On 27 March 2006, Armenia signed a Millennium Challenge Compact with the United States; the agreement entered into force on 29 September 2006. Provided the Armenian Government makes progress on mutually agreed-upon policy performance criteria (corruption, ruling justly, and investing in people), the agreement will provide $235 million to Armenia over five years to reduce rural poverty through the improvement of rural roads and irrigation networks. In 2013, the United States and Armenia held their first-ever joint military drills, during which Armenian soldiers were trained for their current multi-national peacekeeping operations.[1]
According to the 2016 U.S. Global Leadership Report, 42% of Armenians approve of U.S. leadership, with 31% disapproving and 27% uncertain.[2]
On 10 June 2024, US and Armenian diplomats met in Yerevan and pledged to increase bilateral ties. "The sides positively assessed cooperation to support Armenia's ongoing reforms and democratic progress and noted Armenia's aspirations for closer cooperation with Euro-Atlantic institutions and the West," a joint statement said. The two sides announced that they would deepen ties in the coming year, which will be formalized by signing a deal to upgrade the status of bilateral dialogue to a "Strategic Partnership Commission". This comes as trade turnover between Washington and Yerevan has quadrupled since 2020. Military officials also vowed to establish formal bilateral defense consultations to "regularize planning of defense cooperation objectives."[4]
United States–Armenia economic relations
Embassy of Armenia in Washington D.C. in 1918
In 1992, Armenia signed three agreements with the United States affecting trade between the two countries. The agreements were ratified by the Armenian parliament in September 1995 and entered into force in the beginning of 1996. They include an "Agreement on Trade Relations", an "Investment Incentive Agreement", and a treaty on the "Reciprocal Encouragement and Protection of Investment" (generally referred to as the Bilateral Investment Treaty, or BIT). Armenia does not have a bilateral taxation treaty with the United States. The 1994 Law on Foreign Investment governs all direct investments in Armenia, including those from the United States.
Approximately 70 American-owned firms currently do business in Armenia, including Dell, Microsoft, and IBM. Recent major American investment projects include the Hotel Armenia/Marriott; the Hotel Ani Plaza; Tufenkian Holdings (carpet and furnishing production, hotels, and construction); several subsidiaries of U.S.-based information technology firms, including Viasphere Technopark, an IT incubator; Synopsys; a Greek-owned Coca-Cola bottling plant; jewelry and textile production facilities; several copper and molybdenum mining companies; and the Hovnanian International Construction Company.
U.S. government-funded agencies involved in Armenian economic institutions
The U.S. continues to work closely with international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to help Armenia in its transition to a free-market economy. Armenia has embarked upon an ambitious reform program, which has resulted in a double-digit GDP growth for the last 6 years. U.S. economic assistance programs, primarily under the administration of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), have three objectives: to promote sustainable private sector economic growth, to strengthen non-executive governmental systems and civil society to build a more robust democracy, and to ensure a smooth transition towards primary healthcare and the rationalization of social support systems of the government. Other agencies, including the Departments of State, Agriculture, Treasury, Defense, Commerce, Energy, Justice, and the Peace Corps sponsor various assistance projects. The United States-Armenia Task Force, established in 2000, is a bilateral commission that meets every 6 months to review the progress and objectives of U.S. assistance to Armenia.[5] During the October 2007 meeting held in Washington, D.C., then-Armenian Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan met with then-US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and then-Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs Reuben Jeffrey.[6]
Specific USAID programs focus on private sector competitiveness and workforce development in selected industries, including information technology and tourism; development of the financial sector and fiscal authorities to achieve an enabling environment for businesses; and reforms promoting the efficient and safe use of energy and water; democracy and good governance programs, including the promotion of a well-informed and active civil society, support to decentralization of authority, independent justice sector and the parliament to ensure the separation of power; social sector reform, including benefits and public services administration for vulnerable populations; health sector reform, including improvement of primary healthcare (PHC) services with an emphasis on preventive care; strengthening of reproductive, maternal, and child healthcare countrywide to ensure access to quality PHC services in rural areas; public education programs; and training for PHC providers.
The U.S. Department of Agriculture's (USDA) Caucasus Agricultural Development Initiative provides targeted and sustained technical and marketing assistance to small and medium-sized agribusinesses, farmer-marketing associations, and the Government of Armenia. USDA's goal is to sustain the productivity of the agricultural sector by expanding access to markets and credit, increasing efficiency, and modernizing agriculture systems. USDA's priority assistance areas are farm credit, food safety and animal health, support to the Armenian private sector through the NGO CARD. Also, as a training component of USDA projects in Armenia, the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Cochran Fellowship Program provides training to Armenian agriculturists in the United States.[7]
Following Armenia's independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States established diplomatic relations with the country. Since then, the US has supported Armenia in many of its endeavours such as encouraging a peaceful resolution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, reopening the closed borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey, and promoting regional prosperity. The US has many trade agreements with Armenia such as the trade and investment framework agreement (TIFA), and an agreement on trade relations, and a bilateral investment treaty (BAT). The U.S. and Armenia frequently convene over the U.S.-Armenia joint economic task force (USATF) to discuss mutual economic and governmental concerns.
In May 2016, the commander of the U.S. Army Europe, Lieutenant General Ben Hodges, discussed Armenia's growing military ties with the United States during a meeting with former defence ministerSeyran Ohanyan. Hodges also praised a 32-strong unit of Armenian military medics which took part in U.S.-led exercises held in Germany. Ohanyan advised that Armenia was participating in more NATO exercises and agreed to increase cooperation between Armenia's Armed Forces and the U.S. Army Europe.[8]
Though Armenia is currently a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), which is headed by Russia, there have been calls for the country to withdraw from the alliance and realign its security needs with NATO and the United States.[10][11] Some American politicians, such as Sam Brownback, have also campaigned for Armenia to be granted Major non-NATO ally (MNNA) status. On 21 June 2023, Brownback stated "Armenia is a natural long-term ally of the United States. Armenia must be given major non-NATO ally status of the U.S."[12][13]
On 3 September 2023, during an interview, Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan stated that it was a strategic mistake for Armenia to solely rely on Russia to guarantee its security. Pashinyan confirmed that Armenia is trying to diversify its security arrangements, most notably with the European Union and the United States.[14]
On 11 September 2023, Armenia and the United States held joint military exercises in Armenia for the first time.[15] The Ministry of Defence of Armenia stated that the "Eagle Partner 2023" exercises was focused on preparing the Armed Forces of Armenia to take part in international peacekeeping missions.[16] Colonel Martin O'Donnell, spokesman for the U.S. command, said the exercises are "a vital opportunity for our soldiers from our two nations to build new relationships at the tactical level and to increase interoperability for peacekeeping operations." Approximately 85 U.S. soldiers trained alongside approximately 175 Armenian soldiers during Eagle Partner.[17] Pashinyan confirmed such military cooperation will enable Armenia to forge closer ties with the United States and other Western allies.[18]
Before Armenia regained its independence, the United States was one of 74 countries that responded by sending aid to the Armenians who had lost their homes and were living in temporary shelters. Through its aid, the U.S. managed to give permanent housing to about 30,000 victims and cleared displaced residents from over 100 buildings.[19]
Over the past 16 years, the U.S. has provided nearly $2 billion in assistance to Armenia, the highest per capita amount in the NIS. Humanitarian aid originally accounted for up to 85% of this total, reflecting the economic paralysis caused by closed borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan related to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, destruction in northern Armenia left from the devastating 1988 earthquake and the closure of most of the country's factories.
As conditions in Armenia have improved with the stabilization of the economy and increased energy production—including the restarting of the Armenian Nuclear Power Plant near the capital, U.S. assistance programs have progressed from humanitarian priorities to longer-term development goals.
On 25 May 2017, the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) issued a statement against Donald Trump's budget, which would cut 69.6% of the aid to Armenia. The ANCA stated, "We are troubled by Trump's ill-advised and misguided proposal to cut aid to Armenia".[20]
U.S. government-funded agency involvement in Armenian politics and media
Technical assistance and training programs have been provided in municipal administration, intergovernmental relations, public affairs, foreign policy, diplomatic training, rule of law, and development of a constitution. Specific programs are targeted at promoting elections that meet international standards, strengthening political parties, and promoting the establishment of an independent judiciary and independent media. This includes financing for programs that support civil society organizations, local non-governmental organizations (NGO) capacity building, National Assembly professional development, and local and community-level governance.
State Department and USAID educational exchange programs claim to play an important role in supporting democratic and free-market reforms. Assistance in the translation and publication of printed information also has been provided. Exchange programs in the U.S. for Armenian lawyers, judges, political party members, business people, government officials, NGO activists, journalists, and other public figures focus on a range of topics, including the American judicial and political system, privatization, specific business sectors, the media, and civil society. The State Department has funded an ongoing project to provide Internet connectivity to schools at various levels throughout the country; these centers provide both educational and community-building opportunities.
USAID has funded international and domestic groups to monitor national elections. USAID also has funded programs to educate voters and to strengthen the role of an array of civic organizations in the democratic process.
U.S. discontent on Armenian arms shipments to Iran
The 2010 diplomatic cable leaks revealed discontent of United States administrations over Armenia's arms shipments to Iran despite urges from the Federal Government of the United States to apply its containment policy to Iran. In late 2008, American diplomats came to the conclusion that the government of Armenia had been supplying Iran with rockets and machine guns in 2003, subsequently used against American troops in Iraq.[21] The allegations, by the Bush administration, of arms having been supplied to fighters in Iraq by Iran have never been substantiated.[22][23] U.S. officials later backed down from these claims.[24]
As a result, Deputy Secretary of State at that time John D. Negroponte wrote a letter to the President of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan in December 2008 expressing "deep concerns about Armenia's transfer of arms to Iran which resulted in the death and injury of U.S. soldiers in Iraq." The cable indicates that "in 2007 some of these weapons were recovered from two Shia militant attacks in which a U.S. soldier was killed and six others were injured in Iraq." One Western diplomat familiar with the incident said the United States had multiple streams of intelligence connecting the Armenian arms shipments to Iran with the deaths of U.S. soldiers in 2007 in Iraq. When Secretary of StateCondoleezza Rice confronted President Sargsyan with this intelligence in 2008 on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly, he denied knowing anything about the matter.[25] In a letter to Sargsyan, Secretary Rice wrote: "Such cooperation with Iran, a known state sponsor of terrorism and supplier of arms to terrorist groups and other non-state actors, is unacceptable," instructing U.S. diplomats to pressure the Government of Armenia to take responsibility for the transfer and threaten it with sanctions.[26] Assistant Secretary Fried, Deputy Assistant Secretary Bryza, and then Ambassador Yovanovitch also raised deep concerns about Armenia's transfer of arms to Iran which resulted in the death and injury of US soldiers in Iraq.[21]
American intelligence revealed and documented almost all of the details concerning the Armenian weapons deal. The finding confirms that the RPG-22 anti-tank rockets were manufactured at the Vazovski Mashinostroitelni Zavodi and that the machine guns were manufactured by the Bulgarian weapons manufacturer Arsenal. Upon the purchase and subsequent shipment of the weapons to Armenia, they were immediately shipped to Iran. The transaction was made between the partially state-owned company Zao Veber and Abbas Abdi Asjerd, an Iranian arms dealer. It is alleged that the weapons were paid for by the Iranian government, but the money trail was covered by having it go through an Armenian bank.[26]
Expressing the frustration of the United States government, Negroponte wrote to Sargsyan, "Notwithstanding the close relationship between our countries, neither the Administration nor the U.S. Congress can overlook this case... The direct role of high-level Armenian officials and the link of the weapons to an attack on U.S. forces make this case unique and highly troubling. ...By law, the transfer of these weapons requires us to consider whether there is a basis for the imposition of U.S. sanctions. If sanctions are imposed, penalties could include the cutoff of U.S. assistance and certain export restrictions."[25]
The Deputy Secretary noted to Sargsyan that a team will be sent to Armenia to seek written agreement that Armenia will take steps to ensure that it will not become a source of weapons for Iran or other states or groups of concern and that the team would also present additional information that would clarify why the United States is convinced that the transfers happened and make it unreasonable for Sargsyan to continue his denials.[21] According to Der Spiegel, due to the arms transfer to Iran, Sargsyan bore partial responsibility for killing or wounding American soldiers.[26]
At a 14 January 2009 meeting with the then Ambassador of the United States, Mahley with Sargsyan and NSS Chairman Gorik Hakobyan, the Government of Armenia were presented with evidence of weapons purchased by Armenia, shipped to Iran and recovered from Iran-backed Iraqi insurgent groups which fought against United States troops in Iraq. Hakobyan had tried to lay the blame on Bulgaria for diverting the responsibility from Armenia's involvement but Ambassador Mahley presented facts showing the arms transfer and serial numbers of weapons were used to kill an American soldier in an armed attack on United States troops on 31 January 2008. The United States military personnel continued to recover arms from the Sargsyan deal at the hands of Iraqi insurgents. One instance was the recovery of an arms cache in Baghdad on 15 February 2008, which belonged to the Hizballah Brigades, an Iranian-backed Iraqi militant group. Among mostly Iran manufactured weapons in the raid were six Bulgarian RPG-22 anti-tank weapons, production lot and serial numbers of which indicated they were produced by the Bulgarian firm which sold the weapons to Armenia. Similar finds were in mid-March 2008 in Baghdad, when two RPG-22 launch tubes were recovered during the ambush of American troops resulting in injuries of American soldiers. The lot and serial numbers matched and handwritten on both launchers was the Arabic message "Rejoice – Islamic Resistance of Iraq – Hizballah Brigades".[27]
However, in the course of the investigation, Armenian officials accepted the U.S. recommendations regarding border security and unannounced visits by US experts.[28]
The Armenian genocide was the systematic mass extermination of 1.5 million Armenians by the Ottoman Turks from 1915-1923. The Turkish government has since instituted a century-long campaign of denial, despite there being an overwhelming and abundant international scholarly consensus of the reality of the genocide. The United States had historically been uneasy to anger its NATO ally, Turkey, by recognizing the genocide, as Turkey has diplomatically retaliated against nations such as France, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands after they each formally recognized the genocide in their respective parliaments.
On 29 October 2019, the United States House of Representatives voted 405-11 in favor of recognition, and the Senate followed on 12 December 2019, passing an identical resolution unanimously. These identical resolutions (H.Res. 296 and S.Res. 150) state that it is the policy of the United States to recognize and officially commemorate the Armenian genocide, to deny association of the US government with denial of the genocide, encourage education and public understanding of the Armenian genocide and emphasize the humanitarian relief effort led by the United States in the form of the Near East Relief to the victims of genocide.
On the 106th year of commemoration of the Armenian genocide, 46th President of the United States Joe Biden officially recognized the Armenian Massacres as genocide.[29][30]
The United States has not recognized Artsakh as an independent state. However, it has advocated for peace in the South Caucasus region as well as attempts to solve the problem between Armenia and Azerbaijan, an ally of Turkey.[31] However, when the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war broke out, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan blamed the United States of providing lethal weapons to Armenia in the war, which was denied by Washington.[32] Subsequently, relations between Turkey and its ally Azerbaijan towards the United States worsened, and the United States imposed embargoes on Turkey in December the same year.[33] Meanwhile, as tensions between Turkey and the United States grew, relations between Armenia and the U.S. improved.[34]
The Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia, sometimes referred to as the Armenian Army, is the national military of Armenia. It consists of personnel branches under the General Staff of the Armenian Armed Forces, which can be divided into two general branches: the Ground Forces, and the Air Force. Although it was partially formed out of the former Soviet Army forces stationed in the Armenian SSR, the military of Armenia can be traced back to the founding of the First Republic of Armenia in 1918. Being landlocked, Armenia does not have a navy.
The Republic of Turkey (Türkiye) and the United States of America established diplomatic relations in 1927. Relations after World War II evolved from the Second Cairo Conference in December 1943 and Turkey's entrance into World War II on the side of the Allies in February 1945. Later that year, Turkey became a charter member of the United Nations. Since 1945, both countries advanced ties under liberal international order, put forward by the US, through a set of global, rule-based, structured relationships based on political, and economic liberalism. As a consequence relationships advanced under G20, OECD, Council of Europe, OSCE, WTO, the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, IMF, the World Bank and the Turkey in NATO.
Bilateral relations exist between Armenia and Greece. Due to the strong political, cultural and religious ties between the two nations, Armenia and Greece today enjoy excellent diplomatic relations. They have always been strong both emotionally and historically due to religious and cultural roots and co-existence during the Byzantine period and under the Ottoman Empire.
Iran–Turkey relations are the bilateral relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey. The two states' relationship is complex and characterized by periods of both tension and cooperation, as both Iran and Turkey are fighting for influence in the Middle East through supporting opposing proxies as part of a proxy conflict. The two countries are also major trade partners and are perceived as mutually interdependent due to geographical proximity as well as historically shared cultural, linguistic, and ethnic traits.
United States foreign policy in the Middle East has its roots in the early 19th-century Tripolitan War that occurred shortly after the 1776 establishment of the United States as an independent sovereign state, but became much more expansive in the aftermath of World War II. With the goal of preventing the Soviet Union from gaining influence in the region during the Cold War, American foreign policy saw the deliverance of extensive support in various forms to anti-communist and anti-Soviet regimes; among the top priorities for the U.S. with regards to this goal was its support for the State of Israel against its Soviet-backed neighbouring Arab countries during the peak of the Arab–Israeli conflict. The U.S. also came to replace the United Kingdom as the main security patron for Saudi Arabia as well as the other Arab states of the Persian Gulf in the 1960s and 1970s in order to ensure, among other goals, a stable flow of oil from the Persian Gulf. As of 2023, the U.S. has diplomatic relations with every country in the Middle East except for Iran, with whom relations were severed after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and Syria, with whom relations were suspended in 2012 following the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War.
Military relations between Israel and the United States have been extremely close, reflecting shared security interests in the Middle East. Israel is designated as a major non-NATO ally by the U.S. government. A major purchaser and user of U.S. military equipment, Israel is also involved in the joint development of military technology and it regularly engages in joint military exercises with United States and other forces. The relationship has deepened gradually over time, though, as Alan Dowty puts it, it was "not a simple linear process of growing cooperation, but rather a series of tendentious bargaining situations with different strategic and political components in each."
Relations between Armenia and Germany have always been stable and solid with both countries continuing to work together and advance through the years in cooperation. Both countries' leaders have discussed bilateral relations and noted that they have considerably improved over the last few years.
U.S.–Uzbekistan relations formally began when the United States recognized the independence of Uzbekistan on December 25, 1991, and opened an embassy in Tashkent in March 1992. U.S.-Uzbekistan relations developed slowly and reached a peak following the U.S. decision to invade Afghanistan following the September 11, 2001 attacks. Relations cooled significantly following the "color revolutions" in the former Soviet republics of Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan in 2003–2005, and the Government of Uzbekistan sought to limit the influence of U.S. and other foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working on civil society, political reform, and human rights inside the country.
Relations between the countries of Georgia and the United States continue to be very close and encompass multiple areas of bilateral cooperation. One of the key U.S. allies in Eastern Europe, Georgia was the third largest troop contributor in the Iraq War and the largest per-capita contributor to the U.S. led mission in Afghanistan. The United States for its part is actively assisting Georgia in strengthening its state institutions in face of increasing pressure from its northern neighbor Russia and has provided the country with financial assistance in excess of three billion dollars since 1991. Since 2009, Georgian–American relations are streamlined by the U.S.–Georgia Charter on Strategic Partnership, which created four bilateral working groups on priority areas of democracy; defense and security; economic, trade, energy issues, people-to-people and cultural exchanges.
The United States and North Macedonia enjoy excellent bilateral relations.
Rwanda–United States relations are bilateral relations between Rwanda and the United States.
Slovakia-United States relations are bilateral relations held between the United States and the Slovak Republic, particularly since the latter's independence in 1993. According to the 2012 U.S. Global Leadership Report, 27% of Slovaks approve of U.S. leadership, with 32% disapproving and 41% uncertain.
Tunisia – United States relations are bilateral relations between Tunisia and the United States.
Current and historical relations exist between Armenia and Denmark. Armenia has an embassy in Copenhagen, and Denmark is represented in Armenia, through its embassy in Kyiv, Ukraine. Diplomatic relations were established on 14 January 1992. In 2008, the Armenian Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandyan called the relations between Armenia and Denmark "friendly" and "highly appreciating". In 2013, Amstream was founded as an independent non-political and non-profit organization in order to initiate means of collaboration and partnerships between Armenia and Scandinavia within business, education and culture. Both countries are members of the Council of Europe.
International relations between Armenia and India have been described as amicable. In 2022, it was reported that the two nations were exploring possibilities of long-term military cooperation.
Canadian–Turkish relations are foreign relations between Canada and Turkey. Both countries are members of the G20, NATO, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, United Nations and the World Trade Organization.
The foreign policy of the Recep Tayyip Erdoğan government concerns the policy initiatives made by Turkey towards other states under Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
The Kansas–Armenia National Guard Partnership is one of 25 European partnerships that make-up the U.S. European Command State Partnership Program and one of 88 worldwide partnerships that make-up the National Guard State Partnership Program. The Republic of Armenia signed a bilateral affairs agreement with the U.S. Department of Defense and the state of Kansas in 2003 establishing the Kansas-Armenia State Partnership Program. Former Kansas Governor Kathleen Sebelius subsequently signed a proclamation declaring June 18, 2004, as Kansas-Armenia Partnership Day.
Foreign relations exist between Armenia and China. The first references to Armenian-Chinese contact are found in the works of 5th-century historian Moses of Chorene and 6th-century geographer and mathematician Anania Shirakatsi. The People's Republic of China officially recognized Armenia on December 27, 1991. Diplomatic relations between Armenia and the People's Republic of China were established on April 6, 1992. The Embassy of China to Armenia was established in July 1992, while the Embassy of Armenia to China started its activities on August 10, 1996. The Armenian Ambassador to China resides in the Beijing embassy.
Azerbaijan–Saudi Arabia relations are the bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Saudi Arabia.
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