Central American crisis

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The Central American crisis began in the late 1970s, when major civil wars and communist revolutions erupted in various countries in Central America, causing it to become the most volatile region in terms of socioeconomic change. In particular, the United States feared that victories by communist forces would cause the rest of South America to become isolated from the United States if the governments of the Central American countries were overthrown and pro-Soviet communist governments were installed in their place. Throughout the second half of the twentieth century, the United States often pursued its interests through puppet governments and the elite classes, whose members tended to ignore the demands of the peasant and working class. [1]

Contents

In the aftermath of the Second World War and continuing into the 1960s and 1970s, Latin America's economic landscape drastically changed. [2] The United Kingdom and the United States both held political and economic interests in Latin America, whose economy developed based on external dependence. [3] Rather than solely relying on agricultural exportation, this new system promoted internal development and relied on regional common markets, banking capital, interest rates, taxes, and growing capital at the expense of labor and the peasant class. [2] The Central American Crisis was, in part, a reaction by the lower classes of Latin American society to unjust land tenure, labor coercion, and unequal political representation. [1] Landed property had taken hold of the economic and political landscape of the region, giving large corporations much influence over the region and thrusting formerly self-sufficient farmers and lower-class workers into hardship. [1]

Countries

Nicaragua

The U.S.-supported Contra rebels marching through Jinotega in 1985 BLI en operacion 01.jpg
The U.S.-supported Contra rebels marching through Jinotega in 1985

The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) overthrew the 46-year-long Somoza dictatorship in 1979. [4] However, the United States opposed the Nicaraguan revolution due to their communists sympathies and support from Castro's Cuba, and backed an anti-left wing Counter-revolutionary rebellion against the Sandinista government.

El Salvador

Fought between the military-led government of El Salvador and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition or umbrella organization of five left-wing militias. Over the course of the 1970s, significant tensions and violence had already existed, before the civil war's full outbreak.

The United States supported the Salvadoran military government and supplied them with 4 billion dollars, trained their military elites, and provided them with arms over the course of a decade. [5] [6] Israel also actively supported the government forces and was El Salvador's largest supplier of arms from 1970 to 1976. [7] The conflict ended in the early 1990s. Between 75,000 and 90,000 people were killed during the war. [8] [ verification needed ]

Guatemala

Memorial to the victims of the Rio Negro massacres Memorial Rio Negro.jpg
Memorial to the victims of the Río Negro massacres

Following a CIA-backed coup ousting Jacobo Arbenz in 1954, civil war ensued in Guatemala between 1962 and 1996. [9] [10] In Guatemala, the Rebel Armed Forces (FAR) fighting against the government were based exclusively in rural areas, and were made up of a large peasant and indigenous population. They ran a multifaceted operation and led an armed mass struggle of national character. [2] Guatemala saw an increase in violence in the late 1970s, marked by the 1978 Panzós massacre. In 1982 the resurgent guerrilla groups united in the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity. The presidency of Efraín Ríos Montt (19821983), during which he implemented a strategy he called "beans and bullets", is widely considered[ by whom? ] the war's turning point. The Guatemalan government and the severely weakened guerrillas signed a peace agreement in December 1996, ending the war. Over 200,000 people died over the course of the civil war, disproportionately indigenous people targeted by the Ríos Montt headed military. [9] On 10 May 2013, Ríos Montt was convicted of genocide and sentenced to 80 years in prison. [9]

Honduras

Going into the Central American Crisis, Honduras's economy was framed by stagnating agricultural production, de-industrialization, deteriorating terms of trade, the continuing problems of the Central American common market, the decline of international financial reserves, salary decline, and increasing unemployment and underemployment. [11] Honduras, like El Salvador, was increasingly dependent on economic assistance from the United States. [12] In Honduras, efforts to establish guerrilla movements foundered on the generally conservative attitude of the population. Nevertheless, fears that the civil wars wracking its neighbors might spread to the country led to the killings and disappearances of leftists, spearheaded by the army's Battalion 316. Relatively stable Honduras became a key base for the Reagan administration's response to the crisis. US troops held large military exercises in Honduras during the 1980s, and trained thousands of Salvadorans in the country. The nation also hosted bases for the Nicaraguan Contras.

United States response

Legacy

By the late 1980s, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras all implemented reforms such as privatizing state companies, liberalizing trade, weakening labor laws, and increasing consumption taxes in attempts to stabilize their economies. [13] As of 2015, violence still reigns over Central America. [14] A common legacy of the Central American crisis was the displacement and destruction of indigenous communities, especially in Guatemala where they were considered potential supporters of both the government and guerilla forces. [9]

Peace efforts

Several Latin American nations formed the Contadora Group to work for a resolution to the region's wars. Later, Costa Rican President Óscar Arias succeeded in convincing the other Central American leaders to sign the Esquipulas Peace Agreement, which eventually provided the framework for ending the civil wars.

See also

Related Research Articles

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Rafael Carrera President of Guatemala

José Rafael Carrera Turcios was the president of Guatemala from 1844 to 1848 and from 1851 until his death in 1865, after being appointed President for Life in 1854. During his military career and presidency, new nations in Central America were facing numerous problems: William Walker's invasions, liberal attempts to overthrow the Catholic Church and aristocrats' power, the Civil War in the United States, Mayan uprising in the east, Belize boundary dispute with the United Kingdom, and the wars in Mexico under Benito Juarez. This led to a rise of caudillos, a term that refers to charismatic populist leaders among the indigenous people. Many regional and national caudillos were interested in power for their own gain. Carrera was an exception as he genuinely took the interests of Guatemala's Indian majority to heart.

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Guatemalan Civil War 1960–1996 civil war in Guatemala

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Guatemala Country in Central America

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Index of Central America-related articles

This is an Index of Central America-related articles. This index defines Central America as the seven nations of Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama.

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Ramón Rosa Honduran politician journalist, poet and writer

Ramón Rosa Soto was a prominent lawyer, journalist, politician and liberal writer of the second half of the nineteenth century. He was the ideologue of educational changes of Liberal Reform in Guatemala and then in Honduras. He served as Principal Minister during the rule of his cousin, Dr. Marco Aurelio Soto and was associated with Soto's mining investments.

Vicente Cerna y Cerna Guatemalan President

Vicente Cerna y Cerna was president of Guatemala from 24 May 1865 to 29 June 1871. Loyal friend and comrade of Rafael Carrera, was appointed army's Field Marshal after Carraera's victory against Salvadorian leader Gerardo Barrios in 1863. He was appointed Carrera's successor after the caudillo's death in 1865 even though Guatemalan leaders would have preferred Field Marshal José Víctor Zavala.

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Mariano de Aycinena y Piñol Conservative Guatemalan statesman

Mariano de Aycinena y Piñol (1789-1855) was wealthy and influential Guatemalan merchant family and an important conservative politician. A younger son of the first marquis of Aycinena, peninsular-born Juan Fermín de Aycinena (1729-1796), Mariano was a leader of Guatemalan independence from Spain. He served governor of the State of Guatemala in the Central American Federation from 1 March 1827 to 12 April 1829 and patriarch of the Aycinena family. The family had the commercial monopoly in Central American during the Spanish colonial era later year thanks to the Consulado de Comercio. He was one of the signatories of Central American independence and lobbied heavily for the annexation of Central America to the Mexican Empire of Agustín de Iturbide. This arrangement would keep the family's economic position and privileges following independence. After being expelled along with the Aycinena family in 1829 after being defeated by Francisco Morazán, went into exile in the United States and then to Mexico. He came back to Guatemala after the conservatives had allied with general Rafael Carrera; but then he retired from public life and hand the Aycinena family leadership to Juan José de Aycinena y Piñol.

References

Footnotes

  1. 1 2 3 Weeks 1986.
  2. 1 2 3 Torres-Rivas 1981.
  3. Torres-Rivas 1981; Weeks 1986.
  4. Marcus 1985.
  5. DiPiazza 2008, p. 32; "El Salvador"; Flemion et al. 2018, sec. "Civil War".
  6. "Supply Line for a Junta". Time. New York. 16 March 1981. Archived from the original on 10 December 2008. Retrieved 16 July 2008.
  7. "Statistics" 1978.
  8. Betancur, Figueredo Planchart & Buergenthal 1993.
  9. 1 2 3 4 Lloyd, Siobhán (2013). "Guatemala". Socialist Lawyer. No. 64. pp. 38–40. doi:10.13169/socialistlawyer.64.0038. ISSN   0954-3635.
  10. Blakeley 2009, p.  92.
  11. Rosenberg 1988.
  12. Rosenberg 1988, p. 3.
  13. Miguel Cruz 2015, pp. 44–45.
  14. Miguel Cruz 2015, p. 46.

Bibliography

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Blakeley, Ruth (2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: The North in the South. Routledge. ISBN   978-0415686174.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
DiPiazza, Francesca Davis (2008). El Salvador in Pictures . Minneapolis, Minnesota: Twenty-First Century Books. ISBN   978-0-8225-7145-2.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
"El Salvador". The World Factbook . Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 21 February 2008.
Flemion, Philip F.; Browning, David G.; Santamaria Varela, René; Schultze-Kraft, Markus (2018). "El Salvador". Encyclopædia Britannica . Retrieved 8 March 2018.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
Marcus, Bruce, ed. (198578548724895478547). Nicaragua: The Sandinista People's Revolution. New York: Pathfinder Press.Check date values in: |year= (help)CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
Miguel Cruz, José (2015). "The Root Causes of the Central American Crisis" (PDF). Current History. 114 (769): 42–48. Archived (PDF) from the original on 4 April 2017. Retrieved 9 March 2018.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
Rosenberg, Mark B. (1988). "Honduras in the Central American Conflict: Trends and Recent Developments". Lacc Occasional Papers Series. Dialogues (1980 - 1994). LACC Occasional Papers Series: Dialogues. Miami: Florida International University. 109. Retrieved 9 March 2018.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
"Statistics". Economic and Political Weekly. 13 (17): 740. 1978. ISSN   2349-8846. JSTOR   4366575.
Torres-Rivas, Edelberto (1981). "Seven Keys to Understanding the Central American Crisis". Contemporary Marxism. 3 (3): 49–61. ISSN   0193-8703. JSTOR   29765685.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
Weeks, John (1986). "An Interpretation of the Central American Crisis". Latin American Research Review. 21 (3): 31–53. ISSN   1542-4278. JSTOR   2503446.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)