Johnson Doctrine

Last updated October 18, 2024

The Johnson Doctrine, enunciated by U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson after the United States' intervention in the Dominican Republic in 1965, declared that domestic revolution in the Western Hemisphere would no longer be a local matter when the object is the establishment of a "Communist dictatorship".^[1] During Johnson's presidency, the United States again began interfering in the internal affairs of sovereign nations, particularly Latin America (reversing the previous Good Neighbor policy of the decades prior). The Johnson Doctrine is the formal declaration of the intention of the United States to intervene in such affairs. It is an extension of the Eisenhower and Kennedy Doctrines.

Background

Communist Opposition in the United States

The U.S. government opposed the spread of communism during the Cold War. This opposition to communism led to what is known as a Red Scare; Americans were told they should fear the potential influence of communism.^[2] Such anti-communist sentiments were made evident through statements such as the Truman Doctrine, which declared that the United States would provide assistance to nations threatened by authoritarianism.^[3]

The government of the United States sought to take action against communism prior to declaration of the Johnson Doctrine; although initially opposed to the idea of sending American troops to assist in the Vietnam War, Lyndon B. Johnson was also opposed to allowing democratic East Asian nations to fall to communist takeovers.^[4]

United States Interventionism in Latin America

Prior to the implementation of the Johnson Doctrine, the United States already had a history of intervening in Latin American affairs.^[5] However, the more recent interventions in Latin America prior to the implementation of the Johnson Doctrine were more covert such as the Bay of Pigs Invasion.^[6] The affairs of the United States and the Dominican Republic have been closely entangled for much of American history; in 1849, the president of the Dominican Republic requested that the country be annexed by the United States, and during the presidency of Millard Fillmore, the United States president noted the country’s special interest in the affairs of the Dominican Republic as a result of its proximity to the United States.^[7]

Big Stick Ideology

Beginning in 1901 through 1933, the United States used the Roosevelt Corollary and the Platt Amendment as justification for military intervention in Latin American affairs.^[8] For example, in the Spanish–American War, the United States defeated Spain and secured Cuban independence; however, the United States exerted pressure on Cuba and forced the new government to include the Platt Amendment in their new constitution, guaranteeing the right for the United States to intervene in Cuban affairs.^[8] This period, marked by Theodore Roosevelt's declaration that the United States would act as the international police power of the west, reduced the influence of European powers in the Caribbean, Central and South America and in turn, increased the influence of the United States in the regions.^[8]

World War II and the Cold War Era

These interventions were temporarily ended by Franklin D. Roosevelt's Good Neighbor policy.^[8] The Good Neighbor Policy served as a termination of American interventionism, albeit temporary. However, the Good Neighbor Policy did require Latin American nations to accept the leadership of the United States.^[8]

Following World War II and the onset of the Cold War, the United States began to view Latin America through a new lens; the potential for the Soviet Union to establish communism in Central and South America was seen as a serious concern.^[8] As a result the United States intervened in several countries, including the Dominican Republic, in an effort to prevent the spread of communism. The nature of these interventions was different from prior interventions. In 1948, the Organization of American States was created. This organization, along with the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance of 1947, meant that the United States could still intervene but needed clear justification to do so.^[9]

Dominican Intervention of 1965

Prior to the intervention in the Dominican Republic that led to the proclamation of the Johnson Doctrine, the United States had engaged with the Dominican Republic in several ways; these included implementing sanctions, threatening military force, and ensuring free elections to promote democracy.^[7] In 1965, the United States intervened in the Dominican Republic again when the possibility of a Communist takeover seemed possible. In that year, a leftist group supporting the overthrown, democratically elected Juan Bosch seemed poised to place Bosch back in power.^[9]

A group of Dominican Communists were involved in the revolt, and the United States deemed the threat of a Communist takeover to be too serious to be left alone.^[9] Moreover, when Bosch was first elected, the United States government was concerned that despite being democratically elected, he may lead the nation into a Communist government.^[4] In an attempt to prevent this, the United States sent in military forces, a departure from the previous decades of Good Neighbor philosophy.^[9]

The United States justified their actions in the Dominican Republic (as they had justified the interventions in Cuba in the years prior) as a violation of the principles of the Monroe Doctrine; legislators also resolved to extend the Monroe doctrine specifically to allow intervention if tensions in the Dominican Republic escalated.^[10]

The Doctrine

The Johnson Doctrine reinforced the United States government's existing doctrines against socialist and communist expansion. In his May 2 address, Johnson specifically states that the American countries, will not permit the establishment of another "communist government" in the Western Hemisphere.^[1] Johnson contextualized the proclamation through the lens of the revolution in the Dominican Republic, citing the various factions of the revolution.^[11] Johnson continued to praise the government of the Dominican Republic and explain that his intention was domestic defense.^[11]

The Johnson Doctrine builds off of the Kennedy and Eisenhower doctrines in that it opposes communism in the Western Hemisphere. It also parallels the Monroe Doctrine, with an emphasis on denouncing non-US (in this case socialist) interference in the Americas.

Moscow Strategic Doctrine

The Johnson Doctrine having been built off of the Kennedy and Eisenhower doctrines in that it opposes communism in the Western Hemisphere that doctrine being the Moscow Strategic Doctrine. The Moscow Strategic Doctrine has been studied by Dr. Thomas B. Larson and Alexander J. Dallin and from their findings found that the doctrine faces more upon Soviet Arms control policies during the Khrushchev era.^[12] During the time of 1964 to 1965 when Dr. Larson and Mr. Dallin published their findings they came upon the key assumption in this doctrine is that due to an imbalance in strategic weapons favoring the United States.^[12] The Soviet Union has sense redressed the balance in this category for strategic weapons namely in ICBMs during this time as well as showing negative views on arms limitations and arms control agreements between the U.S. and Soviets.^[12]

Eisenhower Doctrine: Example in the Middle East

The Eisenhower Doctrine is a build off for what the Johnson Doctrine is and has its own way of dealing with communism. An example of the Eisenhower Doctrine in effect would be in the Middle East in 1957 when the United States declared that they would distribute economical and military aid, and if necessary use military force to drive out communism.^[13] In securing the Middle East Eisenhower applied his doctrine in 1957-1958 sending money to the Kingdom of Jordan, encouraging Syrians to hold military operations against it and deploy U.S. troops to Lebanon to halt any radical changes.^[13] The doctrine showed a major commitment and a new resolve for the United States in securing stability in the Middle East and their influence in international affairs, thus Eisenhower raised the prospects of the U.S. fighting in the Middle East and taking responsibility over it for decades to come.^[13]

The Johnson Doctrine: Latin America

In Latin America the Johnson Doctrine takes after the Eisenhower Doctrine in a way of how it was to deal with communism. In 1965 President Lyndon B. Johnson had sent over 20,000 troops to the Dominican Republic under the idea that America and its nations will not allow a communist government to foster in the Western hemisphere.^[6] Although Johnson's actions were seemingly multilateral it was more unilateral, and its actions were justified through the Organization of American States (OAS) after military action was enacted.^[6] However, by acting unilaterally and through Johnson's "Johnson Doctrine" the United States had violated the OAS prohibition on any American state from intervention of any kind on any other state for any reason.^[6] This action also violated the nonintervention pledge that had been a key part in President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Good Neighbor Policy.^[6]

The Monroe Doctrine: Cuba and The Dominican Republic

The Johnson Doctrine follows the same precepts of the Monroe Doctrine in protecting Latin American owned territories, which was set up in 1823, in how it revived it as well as bring controversy with. The Cuban Economic Independence with the Soviet Union, the discovery and removal of Soviet missiles, and the Cuban infiltration of Latin America recently the Dominican prompted the debate over the controversy and status of the Monroe Doctrine.^[14] One thought that was maintained is the Premier Castro and the Soviet Union both defied and violated the Monroe Doctrine and that the doctrine should be invoked upon Cuba.^[14] It was also contended that the doctrine needed to be revived and restored before this.^[14] An example of this would be during the 1962 Cuban missile crisis which formulate a committee for the doctrine of conservatives dissatisfied with the President's policy.^[14] This committee's major objective was to get Congress to pass a joint resolution to reaffirm the doctrine, in 1963 the House of Representatives presented a resolution that Soviet troops in Cuba violated the doctrine.^[14] Two years later Congressman Daniel J. Flood would request for House support "to extend" the doctrine fearing things might erupt in the Caribbean, Congressman Armistead I. Selden proposed a resolution that gave the United States unilateral force in Latin America against communism which violated "the principles" of the doctrine.^[14]

Legacy

Following the implementation of the Johnson Doctrine, the United States has continued to intervene in international affairs. In Latin America, the United States intervened to prevent perceived threats from leftist forces; some confirmed interventions included Operation Condor in the 1970s, support of the Contras in Nicaragua and the invasion of Grenada in 1983.^[5]

United States interventions have also included involvement in regime changes, military support, and invasions of countries outside of the Western Hemisphere; for example, the United States has lent support to Ukraine following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Furthermore, the United States maintains a military presence in countries around the world^[15] in addition to providing foreign aid to support American interests.

Related Research Articles

The domino theory is a geopolitical theory which posits that changes in the political structure of one country tend to spread to neighboring countries in a domino effect. It was prominent in the United States from the 1950s to the 1980s in the context of the Cold War, suggesting that if one country in a region came under the influence of communism, then the surrounding countries would follow. It was used by successive United States administrations during the Cold War as justification for American intervention around the world. U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower described the theory during a news conference on April 7, 1954, when referring to communism in Indochina as follows:

Finally, you have broader considerations that might follow what you would call the "falling domino" principle. You have a row of dominoes set up, you knock over the first one, and what will happen to the last one is the certainty that it will go over very quickly. So you could have a beginning of a disintegration that would have the most profound influences.

The Reagan Doctrine was a United States strategy implemented by the Reagan Administration to overwhelm the global influence of the Soviet Union in the late Cold War. As stated by US President Ronald Reagan in his State of the Union address on February 6, 1985: "We must not break faith with those who are risking their lives—on every continent from Afghanistan to Nicaragua—to defy Soviet-supported aggression and secure rights which have been ours from birth." The doctrine was a centerpiece of United States foreign policy from the early 1980s until the end of the Cold War in 1991.

In the history of United States foreign policy, the Roosevelt Corollary was an addition to the Monroe Doctrine articulated by President Theodore Roosevelt in his State of the Union address in 1904, largely as a consequence of the Venezuelan crisis of 1902–1903. The corollary states that the United States could intervene in the internal affairs of Latin American countries if they committed flagrant wrongdoings that "loosened the ties of civilized society".

The Good Neighbor policy was the foreign policy of the administration of United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt towards Latin America. Although the policy was implemented by the Roosevelt administration, President Woodrow Wilson had previously used the term, but subsequently went on to justify U.S. involvement in the Mexican Revolution and occupation of Haiti. Senator Henry Clay had coined the term Good Neighbor in the previous century. President Herbert Hoover turned against interventionism and developed policies that Roosevelt perfected.

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A United States presidential doctrine comprises the key goals, attitudes, or stances for United States foreign affairs outlined by a president. Most presidential doctrines are related to the Cold War. Though many U.S. presidents had themes related to their handling of foreign policy, the term doctrine generally applies to presidents such as James Monroe, Harry S. Truman, Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, all of whom had doctrines which more completely characterized their foreign policy.

In political science, rollback is the strategy of forcing a change in the major policies of a state, usually by replacing its ruling regime. It contrasts with containment, which means preventing the expansion of that state; and with détente, which means developing a working relationship with that state. Most of the discussions of rollback in the scholarly literature deal with United States foreign policy toward communist countries during the Cold War. The rollback strategy was tried and was not successful in Korea in 1950 and in Cuba in 1961, but it was successful in Grenada in 1983. The United States discussed the use of rollback during the East German uprising of 1953 and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, which were ultimately crushed by the Soviet Army, but decided against it to avoid the risk of a major war.

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Thomas C. Mann</span> American lawyer and diplomat

Thomas Clifton Mann was an American diplomat who specialized in Latin American affairs. He entered the U.S. Department of State in 1942 and quickly rose through the ranks to become an influential establishment figure. He worked to influence the internal affairs of numerous Latin American nations, typically focusing on economic and political influence rather than direct military intervention. After Lyndon B. Johnson became president in 1963, Mann received a double appointment and was recognized as the U.S. authority on Latin America. In March 1964, Mann outlined a policy of supporting regime change and promoting the economic interests of U.S. businesses. This policy, which moved away from the political centrism of Kennedy's Alliance for Progress, has been called the Mann Doctrine. Mann left the State Department in 1966 and became a spokesperson for the Automobile Manufacturer's Association.

The Banana Wars were a series of conflicts that consisted of military occupation, police action, and intervention by the United States in Central America and the Caribbean between the end of the Spanish–American War in 1898 and the inception of the Good Neighbor Policy in 1934. The military interventions were primarily carried out by the United States Marine Corps, which also developed a manual, the Small Wars Manual (1921) based on their experiences. On occasion, the United States Navy provided gunfire support and the United States Army also deployed troops.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cold War (1962–1979)</span> Phase of the Cold War

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The Monroe Doctrine is a United States foreign policy position that opposes European colonialism in the Western Hemisphere. It holds that any intervention in the political affairs of the Americas by foreign powers is a potentially hostile act against the United States. The doctrine was central to American grand strategy in the 20th century.

Bilateral relations between the various countries of Latin America and the United States of America have been multifaceted and complex, at times defined by strong regional cooperation and at others filled with economic and political tension and rivalry. Although relations between the U.S. government and most of Latin America were limited prior to the late 1800s, for most of the past century, the United States has unofficially regarded parts of Latin America as within its sphere of influence, and for much of the Cold War (1947–1991), vied with the Soviet Union. The political context evolved again in the 2000s, with the election in several South American countries of socialist governments. This "pink tide" thus saw the successive elections of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela (1998), Lula in Brazil (2002), Néstor Kirchner in Argentina (2003), Tabaré Vázquez in Uruguay (2004), Evo Morales in Bolivia (2005), Michelle Bachelet in Chile (2006), Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua (2006), Rafael Correa in Ecuador (2006), Fernando Lugo in Paraguay (2008), José Mujica in Uruguay (2009), Ollanta Humala in Peru (2011), Luis Guillermo Solís in Costa Rica (2014), Salvador Sánchez Cerén in El Salvador (2014), and Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico (2018). Although these leaders vary in their policies and attitude towards both Washington, D.C. and neoliberalism, while the states they govern also have different agendas and long-term historic tendencies, which can lead to rivalry and open contempt between themselves, they seem to have agreed on refusing the ALCA and on following a regional integration without the United States' overseeing the process. In particular, Chávez and Morales seem more disposed to ally together, while Kirchner and Lula, who has been criticized by the left-wing in Brazil, including by the Movimento dos Sem Terra (MST) landless peasants movement, are seen as more centered. The state of Bolivia also has seen some friction with Brazil, as well as Chile. Nouriel Roubini, professor of economics at New York University, said in a May 2006 interview: "On one side, you have a number of administrations that are committed to moderate economic reform. On the other, you've had something of a backlash against the Washington Consensus [a set of liberal economic policies that Washington-based institutions urged Latin American countries to follow, including privatization, trade liberalization and fiscal discipline] and some emergence of populist leaders." In the same way, although a leader such as Chávez verbally attacked the George W. Bush administration as much as the latter attacked him, and claimed to be following a democratic socialist Bolivarian Revolution, the geo-political context has changed a lot since the 1970s. Larry Birns, director of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, thus stated: for influence in the Western Hemisphere.

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">United States involvement in regime change in Latin America</span> Cold War events

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The United States foreign policy of the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration, from 1953 to 1961, focused on the Cold War with the Soviet Union and its satellites. The United States built up a stockpile of nuclear weapons and nuclear delivery systems to deter military threats and save money while cutting back on expensive Army combat units. A major uprising broke out in Hungary in 1956; the Eisenhower administration did not become directly involved, but condemned the military invasion by the Soviet Union. Eisenhower sought to reach a nuclear test ban treaty with the Soviet Union, but following the 1960 U-2 incident the Kremlin canceled a scheduled summit in Paris.

The Mission of the Representative of the Secretary-General in the Dominican Republic (DOMREP) was a peacekeeping operation established in 1965 by the UN to observe the ceasefire agreement between the two de facto authorities in the Dominican Republic during the Dominican Civil War. DOMREP was instructed to report any breaches of the agreements between the Constitutionalists led by Juan Bosch and Francisco Caamaño, and Loyalists commanded by Elías Wessin y Wessin and backed by the United States. Once the new Dominican constitutional government was formed, DOMREP withdrew.

References

1 2 Peters,Gerhard; Woolley, John T. "Lyndon B. Johnson: "Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Situation in the Dominican Republic.," May 2, 1965". The American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara.
↑ "McCarthyism and the Red Scare | Miller Center". millercenter.org. 2017-12-20. Retrieved 2023-03-10.
↑ "Milestones: 1945–1952 - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 2023-03-10.
1 2 Dallek, Robert (2004). Lyndon B. Johnson : portrait of a president. Robert Dallek, Robert Dallek. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-518410-6. OCLC 57136149.
1 2 "Before Venezuela, US had long involvement in Latin America". AP NEWS. 2021-04-20. Retrieved 2023-03-10.
1 2 3 4 5 Rabe, Stephen G. (January 1985). "The Johnson (Eisenhower?) Doctrine for Latin America". Diplomatic History. 9 (1): 95–100. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7709.1985.tb00524.x. ISSN 0145-2096.
1 2 Lowenthal, Abraham F. (1970). "The United States and the Dominican Republic to 1965: Background to Intervention". Caribbean Studies. 10 (2): 30–55. ISSN 0008-6533. JSTOR 25612211.
1 2 3 4 5 6 Rabe, Stephen G. (2006). "The Johnson Doctrine". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 36 (1): 48–58. doi:10.1111/j.1741-5705.2006.00286.x. ISSN 0360-4918. JSTOR 27552746.
1 2 3 4 Crandall, Russell (2006). Gunboat democracy : U.S. interventions in the Dominican Republic, Grenada, and Panama. Lanham [Md.]: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 0-7425-5047-8. OCLC 61879687.
↑ Wilson, Larman C. (May 1966). "The Monroe Doctrine, Cold War Anachronism: Cuba and the Dominican Republic". The Journal of Politics. 28 (2): 322–346. doi:10.2307/2127551. ISSN 0022-3816. JSTOR 2127551. S2CID 154682623 – via The University of Chicago Press Journals.
1 2 "Dominican Republic intervention statement, 1965. | BYU Library". lib.byu.edu. Retrieved 2023-04-05.
1 2 3 Baev, Pavel (2004). "The Rise and Fall of the Brezhnev Doctrine in Soviet Foreign Policy. By Matthew J. Ouimet. New Cold War History. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003. xiv, 309 pp. Notes. Index. 21.95, paper". Slavic Review. 63 (1): 199–200. doi:10.2307/1520321. ISSN 0037-6779. JSTOR 1520321. S2CID 164737931.
1 2 3 Hahn, Peter L. (March 2006). "Securing the Middle East: The Eisenhower Doctrine of 1957". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 36 (1): 38–47. doi:10.1111/j.1741-5705.2006.00285.x. ISSN 0360-4918.
1 2 3 4 5 6 Wilson, Larman C. (May 1966). "The Monroe Doctrine, Cold War Anachronism: Cuba and the Dominican Republic". The Journal of Politics. 28 (2): 322–346. doi:10.2307/2127551. ISSN 0022-3816. JSTOR 2127551. S2CID 154682623.
↑ "US Foreign Affairs & Aid Statistics and Data Trends: foreign aid, troop deployment, trade and more". USAFacts. 2023-01-31. Retrieved 2023-04-09.

v t e Lyndon B. Johnson
36th President of the United States (1963–1969) 37th Vice President of the United States (1961–1963) U.S. Senator from Texas (1949–1961) U.S. Representative for TX-10 (1937–1949)
Presidency	1963 inauguration Let Us Continue 1965 inauguration Great Society (Model Cities Program) Architectural Barriers Act Child Nutrition Act Clean Air Act Civil Rights Act of 1964 Coinage Act of 1965 Department of Housing and Urban Development Department of Transportation Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 Head Start Program Job Corps Elementary and Secondary Education Act Equal Employment Opportunity Commission Civil Rights Act of 1968 Fair Housing Act Truth in Lending Act Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1968 Food Stamp Act of 1964 Glassboro Summit Gun Control Act of 1968 Higher Education Act of 1965 Upward Bound TRIO Teacher Corps Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 Johnson Doctrine Dominican Republic occupation Medicare Medicaid Meritorious Service Medal National Endowment for the Arts National Endowment for the Humanities Executive Order 11246 Executive Order 11375 Older Americans Act Operation CHAOS Outer Space Treaty Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 Foreign policy Vietnam War Gulf of Tonkin Resolution "Credibility gap" VISTA 24th Amendment Voting Rights Act of 1965 War on poverty White House Conference on Civil Rights Cannabis policy White House preservation State of the Union Address, 1966 1968 Cabinet Judicial appointments Supreme Court Thurgood Marshall Supreme Court nomination controversies Johnson desk Presidential transition of Richard Nixon Executive Orders Presidential Proclamations
Life	Early years and career Operation Texas Texas Broadcasting Company Johnson Amendment Box 13 scandal Bashir Ahmad
Legacy and memorials	Bibliography Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum Lyndon B. Johnson National Grassland Lyndon B. Johnson National Historical Park Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center Lyndon Baines Johnson Day Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs Memorial Grove on the Potomac U.S. Postage stamp
Elections	United States House of Representatives special elections, 1937 1938 United States House of Representatives elections 1940 1942 1944 1946 United States Senate special elections, 1941 1948 United States Senate elections 1954 1960 Democratic Party presidential primaries, 1960 1964 campaign 1968 withdrawal Democratic National Convention 1956 1960 1964 1960 United States presidential election 1964
Public image	Lyndon B. Johnson in popular culture Daisy advertisement Johnson cult The Years of Lyndon Johnson LBJ (1991 television film) Path to War (2002 film) All the Way (play, film) Selma (2014 film) LBJ (2017 film)
Family	Claudia "Lady Bird" Taylor Johnson (wife) Lynda Bird Johnson Robb (daughter) Luci Baines Johnson (daughter) Samuel Ealy Johnson Jr. (father) Sam Houston Johnson (brother) Samuel Ealy Johnson, Sr. (grandfather) Joseph Wilson Baines (grandfather) George Washington Baines (great-grandfather) Chuck Robb (son-in-law)
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