence in Parliament over the long term, which would strengthen the stability and sustainability of Singapore's political system.[370] On 27 April, Singh said that there was a "serious problem" in both PAP processes and the Singaporean political system if the PAP required a supermajority to govern properly.[371] On 1 May, Singh also said that even if all WP candidates were elected, the PAP would still hold a significant majority, undermining concerns about weakened governance it had expressed.[372]
A WP perambulating vehicle in Tampines GRCPritam Singh addresses a campaign rally at Punggol on 28 April
At their second rally on 26 April, the WP reiterated its call for GST exemptions on essential items like cooking oil and rice, and proposed drawing more from Singapore's investment returns to address the rising cost of living.[373] Singh also criticised PAP's manifesto for being "short on substance and specifics" and "loaded with motherhood statements".[374] At their third rally on 28 April, while criticising the ruling party on issues such as the scrapped Income–Allianz deal and the "parachuting" of candidates into GRCs, particularly Punggol, the WP specifically targeted Gan Kim Yong and Janil Puthucheary.[375] At the fourth rally, Singh pushed back against Wong's accusation that the WP engaged in "negative politics", asserting instead that the party had been denied access to community clubs for its events. Meanwhile, the WP team for East Coast GRC criticised the constituency's repeated gerrymandering and called on voters to counter it by electing the WP.[376][377]
On 30 April, screenshots of Telegram messages from Andre Low, WP candidate for Jalan Kayu SMC, were leaked; they showed him using profanities while criticising the civil service and various Singaporean brands including Singtel and SecretLab, and celebrities such as Pornsak and Mark Lee; Low later apologised for the incident, calling it a "humbling experience".[378][379] At their last rally at Anderson Serangoon Junior College on 1 May, WP candidates urged voters to base their decisions "on hope" instead of fear, with Sylvia Lim emphasizing the need for "conviction and hope" for a better future. Singh also criticised the GRC system for giving PAP candidates a "free pass" and stressed to "fight for every single vote", citing their narrow victory in Aljunied GRC during the 2015 elections.[372] Former leader Low Thia Khiang made a special appearance at the end of the rally before the recitation of the national pledge.[380][381][382]
Jaipragas described the PAP–WP rivalry as a "clear arc", saying that it began "steadily" and "calmly" before coming to "a decisive sharpening at the midpoint". Nevertheless, he believed that the sharpened rhetoric and the absence of racial politics, fearmongering and intimidation marked a "healthy" step forward in Singapore's democratic development.[383] Political analysts on The Straits Times characterised the WP campaign strategy as ambitious yet conservative, which yielded mixed outcomes. While the WP consolidated its grip on its existing seats, it saw a decline in the contested vote share.[353] The WP spent S$1.6 million in their campaign.[337]
On 6 April, the PSP launched its election manifesto "Progress for All", which included a call to revert the GST to 7%.[384] Among other proposed measures to deal with the cost of living were rent guidelines for commercial properties and a cap on hawker stall rentals at S$500 or 3% of revenue. The party also proposed phasing out social enterprise hawker centres, which it called "costly". On healthcare, it called to centralise drug procurement to cut costs, and provide cash support for new mothers to cover confinement expenses.[294] To tackle economic concerns, the party proposed to remove non-compete clauses for retrenched workers and mandate legally enforceable retrenchment benefits. It also called for shorter working hours, more paid leave and public holidays for better work-life balance, and equal parental leave for both parents.[295] On housing, the PSP proposed replacing the current Build-To-Order (BTO) system with its Affordable Homes Scheme, which excluded land costs for a flat[i] unless it was resold. It also advocated for allowing singles aged 28 to buy BTO and resale flats, introducing a Millennial Apartments Scheme to offer "quality" rental flats for youths, and advance construction of public housing.[296] On immigration, the PSP proposed setting company-based quotas for Employment Pass (EP) holders. It also advocated to strengthen the Fair Consideration Framework and introduce a levy on EP holders to better protect local workers and ensure fairer competition.[385]
The PSP also confirmed that it would field 13 candidates, fewer than 24 from the previous election, due to a lack of manpower. It announced that it would compete in the SMCs of Kebun Baru, Marymount, Pioneer and Bukit Gombak,[386][387] and the GRCs of Chua Chu Kang and West Coast–Jurong West.[384][387] Upon the dissolution of Parliament on 15 April, the PSP declared its readiness to face voter scrutiny, highlighting its parliamentary track record of having "fought hard" for citizens' interests.[293] On the following day after nominations, Leong Mun Wai challenged Desmond Lee, the leader of the PAP team for West Coast–Jurong West GRC, to a debate about public policies;[388] it was rejected.[389] On 30 April, Leong also asked Lee to address HDB prices and lease decay;[390] Lee replied that Leong had made assertions with "little regards" while not mentioning problems with housing during rallies.[391]
Tan Cheng Bock greeting supporters on 1 May rally at Jurong West Sports Centre.
During their first rally on 25 April, Tan and Leong claimed that the PAP's fourth-generation had "lost its way", adding problems which they claimed had arisen in the previous term, citing "a general decline in the standards".[392] Minister Tan See Leng defended the PAP against the claims and advised PSP to "keep up closely" on their policies and current trends, and highlighted policies to further support it.[393] During a walkabout at Teban Gardens Food Centre on 26 April, the PSP, along with SDP chair Paul Tambyah, celebrated Tan Cheng Bock's 85th birthday. At the celebration, PSP vice-chair Hazel Poa outlined the succession plans of the party leadership to its younger members.[394]
On 30 April, the PSP urged the release of police findings behind a series of altercations before Polling Day. Despite raising the incident prior to the election, the government apparently had yet to reply.[390] On that day, The Online Citizen (TOC) indicated that PAP grassroots volunteers supporting PAP candidate Shawn Huang had planned, via messaging, to disrupt a PSP walkabout. The attempt was reportedly cancelled after the messages became public; two messaging groups, named "TJ PAP" and "Shawn TJ Full Heart&Volunteer Community", were disbanded.[395] Although Huang did not comment, TOC alleged that he subsequently limited his social media presence.[396]TOC also claimed that PAP volunteers planned to disrupt a walkabout by the Singapore United Party (SUP) in Ang Mo Kio.[397] Poa later criticised the lack of transparency surrounding said incidents, terming it "Gombakgate".[372][398]
On the PSP's last rally on 1 May, to further emphasise a need of the opposition, Leong said that defeated opposition candidates were prone to "[being] lost forever" unlike their PAP counterparts, who had the ability to remain as grassroots advisors.[399] Like the SDP and WP on their final rallies, the PSP also called for voting without fear, and recited the pledge.[372][399] The PSP spent S$441,548 in their campaign.[337]
The SDP criticised the "impossibly short" schedule between the release of the EBRC report and Parliament's dissolution, calling the election timing a "smash-and-grab tactic".[400] It claimed that the PAP feared a popular backlash against the high cost of living and its "irrational immigration policy",[400] and argued that voters required adequate time to properly assess critical issues before heading to the polls. As part of their "northern strategy", the party planned to contest in the GRCs of Sembawang, Marsiling–Yew Tee and Holland–Bukit Timah and the SMCs of Sembawang West and Bukit Panjang.[401] On 19 April, the SDP launched its campaign slogan, "Thrive, Not Just Survive", campaigning for the reduction of GST to 5% and the introduction of a minimum wage act.[257] SDP eventually fielded 11 candidates, without contesting Holland–Bukit Timah GRC.[350]
The SDP attacked PAP policies during rallies.[402] After Ong Ye Kung claimed that Chee Soon Juan, the secretary-general of the SDP, had "abandoned" Bukit Batok SMC by redeploying himself to Sembawang West SMC, Chee drew a comparison to Ong's shift to Sembawang GRC in 2015; he was part of the defeated PAP team for Aljunied GRC in 2011.[403][404] On 27 April, Gigene Wong, an SDP candidate for Marsiling–Yew Tee GRC, apologised for using keling, a Hokkienracial slur used to define Tamils, against her fellow candidate Ariffin Sha (whom she also called an "elephant" and "future Pritam Singh") during the rally on the previous night.[405][406] SDP later gave her a stern warning, and had every member present in the following night's rally make a joint apology.[407]
In another rally on 29 April, Paul Tambyah refuted a comment from Ong calling SDP policies populist;[408] they also asked for abolishments of some healthcare clusters.[409] In its final rally on 1 May, the SDP targeted the NTUC–PAP relationship and advocated for labour workers, in response to Wong's Labour Day rally. At the closing, SDP asked the audience to vote without fear, before reciting the National Pledge.[410][372] The SDP spent S$583,440 in their campaign.[337]
Singapore People's Party
The SPP responded to the issuance of the writ of election with a Facebook statement outlining its campaign priorities and outlined its focus on "pressing concerns of Singaporeans".[400] It also called the election an "opportunity" for citizens to articulate their policy concerns, societal aspirations, and grievances.[401] The party planned to contest in Bishan–Toa Payoh GRC and Potong Pasir SMC.[411] On 19 April, it launched a manifesto which called for minimum wage, a reduction of the duration of National Service (NS) to 18 months and a decrease of the eligibility age for singles purchasing public housing to 30.[260] The SPP fielded five candidates in the constituencies it had planned to contest.[350] While the party did not host any rallies, it conducted walkabouts throughout the campaign in outreach to residents.[412]
National Solidarity Party
Secretary-general Spencer Ng said that the NSP was "unsurprised" about the election date; however, he called it "detrimental to the spirit of democracy".[401] It planned to contest in the GRCs of Sembawang and Tampines, as well as the SMCs formed from them (Sembawang West and Tampines Changkat) against the PAP in multi-cornered contests.[413] On 20 April, the party confirmed that they would not contest the SMCs, but would contest both GRCs in multi-cornered contests, as they had done so in the 2020 general election.[414][415][416][417] In a virtual rally on Facebook held on 29 April, the NSP said that they aimed to make Singapore a multi-party system, instead of the existing dominant-party system.[418] It also offered policy suggestions to champion if elected.[419] The NSP spent S$281,888 in their campaign.[337]
Singapore United Party
The SUP planned to contest in Ang Mo Kio GRC and increased the frequency of its outreach.[401] On Nomination Day, it fielded secretary-general Andy Zhu alongside Nigel Ng, Noraini Yunus, Chandran Sanmugam, and Vincent Ng in the GRC. Speaking to the media after the end of nominations, Zhu questioned the PPP's rationale for contesting the GRC, saying that he had walked the ground as an RP candidate. Martinn Ho, a PPP member, countered that the later-founded SUP "came at the last minute".[420]
Red Dot United
RDU candidates at a rally held in Jurong Central SMC on 30 April 2025
Ravi Philemon, the secretary-general of RDU, criticised the election timeline as "unfair and strategically engineered to favour the ruling party"; he argued that the acceptance of nominations on 23 April, which led to a campaign period ending on 1 May, the day of the May Day rally, had no "operational reason". He noted that the timing disadvantaged opposition parties, as they became unable to respond to announcements made during the rally before 2 May, Cooling-off Day. Despite these concerns, Philemon affirmed RDU's readiness to contest the election.[400] It intended to contest in Jurong East–Bukit Batok, Jurong Central, and Holland–Bukit Timah.[421][422] On Nomination Day, RDU fielded 15 candidates to challenge in these five constituencies.[350]
RDU tackled bread-and-butter issues, the Malay-Muslim community, and the expenditure of the Founders' Memorial on their first rally on 26 April.[423] Members like Fazli Talip[424] and Kala Manickam[425] reiterated the "importance" of electing such candidates. In the 29 April episode of The Usual Podcast, hosted by The Straits Times, RDU discussed their election campaign, and how they handled online harassment against their candidate Liyana Dhamirah during campaigning.[285][426] During a rally on the same day, the party focused on a comment by Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to a post made by former NMP Calvin Cheng on pro-Palestine remarks,[427][428] and a comment referencing chicken wings made by Grace Fu, Minister for Sustainability and the Environment, in her rally speech on the previous day.[429][430] The RDU spent S$204,145 in their campaign.[431]
People's Power Party
PPP candidates at a rally held at Yio Chu Kang stadium on 26 April 2025
The PPP launched its manifesto on 4 April. It was titled "Make Singapore Home Again" and outlined tighter immigration policies, a revision of Central Provident Fund (CPF) contributions, and "pro-family policy proposals", such as a monthly payout for children from lower-income families. It also proposed to replace the existing first-past-the-post electoral system with proportional representation in parliamentary elections.[254] The party expressed disappointment with the short timeframe between the issuance of the Writ of Election and Nomination Day, claiming that the PAP planned to "capitalise on the fear" of US tariffs.[401][432] On 12 April, secretary-general Goh Meng Seng said that the government had "overreacted" to said tariffs and claimed that Singapore should "calmly [wait them out]", as they would be withdrawn.[433] The PPP planned to contest in the GRCs of Tampines and Ang Mo Kio.[401] The two constituencies totalled 10 seats, and as with the NSP, both contests had multi-cornered fights.[434][417] After nominations ended, the PPP placed their election posters in the neighbouring Aljunied GRC and Tampines Changkat SMC, a violation of the prohibition on election advertising outside of constituencies a party is contesting. The party had three hours upon notice to have them removed for a waiver of removal expenses.[435][436]
In the PPP's first rally on 25 April, Goh attacked Singh for "abandoning" the residents of Marine Parade and said that he should "be humble". Goh later claimed that he was disinterested in Singh, saying, "I'm not gay".[437] The same day, Goh revealed that the Facebook page of Derrick Sim, the chairperson of the party, had been disabled; a police report was later filed alleging interference.[365]
In response to public scrutiny over his road rage conviction in 2022, Samuel Lee, a PPP candidate for Ang Mo Kio GRC, apologised and appealed for public support, while Sim backed him, describing Lee as a "responsible person" with "a good heart".[438] In the party's third rally, Goh criticised the transport system after various incidents, such as the 2024 East–West Line disruption, occurred regarding it. Treasurer William Lim also went viral for his speech on LTA enforcers, drawing an analogy to how police and firefighters did not work 24 hours a day.[439][440] In the party's final rally, Goh said that he aimed to convert the method of voting in GRCs from party block voting (the general ticket) to proportional representation while criticising the PAP for recruiting civil servants and military professionals such as David Neo, a decision allegedly leading to group-thinking within the government. Having been noted for repeatedly attacking the WP throughout all PPP rallies, he also vowed to contest Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC in the subsequent general election, disregarding the outcome.[441][372]
Singapore Democratic Alliance
Desmond Lim, the chairperson of the SDA, said that the alliance was prepared with 200 volunteers ready to serve as polling and counting agents. It planned to hold its rallies online instead of physical rallies to accommodate elderly residents.[401] On 23 March, the alliance announced that it would contest in Pasir Ris–Changi GRC and was in negotiations with the WP over contesting in Punggol GRC; both had been formed from the split of Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC, an SDA stomping ground.[442] On nomination day, the SDA decided against contesting Punggol GRC, leaving the WP to do so.[350]
In its series of videos, SDA highlighted key issues such as high living costs, high HDB flat prices, unaffordable healthcare, and inadequate good job opportunities, and pledged to hold the government accountable in its expenditure while ensuring that "every young family [could] afford a home". The SDA also proposed imposing a levy on Employment Pass holders, with the money used to fund a S$1,600 base allowance for full-time national servicemen.[443] It also reaffirmed its commitment to addressing the concerns of residents of Pasir Ris–Changi GRC, pledging to offer a "choice" representing "a different path of compassion, fairness, and a Singapore where every heart beats with hope".[444] The SDA spent S$193,524 in their campaign.[337]
People's Alliance for Reform
A People's Alliance for Reform rally in Jalan Besar GRC on 26 April.
Lim Tean, the secretary-general of the PAR, issued a statement endorsing the announcement of the general election and affirmed the PAR's readiness to contest.[400][401] During a walkabout in Potong Pasir SMC on 16 April, he also stated that the PAR would seek free education, healthcare and school meals for all Singaporean children if they were to be elected.[445] The PAR planned to contest in the GRCs of Jalan Besar and Tanjong Pagar, and the SMCs of Mountbatten, Potong Pasir, Queenstown, Radin Mas, and Yio Chu Kang.[446][447] It eventually contested 13 seats, with Lim himself contesting Potong Pasir SMC against the SPP and PAP.[350] However, it did not contest Mountbatten SMC.[448]
In his PPB statement, Lim said that the PAR had solutions to lower living costs and restore affordable housing, adding that Singaporeans sought "meaningful" solutions, not handouts, and rejected a future worse than previous generations. Though he did not explain how the alliance's policies would be funded, he claimed that Singapore had enough money to support them without raising taxes or using reserves.[449] At a 26 April rally, Lim urged Singaporeans to vote for opposition candidates to challenge "unjust PAP policies", pledging to fight like "a tiger and a lion" in Parliament on issues like living costs, housing, jobs, and immigration. He also criticised the Founders' Memorial, a "bloated civil service", and "empty" Mass Rapid Transit stations as wasteful spending. Other PAR candidates at the rally proposed rent control and freezing land costs to address living costs.[450] The PAR held their final rally on Facebook on 1 May.[372][451]
Independent candidates
Independent candidate Jeremy Tan hosting a rally in Mountbatten SMC on 1 May.
Two independent candidates ran in the election.[273] Jeremy Tan, candidate for Mountbatten SMC and retired Bitcoin investor, campaigned on investment in Bitcoin, the end of the use of HDB flats as retirement assets, and the introduction of a SGD-denominated Bitcoin exchange-traded fund to protect Singaporeans' savings.[452][453] His opponent, PAP candidate Gho Sze Kee, criticised his policies as "impractical" and called Bitcoin a "wildly volatile" product. She added that the PAP "[did] not believe in gambling".[453] Tan hosted his only rally throughout the campaign period on the final day, where he called for Goh to disestablish the Singapore Pools branch in Mountbatten in response to her remarks.[454] He also cited Temasek's past cryptocurrency investments, including its US$275 million write-down in FTX and a US$200 million funding round for Amber Group, noting its stake in Bitcoin-exposed asset manager BlackRock.[455]
Darryl Lo, the other independent candidate who was contesting Radin Mas SMC, did not host any physical rallies. Instead, he planned to reach voters by distributing 15,000 flyers and putting up 200 posters with the help of 12 volunteers. While admitting his lack of political presence, Lo said that he chose to run in Radin Mas SMC as there was no "credible opposition" in the constituency. He also promised to advocate for tougher penalties for drink driving, and to help more low-income families in the constituency qualify for the financial assistance scheme of the Ministry of Education (MOE). In addition, he supported allowing singles aged 21 and above to purchase HDB flats.[273] Lo also rejected donations, saying that he wanted to rely solely on his own efforts and stand on his own merits.[456] Despite originally intending to speak at Tan's rally on 1 May, Lo later realised that two independents contesting in different constituencies could not both speak at a rally. He instead appeared there to meet with the audience.[455]
Polling Day
A polling station during the election
On Polling Day, 3 May 2025, polling stations were opened from 08:00 to 20:00,[457] with 1,920 polling stations set up across Singapore.[458]
In addition, overseas Singaporeans could vote in 10 polling stations set up at Singapore's embassies, high commissions and consulates in Dubai, London, Washington, New York City, San Francisco, Beijing, Canberra, Hong Kong, Shanghai and Tokyo.[459] A total of 18,389 Singaporeans registered to vote overseas, with the option to either vote in person or by post.[460] Overseas polling in the first five foreign cities began a day earlier to ensure polls closed before Singapore's 20:00 deadline on Polling Day.[460]
Voting is compulsory for all Singaporeans, except for those who are hospitalised, on holiday, or working or studying overseas on Polling Day.[461]Absent voters will be removed from the register, after which voters may apply for restoration through the SingPass app or ELD website (with a $50 processing fee; waivered if valid reasons are accepted). For this election, restoration became available from 29 May onwards.[462][463] Under Section 35 of the Parliamentary Elections Act,[464] Polling Day is a public holiday.[461][465] Campaigning or election advertising are prohibited from the start of Cooling-off Day until polling stations close. When voting, voters are advised against wearing attire or carrying items to the polling station with images that could influence others or promote support for any political party, candidate, or group. Failure to comply may result in being turned away by election officials.[457] Voting is conducted via a secret ballot. Each ballot paper contains a serial number that is used to identify ballots to prevent counterfeiting and voter fraud.[466]
At 12:00 of polling day, ELD reported that about 48% of the electorate had cast their ballots; by 17:00, this number had increased to 82%.[467][468] Polls closed at 20:00, with 2,429,281 votes cast.[469][470]
Incidents
On 1 May, the police announced an investigation into 13 young individuals for damaging wheelchairs at two polling stations. The first incident was reported on 28 April at a Sengkang polling station, followed by another case at a polling station in Boon Lay.[471][472] On polling day, a driver was taken to Khoo Teck Puat Hospital after his car crashed into a wall at Anderson Secondary School – one of the polling stations for Ang Mo Kio GRC. From video footage, the driver was about to be seated in his stationary car where the car suddenly accelerated. Three other injuries were reported but none were hospitalised.[473]
Since the 2015 general elections, the ELD has released a sample count before the official results; the official reason is to curb speculation and reduce reliance on unofficial sources during the counting process.[474][475] By 22:55 of polling day, all sample counts for all constituencies had been released, showing the PAP ahead in all constituencies except Aljunied GRC, Sengkang GRC, and Hougang SMC, all of which the WP had already held.[476][477]
Results by constituency
News outlets reported the full results by around 02:00 the following morning;[478][479][480] all reported that the PAP secured 65.57% of the national vote, marking an improvement of over four percentage points from 2020. It won 87 out of 97 parliamentary seats, maintaining the two-thirds majority it has held since Singapore's independence. The party won over 80% of the vote in three constituencies, with Queenstown SMC being won with the highest vote share of 81.12%.[478][481][482] A record 31 female candidates were elected for the fifth consecutive election, constituting approximately 32% of Parliament.[483]
A total of 27 candidates forfeited their election deposits after failing to secure the minimum 12.5% of valid votes in their respective constituencies.[204][484][485][j] In addition to winning ten seats, the WP was offered and accepted two NCMP seats, as its candidates in Jalan Kayu SMC and Tampines GRC recorded the highest vote shares among defeated opposition contenders.[490][491]
The final overseas votes were tabulated on 15 May. According to ELD, 5,966 out of 8,091 overseas votes cast their ballots, while 7,808 out of 9,146 postal votes had been downloaded. 3,363 votes were accepted for counting out of the 6,097 that had been received in Singapore by the deadline stipulated on 13 May. A majority of the vote shares were slightly changed, but the overall popularity vote were otherwise the same. In total, 9,329 votes were cast and 116 were rejected.[197][198]
Out of 2,627,026 registered electors, 2,438,610 votes were cast, including 42,945 rejected ballots.[492][493] At 92.47%, the election recorded Singapore's lowest voter turnout since 1968.[492][484]
At the post-election press conference at The Treasury, prime minister Lawrence Wong said that the results reflected a "clear and strong" mandate, placing Singapore in a better position to navigate uncertainties and multiracial issues. He described the outcome as a sign of public satisfaction while emphasising that the PAP did not take voters' support for granted and pledged to work harder, noting that the world was watching the results closely. Wong also acknowledged the opposition's efforts in addressing key issues.[494] Separately, president Tharman Shanmugaratnam said the results showed Singaporeans "remain united in wanting the best future for the country", noting the absence of political distrust or polarisation seen in other countries such as Canada and Australia.[495] The following day, PAP leaders pledged to remain united and learn from global challenges while thanking residents via their parades,[496] with Meet-the-People Sessions resuming on 5 May.[497][498]
Pritam Singh of WP initially declined to speak to reporters regarding the election results.[499][500][501] Nonetheless, in his victory speech for Aljunied GRC on 4 May, he pledged a more balanced parliament and that his team would continue to serve the residents equally. Jalan Kayu SMC candidate Andre Low noted that while the outcome was "not what we hoped for", he respected it. Meanwhile, party supporters expressed surprise and disappointment as it was unable to win any new seats.[502] WP congratulated PAP for the strong mandate. On 5 May, Yee Jenn Jong announced his retirement from politics, adding that his experience was "worthy", though he would remain in WP.[503]
SDP leader Chee secured the party's best result of 46.81% in Sembawang West SMC. However, he failed to secure an NCMP seat, as the WP outperformed him when they were defeated in Jalan Kayu SMC and Tampines GRC.[504] He emotionally described the campaign as an "uphill battle" but affirmed that the SDP and other opposition parties would continue to collaborate and adapt their strategies for future elections.[505] On 18 May, Chee and Tambyah launched the "Orange and Teal Social Enterprise Co-operative" as a "people-centric economic counterweight to the PAP–NTUC nexus". They also advocated for electoral reforms via petitions and established a youth group in preparation for future elections.[506]
PSP leader Leong called the results "very shocking" as he acknowledged the party's loss across all six contested constituencies. He indicated that the party would reflect and review its strategy while aiming to regain public trust and continue serving Singaporeans.[507] PSP cancelled a press conference after the release of sample counts.[508] On 4 May, PSP founder Tan Cheng Bock congratulated Desmond Lee, Minister for National Development, and his PAP team on their victory. He also thanked their voters, saying that their support was "never taken for granted".[509] Leong congratulated Lee via Facebook on 7 May, and stated that the PSP's results, though disappointing, did not signal the end of the party.[510] On 10 May, Tan confirmed his retirement from electoral politics but said that he would remain in PSP, saying that the party "[was] not going to run away".[511]
NSP leader Spencer Ng declared on 3 May that the party would adopt a "more aggressive and vocal" approach against other opposition parties, saying that the NSP risked being "overshadowed" amidst "an increasingly crowded opposition landscape". He stated that "opposition unity" was an illusion, and that the NSP would no longer adhere to "gentlemen's rules", alleging that other parties had exploited the "rules" for their own gain.[488] PAR leader Lim Tean described the results as "disappointing not just for PAR but for the entire opposition" and vowed a stronger comeback in the next election. He also state that the party would investigate "certain inexplicable matters", alleged that there were unsigned ballot box seals in Potong Pasir SMC.[489] RDU leader Philemon described the results as encouraging and congratulated Wong, characterising PAP's win as a "heavy responsibility".[512] SDA leader Desmond Lim expressed his encouragement and motivation to continue community work, and outlined plans to enhance community engagement, refine policies, leverage social media, and build stronger coalitions with other parties to address constituents' issues.[513] Independent candidates Jeremy Tan and Darryl Lo intended to use their platforms to continue engaging Singaporeans on local and national issues. Tan also planned to contest in the next election and pledged to advocate for low-income families in Mountbatten SMC and Marine Parade–Braddell Heights GRC. Lo, who outperformed PAR candidate Kumar Appavoo by 16 points, said the result showed voters wanted a more credible opposition candidate.[514]
A post-election survey by YouGov indicated that while most Singaporean voters were satisfied with the outcome, less than half of Gen Z voters approved of PAP's election victory. The survey also found that only 37% of Gen Z respondents felt optimistic about the future under the new administration.[515][516]
International reactions
Australian prime minister Anthony Albanese and Wong mutually congratulated each other for their respective election results.[517] Wong also received congratulations by phone and Facebook from Malaysian prime minister Anwar Ibrahim.[518][519] Indonesian president Prabowo Subianto congratulated Wong via X, regarding his win an example of "trust and stability and confidence".[517][519] Vice president Gibran Rakabuming Raka also congratulated Wong for his election victory.[520] China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Lin Jian congratulated Wong on behalf of the Chinese government at a press conference.[521] Japanese prime minister Shigeru Ishiba said he hoped to work more closely with Wong to strengthen the strong ties between Japan and Singapore, as both countries approached the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations in 2026. Indian prime minister Narendra Modi congratulated Wong on his "resounding victory in the general elections", and also stated that he looks forward to working closely with Wong to further advance the two countries' "Comprehensive Strategic Partnership".[522] New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon congratulated Wong via X on the election and noted that both nations "share a strong and enduring friendship".[523]
Cambodian prime minister Hun Manet congratulated Wong via phone call as Hun hailed their relationship a "highlighted the enduring friendship". Thai prime minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra also congratulated Wong on his "decisive election victory".[524][525] United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio congratulated the PAP's victory, citing the strong and enduring strategic partnership between the two countries.[526] President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen congratulated Wong and the PAP on their victory.[527] United Kingdom Foreign Secretary David Lammy congratulated Wong via X.[528] Canadian prime minister Mark Carney, Estonian prime minister Kristen Michal, Luxembourg prime minister Luc Frieden congratulated Wong via X.[529][530][531] French president, Ukraine president Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Taiwan president Lai Ching-te also sent their congratulations to Wong via X.[532][533][534]General-secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam Central Committee Tô Lâm and Vietnamese prime minister Phạm Minh Chính congratulated Wong.[535]
Results analysis
Analysts on The Straits Times regarded the PAP's landslide victory as a "flight to safety".[536] Additionally, analysts on The Straits Times and CNA believed the results indicated a "strong mandate" for Wong's leadership team.[537][538] SMU Professor Eugene Tan noted that the party's overall vote share increased, a reversal of the typical decline seen during a leadership transition.[538] Political scientist Walid Jumblatt Abdullah believed the strong electoral performance gave Wong "wide latitude" in forming his cabinet, with other commentators considering the PAP's leadership transition "complete".[537]
Analysts interviewed on CNA suggested that the election results could signal a shift towards a two-party system in Singapore, with Tan highlighting the "increasingly crowded and fragmented opposition landscape".[538] However, analysts differed on the WP's performance. NUS Professor Chong Ja Ian noted the party's increased vote share in its incumbent constituencies, and IPS research fellow Teo Kay Key highlighted that the party secured over 40% of votes in all newly contested areas, both of which were cited as indicators of progress. However, former PAP MP Inderjit Singh argued that the WP's strong candidates remained overextended as it failed to secure additional GRCs.[538][539] On Reuters, analysts believed that the WP had emerged as the leading challenger against the PAP's longstanding dominance. Associate Professor Michael Barr praised the party's disciplined approach and ability to attract strong candidates while building electoral experience. However, Gillian Koh noted that despite pulling ahead of other opposition parties, the WP remained far from mounting a serious challenge to the PAP, positioning Singapore closer to a "one-and-a-half party system".[540]
Political observers on CNA also regarded the results as a "serious loss" for other opposition parties.[538] The PSP lost its two NCMP seats; its contested vote share decreased from 41% to 36%.[541] Political analyst Loke Hoe Yeong suggested that the PSP had been overdependent on Tan Cheng Bock's symbolic leadership, with NCMPs Poa and Leong failing to gain significant electoral momentum. Chong suggested that the party's reduced internet presence may have contributed to its decline, while Eugene Tan noted that the PSP, being a newer party, failed to effectively convey a youthful appeal.[542] Political obsevers also noted the party's struggle to recruit younger candidates and its misjudgment of the electorate's desire for policy debate.[543][544] IPS academic adviser Tan Ern Ser said that the PSP's proposals could have appealed to some but seemed impractical to others, while observers noted that the party's leadership changes had hurt perceptions of its stability.[542]
Tham Yuen-C, a writer for The Straits Times, viewed the results as a rejection of poorly prepared "mosquito parties", with voters favouring a "credible" opposition (e.g. the WP). She believed that they signalled a desire for gradual political change and higher standards in opposition politics.[545] Analysts on CNA cited poor candidate quality, weak ground presence, and unclear messaging as key reasons for the other parties' poor performance, and suggested they should consider consolidating or merging with larger opposition parties to stay relevant.[485][546] Eugene Tan added that while RDU's performance was a "promising start", the party needed to grow further by broadening its appeal and recruiting candidates from diverse racial and social backgrounds.[485]
Various analysts on The Straits Times also highlighted voters' rising expectations for strong parliamentary representation and effective municipal management. SUSS associate professor Walter Theseira noted that the WP retained support by improving estate management, while Eugene Tan described the PSP's dismissive attitude toward local governance as "untenable". Michelle Ang added that locally credible independent candidates had outperformed established opposition figures.[547]
Lawrence Wong stated that his immediate priority was to form the new cabinet, to be announced "in due course" through a press conference. The formation would be followed by a swearing-in ceremony. He also indicated that Ng Chee Meng, secretary-general of NTUC and MP for Jalan Kayu SMC, was likely to be included after his political comeback, citing how the leadership of NTUC had played key roles in past cabinets.[494] On 5 May, Wong also announced that Pritam Singh would remain the Leader of the Opposition.[548] After having a photo of himself and convicted money launderer Su Haijin circulated online, Ng requested on 6 May that Wong not assign him any cabinet position. He also apologised for his "disrespectful" remarks made to public servants at a 2017 Ministry of Education dialogue.[549]
1 2 131,820 of the 2,758,846 voters were registered in uncontested constituencies, leaving 2,627,026 voters able to vote.
1 2 There are three cabinet ministers that have been voted out since independence, which were Ng Chee Meng in 2020, as well as Lim Hwee Hua and George Yeo back in the 2011 elections. Before this, K. M. Byrne, who lost his seat in 1963, was also a full cabinet minister. To date as of 2020, there have been a total of eight office holders (including one acting cabinet minister, two ministers of state, and two parliamentary secretaries) who also lost re-election.
1 2 According to the current Constitution and a statement from the Elections Department, any individual with a fine of at least S$10,000 (US$7,400) or at least a year of imprisonment in at least one separate count of offence carries a five-year election ban and, if they have one, the loss of their seat in Parliament, unless they are pardoned with an amnesty from the President. The last MP to receive this ban was former secretary-general J. B. Jeyaretnam, who fulfilled the criteria by having a fine of S$2,000 or more on a sentence prior to amendments in May 2022.[131] This led to the vacation of his seat for the now-defunct Anson Constituency, which he had held since 1981.[132][133]
1 2 The other election where the election deposit remained unchanged in between elections was 1984, at S$1,500.
↑ The three previously contested candidates who contested unsuccessfully in 2020, Chua Eng Leong, Shamsul Kamar (both who also contested in 2015) and Raymond Lye, did not contest this election. Another one-term MP who also contested unsuccessfully in 2020, Amrin Amin, also did not contest.
↑ The present-day Tampines GRC had wards previously part of Eunos GRC, which appeared in the 1988 and 1991 general elections, and Pasir Ris GRC in the 1997 general election. The WP contested in all of these occasions, being narrowly defeated both times in Eunos GRC.[357] Prior to the 2020 election except 1997, Tampines GRC has always been contested by the NSP (and as part of the Singapore Democratic Alliance in 2001 and 2006), including 2011 where PPP's chief Goh Meng Seng (then-NSP chief) led his team.
↑ In the five-member Ang Mo Kio GRC, the SUP and PPP teams received 10.84% and 10.21% of the vote.[486] In the five-member Tampines GRC, the PPP and NSP teams received 0.43% and 0.18% of the vote.[487] The NSP also lost their deposits in the five-member Sembawang GRC, securing 2.32% of the vote.[488] PAR candidates Lim Tean and Kumar Appavoo polled 8.35% in Potong Pasir SMC and 7.36% in Radin Mas SMC, respectively.[489][f]
↑ Chin, Hui Shan; Sin, Carmen; Lee, Li Ying; Chia, Osmond (3 October 2024). "Iswaran sentenced to 12 months' jail". The Straits Times. Archived from the original on 3 October 2024. Retrieved 3 October 2024.
1 2 Ow, Gladys (4 May 2025). "GE2025: Landslide victory for Singapore's ruling PAP in PM Wong's first electoral test". CNA. 01:54/Landslide victory for PAP. Retrieved 4 May 2025. In a landslide victory, the PAP has won 65.57 per cent of the national vote, improving on its 2020 performance by more than 4 percentage points. The party secured 87 seats in the 97-seat parliament – that's a two-thirds majority, which the PAP has consistently achieved since Singapore's independence.
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