English coffeehouses in the 17th and 18th centuries

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"The rules and orders of the coffee-house", A Brief Description of the Excellent Vertues of that sober and wholesome drink, called coffee (1674) Rulesandorders.jpg
"The rules and orders of the coffee-house", A Brief Description of the Excellent Vertues of that sober and wholesome drink, called coffee (1674)

In 17th- and 18th-century England, coffeehouses served as public social places where men would meet for conversation and commerce. For the price of a penny, customers bought admission and a cup of coffee. During the mid-17th century, travellers introduced coffee as a beverage; previously it had been consumed mainly for its supposed medicinal properties. Coffeehouses also served tea and hot chocolate as well as light meals.

Contents

The historian Brian Cowan describes English coffeehouses as "places where people gathered to drink coffee, learn the news of the day, and perhaps to meet with other local residents and discuss matters of mutual concern". [1] The absence of alcohol created an atmosphere allowing more serious conversation than in an alehouse. Coffeehouses also played an important role in the development of financial markets and newspapers.

Topics discussed included politics and political scandals, daily gossip, fashion, current events, and debates surrounding philosophy and the natural sciences. Historians of the 17th and 18th centuries often associate English coffeehouses with the intellectual and cultural history of the Age of Enlightenment: they were an alternate sphere, supplementary to the university. And political groups frequently used coffeehouses as meeting places.

Origins

Early European knowledge of coffee

Europeans first learned about coffee consumption through exotic accounts of travels in the empires of Asia. [2] According to Aytoun Ellis, travellers recounted how men would consume an intoxicating liquor, "black in colour and made by infusing the powdered berry of a plant that flourished in Arabia". [3] Native men consumed this liquid "all day long and far into the night, with no apparent desire for sleep but with mind and body continuously alert, men talked and argued, finding in the hot black liquor a curious stimulus quite unlike that produced by fermented juice of grape". [4]

Brian Cowan describes how initial European perceptions of the oriental consumption of coffee were gradually transformed, [5] and how the English "virtuoso [a] fascination with the exotic" was perhaps motivated by a "utilitarian project for the advancement of learning and the national interest". [6]

Experiments with coffee led to supposed cures for ailments such as "head-melancholy", [7] gout, [8] scurvy, smallpox and excessive drunkenness. [9] But some were cautious of the properties of coffee, fearing that it had more unfavourable than positive effects, and that excessive consumption could result in languor, paralysis, heart conditions and trembling limbs, as well as low-spiritedness and nervous disorders. [10]

Early Oxford coffeehouses ("penny universities")

You have all Manner of News there: You have a good Fire, which you may sit by as long as you please: You have a Dish of Coffee; you meet your Friends for the Transaction of Business, and all for a Penny, if you don't care to spend more.

Maximilien Misson, speaking of London coffeehouses in the late 17th century. [11]

During the mid-17th century, coffee was no longer viewed solely as a medicinal plant; and this change in perception created a novel opportunity for the serving of coffee to patrons. A ripe location for this was Oxford, with its unique combination of exotic scholarship interests and energetic experimental community. Thus the first English coffeehouse was established in 1650 at the Angel Coaching Inn in Oxford by a Jewish entrepreneur named Jacob. [12]

Oxford was important for the creation of a distinctive coffeehouse culture throughout the 1650s. The first coffeehouses established there were known as penny universities, as they offered an alternative to structural academic learning, while still being frequented by the English virtuosi [a] who pursued advances in human knowledge. The coffeehouses would charge a penny for admission, which would include access to newspapers and conversation. [13] Reporters called "runners" went around to the coffeehouses announcing the latest news. [14]

This environment attracted an eclectic group of people who met and mingled. In a society that placed a high importance on class and economic status, the coffeehouses were unique because the patrons were from all levels of society. [15] Anyone who had a penny could come inside. Students from the universities also frequented the coffeehouses, sometimes even spending more time at the shops than at school. [16]

Cowan states: "The coffeehouse was a place for like-minded scholars to congregate, to read, as well as to learn from and to debate with each other, but was emphatically not a university institution, and the discourse there was of a far different order than any university tutorial." [17] As described in the memoirs of Anthony Wood and John Evelyn, the earliest coffeehouses had an air of exclusivity, catering to the virtuosi. [17] Early Oxford coffeehouse virtuosi included Christopher Wren, Peter Pett, Thomas Millington, Timothy Baldwin, and John Lamphire. [18]

The early Oxford coffeehouses helped establish the tone for future coffeehouses in England, differing from alehouses and taverns. "The coffeehouse was a place for 'virtuosi' and 'wits', rather than for the plebes or roués who were commonly portrayed as typical patrons of the alcoholic drinking houses." [19] Ellis concludes, "[Oxford's coffeehouses'] power lay in the fact that they were in daily touch with the people. Their purpose was something more than to provide a meeting-place for social intercourse and gossip; there was serious and sober discussion on all matters of common interest." [20]

Early London coffeehouses

The Vertue of the "COFFEE" Drink, a handbill from 1652, advertising coffee "First publiquely made and sold in England, by Pasqua Rosee" The Vertue of the COFFEE Drink..jpg
The Vertue of the "COFFEE" Drink, a handbill from 1652, advertising coffee "First publiquely made and sold in England, by Pasqua Rosee"
Garraway's Coffee House in Exchange Alley, London Garraway's Coffee House.jpg
Garraway's Coffee House in Exchange Alley, London

The Oxford-style coffeehouses, which acted as centres for social intercourse, gossip, and scholastic interest, spread quickly to London, where coffeehouses became part of popular and political culture. Pasqua Rosée, a native of Smyrna, western Turkey who was a servant of a Levant Company merchant named Daniel Edwards, established the first London coffeehouse [19] [21] [22] [23] [24] in 1652. London's second coffeehouse was established by James Farr in 1657 at Temple Bar and named the Rainbow. [25] [21]

The London coffeehouses do not seem to have been popular until the mid-1660s if not later. [26] When James Harrington's Rota club began to meet in another London coffeehouse known as the Turk's Head, [27] to debate "matters of politics and philosophy", coffeehouse popularity began to rise. This club had as its raison d'être the art of debate, "contentious but still civil, learned but not didactic". [28] However:

it was not entirely the "free and open academy unto all comers" that the club's own rhetoric proclaimed it to be. There was an admission fee: Samuel Pepys paid the not inconsiderable sum of 18 [ pence ] to become a member of the club; and just as important were the informal means of exclusion which obtained.... [29]

Despite Rota's banishment after the Restoration of the monarchy, [30] its members' "discursive ideal" set the tone for coffeehouse conversation throughout the rest of the 17th century. [31] By the early eighteenth century, London boasted more coffeehouses than any other city in the western world, except for Constantinople. [32]

Character

A 1787 cartoon depicting lawyer Edward Thurlow at Nando's Coffee House Law and equity, or A peep at Nando's LCCN2006689391.jpg
A 1787 cartoon depicting lawyer Edward Thurlow at Nando's Coffee House

English coffeehouses had a particular character during their height in popularity, lasting until their decline towards the end of the 18th century. [33] They soon became the "town's latest novelty". [34] A relaxed atmosphere, their relative cheapness and the frequency with which they could be visited contributed to coffeehouse sociability and their rise in demand. [35]

Despite two major setbacks – the outbreak of the plague of 1665 and the Great Fire of London in 1666 – their popularity did not wane. Ellis explains:

Londoners could not be entirely subdued and there were still some who climbed the narrow stairs to their favourite coffeehouses although no longer prepared to converse freely with strangers. Before entering they looked quite around the room, and would not approach even close acquaintances without first inquiring the health of the family at home and receiving assurances of their well-being. [36]

English coffeehouses acted as public houses in which all were welcome, having paid the price of a penny for a cup of coffee. Ellis describes the variety of men present in a typical coffeehouse in the post-Restoration period: "Like Noah's ark, every kind of creature in every walk of life [frequented coffeehouses]. They included a town wit, a grave citizen, a worthy lawyer, a worship justice, a reverend nonconformist, and a voluble sailor." [37] Some historians claim that these institutions acted as democratic bodies due to their inclusive nature: "Whether a man was dressed in a ragged coat and found himself seated between a belted earl and a gaitered bishop it made no difference; moreover he was able to engage them in conversation and know that he would be answered civilly." [38]

Coffeehouse conversation was supposed to conform to a particular manner. The language of polite and civil conversation was considered essential to coffeehouse debate and conversation. There is dispute among historians as to the main role that civility played. Lawrence E. Klein argues that the portrayal to the public of utmost civility in coffeehouse conversation was imperative for the survival of coffeehouse popularity throughout the period of Restoration-era anxieties. [39]

Brian Cowan applies the term "civility" to coffeehouses in the sense of "a peculiarly urban brand of social interaction which valued sober and reasoned debate on matters of great import, be they scientific, aesthetic, or political". [40] He argues that although "very few formal means of exclusion operated to keep undesirables out", "there were a whole host of informal means". These included conventions outlined by clubs when frequenting coffeehouses, such as Harrington's Rota club. Cowan argues that these "rules" had a great impact on coffeehouse sociability. [41]

Erin Mackie argues that Addison and Steele's popular periodicals, The Tatler and The Spectator, infused politeness into English coffeehouse conversation, as their explicit purpose was the reformation of English manners and morals. [42] Aytoun Ellis explains that because Puritanism influenced English coffeehouse behavior, intoxicants were forbidden, allowing for respectable, sober conversation. He offers an example of one coffeehouse patron who, upon seeking ale within a coffeehouse, was asked to leave and visit a nearby tavern. [43]

Hogarth's depiction of a fight breaking out in Tom King's Coffee House, in the engraving of his 1736 painting Morning FourTimesMorning.jpg
Hogarth's depiction of a fight breaking out in Tom King's Coffee House, in the engraving of his 1736 painting Morning

Various coffeehouses catered to diverse groups of individuals who focused on specific topics of discussion. [37] The variety of topics and groups to which the coffeehouses catered illustrates the heterogeneity of English society during the period in which coffeehouses were popular. These different coffeehouse characters are evident when describing specific coffeehouses in detail. After the Restoration, coffeehouses continued to cater to a range of gentlemanly arts and acted as alternative centres of academic learning. [44] These included lessons in French, Italian or Latin, dancing, fencing, poetry, mathematics and astronomy. [44]

Other coffeehouses acted as centres for gatherings of less learned men. Helen Berry describes one coffeehouse, known as Moll King's coffeehouse, as frequented by lowlifes and drunkards as well as "an unusual wide social mix of male customers, from courtiers to Covent Garden market traders and pimps". [45] It was also frequently associated with prostitution. Customers habitually engaged in a type of conversation known as "flash", a derivative of criminal speak. [46] Berry inferred from this that polite conversation was not always used within coffeehouses. [47] Other groups frequented other coffeehouses for various reasons. For example, Child's coffeehouse, "near the Physician's Warwick Lane and St. Paul's church yard", was frequented by the clergy and by doctors. [48]

'Rules'

According to "The Rules and Orders of the Coffee-House" – in verse, and appearing on a broadside printed in 1674 – "Gentry, Tradesmen, all are welcome hither, And may without Affront sit down Together", and "Nor need any, if Finer Persons come, Rise up for to assigne to them his Room". But if he swore, he would have to forfeit twelve pence. If a quarrel broke out, the instigator would have to buy each of the offended a "dish" of coffee. The topic of "sacred things" was to be limited in coffeehouses, and rules existed against speaking poorly of the state. The rules also forbade games of chance such as cards and dice, as well as bets of over five shillings. [49]

However, "In reality, there were no regulations or rules governing the coffee-houses. [The Rules and Orders'] satire ironises the very idea of regulating their behaviour." [50]

Financial markets

Frequent consumption of ale and beer was common up until the mid-seventeenth century in England. [51] [ citation needed ] People favoured mild ale or beer to London's river water, which had contaminants. [b] The arrival of coffee triggered a dawn of sobriety that laid the foundations for truly spectacular economic growth in the decades that followed as people thought clearly for the first time. [32] [ dubious – discuss ]:

The stock exchange, insurance industry, and auctioneering: all burst into life in 17th-century coffeehouses – in Jonathan's, Lloyd's, and Garraway's – spawning the credit, security, and markets that facilitated the dramatic expansion of Britain's network of global trade in Asia, Africa and America." [32]

Stockbrokers gathered and traded in coffee houses, notably Jonathan's and Garraway's, [52] because they were not allowed in the Royal Exchange due to their rude manners.[ citation needed ]

Lloyd's Coffee House, frequented by merchants and sailors, "developed a unique range of financial publications (a single-page list of shipping movements from 1692 and a marine newspaper, Lloyds News, for five months in 1696–7), which made the coffee-house the centre of the London shipping world". [53] As a result, it became the major insurer Lloyd's of London. [54]

The English coffeehouse also acted as a primary centre of communication for news. Historians strongly associate English coffeehouses with print and scribal publications, as they were important venues for the reading and distribution of such materials, as well as the gathering of important new information. [55] Most coffeehouses provided pamphlets and newspapers, as the price of admission covered their costs. Patrons perused reading material at their leisure. [14] News became available in a variety of forms throughout coffeehouses: "in print, both licensed and unlicensed; in manuscripts; aloud, as gossip, hearsay, and word of mouth". [55] Runners also went round to different coffeehouses, reporting the latest current events. Circulation of bulletins announcing sales, sailings, and auctions was also common in English coffeehouses. [14]

Addison and Steele's The Spectator Spectator.jpg
Addison and Steele's The Spectator

Richard Steele and Joseph Addison's publications, the Spectator and the Tatler , were considered the most influential suppliers of print news that circulated in English coffeehouses, the most widely distributed sources of news and gossip within coffeehouses throughout the first half of the 18th century. Addison and Steele worked to reform the manners and morals of English society [42] through a critique that was not explicit but veiled and anecdotal; thus "readers were persuaded, not coerced, into freely electing these standards of taste and behaviour as their own". [56] Addison and Steele relied on coffeehouses for their sources of news and gossip as well as their clientele, and then spread their news back into the coffeehouses. [57] According to Edward Bramah, the good standing of the press during the days in which Addison and Steele distributed The Tatler and The Spectator in English coffeehouses can be directly attributed to the popularity of the coffeehouse. [57]

The Enlightenment

Historians disagree over the extent to which English coffeehouses contributed to the public sphere of the Age of Enlightenment. There is no simple and uniform way to describe this "age"; however, historians generally agree that during it, reason supplanted other forms of authority that had previously governed human action, such as religion, superstition, or customs of arbitrary authority. [58] In his analysis of the Enlightenment, Jürgen Habermas argues that the period saw the creation of a bourgeois public sphere for the discussion and transformation of opinions. [59] This "public realm", according to Habermas, "is a space where men could escape from their roles as subjects, and gain autonomy in the exercise and exchange of their own opinions and ideas". [59] Consequently, there is also no simple and uniform "public sphere", as the "public realm" can encompass different spheres, such as an intellectual or political public sphere of the Age of Enlightenment.

Interior of a London coffeehouse, 17th century Interior of a London Coffee-house, 17th centuryFXD.jpg
Interior of a London coffeehouse, 17th century

Dorinda Outram places English coffeehouses within an "intellectual public sphere", focusing on the diffusion of enlightened ideas. She justifies this by naming them "commercial operations, open to all who could pay and thus [providing] ways in which many different social strata could be exposed to the same ideas". [60] She also argues that enlightened ideas were diffused through print culture, open to more people after the "reading revolution" at the end of the 18th century. [61] Historian James Van Horn Melton places English coffeehouses within a more political public sphere of the Enlightenment. According to Melton, English coffeehouses were "born in an age of revolution, restoration, and bitter party rivalries. [They] provided public space at a time when political action and debate had begun to spill beyond the institutions that had traditionally contained them." [62] He uses the fact that Harrington's "arch republican" Rota club met within an early London coffeehouse to discuss political issues as evidence that English coffeehouses were depicted as centres of "religious and political dissent". [63] He also offers evidence that different political groups used the popularity of coffeehouses for their own political ends: Puritans encouraged coffeehouse popularity because proprietors forbade the consumption of alcohol within their establishment, whereas royalist critics associated coffeehouses with incessant and unwarranted political talk by common subjects. [63]

Women

The Women's Petition Against Coffee, 1674 Houghton EC65.A100.674w - Women's Petition Against Coffee.jpg
The Women's Petition Against Coffee, 1674
The Mens Answer to the Womens Petition Against Coffee, 1674 Houghton EC65.A100.674m - Men's Answer to the Women's Petition Against Coffee.jpg
The Mens Answer to the Womens Petition Against Coffee, 1674

Historians disagree on the role and participation of women within the English coffeehouse. Edward Bramah states that women were forbidden from partaking in coffeehouse activity as customers. [64] Brian Cowan, on the other hand, explains that although "[c]offeehouses were theoretically open to [all] regardless of class or merit, and they were the prime sites for the activities upon which a prosperous urban and open society depended to flourish: political discourse, mercantile business, and cultural criticism. Women had little place in this scheme of things." [65] Historians depict coffeehouses as a gentlemanly sphere where men could converse without associating with women; [64] coffeehouses were consequently not considered a place for a lady who wished to preserve her respectability. [66]

Complaints against coffeehouses were commonly voiced by women. [67] Among their arguments against frequenting coffeehouses, as well as coffee consumption, made in The Women's Petition Against Coffee were that coffee made men sterile and impotent and thus contributed to the nation's declining birth rate. According to the Petition, coffee made men "as unfruitful as those Desarts whence that unhappy Berry is said to be brought". [68] Additionally, a husband's alternating visits to coffeehouse and tavern kept him away from home until late, and left his wife ignored and lonely. [c]

Thomas Rowlandson's etching A Mad Dog in a Coffee House (1809) shows men rushing away from a rabid dog that has somehow entered: the men are caricatured; the attractive woman serving coffee is not, even though a man is attempting to crawl under her dress. This print ridiculed effeminacy during a period when men were greatly concerned not to show feminine characteristics. A Mad Dog in a Coffee House - MET DP880617.jpg
Thomas Rowlandson's etching A Mad Dog in a Coffee House (1809) shows men rushing away from a rabid dog that has somehow entered: the men are caricatured; the attractive woman serving coffee is not, even though a man is attempting to crawl under her dress. This print ridiculed effeminacy during a period when men were greatly concerned not to show feminine characteristics.

Cowan cites a handful of instances in which women were allowed to frequent English coffeehouses: when partaking in business ventures, [71] in Bath, where female sociability was more readily accepted, [71] in gambling/coffeehouses, and while auctions were held within coffeehouses, as a woman acted in the service of her household. [72] Historians have considered female news hawkers who temporarily entered a male-dominated coffeehouse. Paula McDowell has argued that these women "were anything but the passive distributors of other people's political ideas". [73] In addition, as McDowell's study shows, female hawkers "[shaped] the modes and forms of political discourse through their understanding of their customer's desires for news and print ephemera". [74] Nonetheless, McDowell and Cowan agree that although female workers may have been physically within the male public sphere of the coffeehouse, their rank and gender prevented them from fully participating. [74] This was true for other women as well. [75] Cowan points to female proprietors of coffeehouses, "coffee-women", as pertinent examples of women's presence in the public realm of coffeehouses, without necessarily participating. [74] Famous female coffeehouse proprietors are Anne Rochford and Moll King, who subsequently became publicly satirised figures. [74]

Decline

Towards the end of the 18th century, coffeehouses almost completely disappeared from the popular social scene in England. Historians offer a wide range of reasons for their decline. Aytoun Ellis largely attributes it to coffeehouse patrons' folly through business endeavours, the evolution of the club and the government's colonial policy. Their proprietors worked to gain a monopoly over news culture via a coffeehouse newspaper. Ellis explains: "Ridicule and derision killed the coffee-men's proposal but it is significant that, from that date, their influence, status and authority began to wane. In short, coffee-men had made a tactical blunder and had overreached themselves." [76]

The rise of the exclusive gentlemen's club also contributed to the decline in popularity of English coffeehouses. [77] Edward Bramah explains how the rules that had once made coffeehouses accessible meeting places for all sections of society fell into disuse: "Snobbery reared its head, particularly amongst the intelligentsia, who felt that their special genius entitled them to protection from the common herd. Strangers were no longer welcome." [78] Some coffeehouses began charging more than the customary penny to preserve frequent attendance by their higher-standing clientele. [76] Literary and political clubs rose in popularity, as "the frivolities of coffee-drinking were lost in more serious discussion". [78]

With increased demand for tea, the government also had a hand in the decline of the English coffeehouse in the 18th century. The East India Company had a greater interest in the tea than the coffee trade, as competition for coffee had heightened with the expansion of coffeehouses throughout the rest of Europe. [79] Government policy fostered trade with India and China, and the government encouraged anything that would stimulate demand for tea. [79] Tea had become fashionable at court; and teahouses, which drew their clientele from both sexes, began to become popular. [79]

The growing popularity of tea is explained by its ease of preparation. "To brew tea, all that is needed is to add boiling water; coffee, in contrast, required roasting, grinding and brewing." [80] Tea consumption rose in English society from 800,000 lb (360,000 kg) per annum in 1710 to 100,000,000 lb (45,000,000 kg) in 1721. [79] As for the decline in coffee culture, Ellis concludes:

[Coffeehouses] had served their purpose and were no longer needed as meeting-places for political or literary criticism and debate. They had seen the nation pass through one of its greatest periods of trial and tribulation; had fought and won the battle age of profligacy;[ dubious – discuss ] and had given us a standard of prose-writing and literary criticism unequalled before or since. [81]

See also

Notes

  1. 1 2 "The English gentlemen who chose to identify themselves with the Italian word virtuoso were seeking to associate themselves with an international world of elite cultural interests strongly rooted in knowledge about classical antiquity and Italianate Renaissance learning. This interest in the classical past quickly expanded to encompass many more objects of inquiry. More than anything, these English virtuosi shared a distinct sensibility, a set of attitudes, habits, and intellectual preferences that they labeled 'curiosity'. The virtuosi held an almost limitless curiosity about the wider worlds around them." Cowan 2005, pp 10–11
  2. ↑ "[U]ntil the mid-seventeenth century, most people in England were either slightly – or very – drunk all of the time. Drink London's fetid river water at your own peril; most people wisely favoured watered-down ale or beer ('small beer')." [32]
  3. ↑ "[L]ike Tennis Balls between two Rackets, the Fopps our Husbands are bandied to and fro all day between the Coffee-house and Tavern, whilst we poor Souls sit mopeing all alone till Twelve at night, and when at last they come to bed smoakt like a Westphalia Hogs-head we have no more comfort of them, than from a shotten Herring or a dryed Bulrush; which forces us to take up this Lamentation...." [69]

References

  1. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 79
  2. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 17
  3. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 1
  4. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 2
  5. ↑ Cowan, 2005. pp 18–19
  6. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 20
  7. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 10
  8. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 13
  9. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 15
  10. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 16
  11. ↑ Cited in: Drummond, J. C.; Wilbraham, Anne (1969) [1957]. The Englishman's Food: A History of Five Centuries of English Diet (Rev. ed.). London: Cape. p. 116. ISBN   978-0224601689.
  12. ↑ Cowan 2005, p 90
  13. ↑ Ukers, William Harrison (2009) [1922]. All about Coffee. New York: The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal Company. pp. 73–74 – via Project Gutenberg.
  14. 1 2 3 Pelzer, J. (1 December 2003). "The English coffee houses". Waes Hael Poetry & Tobacco Club. Archived from the original on June 19, 2006.
  15. ↑ Boulton, William B. The Amusements of Old London. London: Ballantyne, Hanson & Co., 1901.[ page needed ]
  16. ↑ Ellis, 1956. [ page needed ]
  17. 1 2 Cowan, 2005. p 91
  18. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 90
  19. 1 2 Cowan, 2005. p 94
  20. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 29
  21. 1 2 Weinberg, Bennett Alan; Bealer, Bonnie K. (2002). The World of Caffeine: The Science and Culture of the World's Most Popular Drug. New York: Routledge. p.  p 154. ISBN   0-415-92722-6 – via Google Books.
  22. ↑ Thompson, Robert (3 October 2006). "London coffee-house tokens". London Numismatic Club.
  23. ↑ "The London coffee house". British Muslim Heritage.
  24. ↑ Cowan, Brian (1 September 2017). "Rosée, Pasqua". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/92862.
  25. ↑ Ellis, 1956. pp 33, 36
  26. ↑ Cowan, 2005. pp 94–95
  27. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 37
  28. ↑ Cowan, 2005. pp 96–97
  29. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 96
  30. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 42
  31. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 97
  32. 1 2 3 4 Green, Matthew (7 August 2013). "The lost world of the London coffeehouse". The Public Domain Review.
  33. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 223
  34. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 43
  35. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 104
  36. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 53
  37. 1 2 Ellis, 1956. p 45
  38. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 46
  39. ↑ Klein, 1996 p 34
  40. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 101
  41. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 256
  42. 1 2 Mackie, 1998. p 1
  43. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 49
  44. 1 2 Cowan, 2005. p 99
  45. ↑ Berry, 2001. p 72
  46. ↑ Berry, 2001. p 76
  47. ↑ Berry, 2001. p 69
  48. ↑ Lillywhite, 1963. pp 156–157
  49. ↑ A brief description of the excellent vertues of that sober and wholesome drink, called coffee, And its incomparable effects in preventing or curing most diseases incident to humane bodies. London. 1674. Retrieved 15 January 2026– via Early English Books Online, University of Michigan Library Digital Collections.
  50. ↑ Ellis, Markman. 2005. Ch. 5, "Talking to strangers".
  51. ↑ Burton, Kristen D. (2015). Intoxication and Empire: Distilled Spirits and the Creation of Addiction in the Early Modern British Atlantic (PhD thesis). University of Texas at Arlington. pp. 11–13.
  52. ↑ Reynolds, 2022. p 18
  53. ↑ Ellis, Markman. 2005. Ch. 11, "The concourse of merchants"
  54. ↑ Lillywhite, 1963. p 330
  55. 1 2 Cowan, 2005. p 87
  56. ↑ Mackie, 1998. p 5
  57. 1 2 Bramah, 1972. p 48
  58. ↑ Outram, 1995. p 3
  59. 1 2 Outram, 1995. p 11
  60. ↑ Outram, 1995. p 15
  61. ↑ Outram, 1995. pp 19–20
  62. ↑ Van Horn Melton, 2001. p 241
  63. 1 2 Van Horn Melton, 2001. p 242
  64. 1 2 Bramah, 1972. p 47
  65. ↑ Cowan, 2001. p 141
  66. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 246
  67. ↑ Bramah, 1972. p 46
  68. ↑ The women's petition against coffee representing to publick consideration the grand inconveniencies accruing to their sex from the excessive use of that drying, enfeebling liquor: presented to the right honorable the keepers of the liberty of Venus by a well-willer. London. 1674. p. 2 – via Early English Books Online, University of Michigan Library Digital Collections.
  69. ↑ The women's petition against coffee representing to publick consideration the grand inconveniencies accruing to their sex from the excessive use of that drying, enfeebling liquor: presented to the right honorable the keepers of the liberty of Venus by a well-willer. London. 1674. p. 6 – via Early English Books Online, University of Michigan Library Digital Collections.
  70. ↑ Candido, Sarah (Fall 2019). "To be or not to be effeminate (1750–1830)". Global Stimulants. Lafayette College. Retrieved 28 March 2024.
  71. 1 2 Cowan, 2005. p 248
  72. ↑ Cowan, 2005. p 249
  73. ↑ McDowell, 1998. p.17
  74. 1 2 3 4 Cowan, 2005. p 251
  75. ↑ Cowan, 2001. p 128
  76. 1 2 Ellis, 1956. p 225
  77. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 226
  78. 1 2 Bramah, 1972. p 49
  79. 1 2 3 4 Ellis, 1956. p 238
  80. ↑ Bramah, 1972. p 50
  81. ↑ Ellis, 1956. p 239

Sources

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