Ilulissat Declaration

Last updated

The Ilulissat Declaration is a document signifying necessary joint regional efforts and responsibilities in response to the potentially adverse effects of climate change with regard to the melting Arctic ice pack. [1]

Contents

It was brought into force on May 28, 2008 by the United States, the Russian Federation, Canada, Norway and Denmark (the five coastal states of the Arctic Ocean, also known as the Arctic five or A5), following the Arctic Ocean Conference in Ilulissat, Greenland. The conference delegates discussed the Arctic Ocean, climate change, the protection of the marine environment, maritime safety, and division of emergency responsibilities if new shipping routes are opened. [2] The declaration addresses the areas of "vulnerable ecosystems, the livelihoods of local inhabitants and indigenous communities, and the potential exploitation of natural resources", invoking a jurisdictional and sovereign-based approach to convey the responsibilities of the Arctic five. [1]

History

The increasingly concerning consequences of climate change in the Arctic, resulting in melting Arctic sea ice, have become ground for enhanced attention and cooperation in the region. Fear of economic exploitation and pollution in the Arctic Ocean was a key source of momentum in drafting and implementing the Ilulissat Declaration. [3] Melting Arctic ice, exacerbated by climate change, has intensified concerns that economic activities in the area will further degrade the environment – thereby calling for renewed cooperation efforts and reaffirming territorial claims. For example, melting of the sea ice will lead to more Arctic shipping routes, such as the Northwest Passage, that could lead to economic exploitation in the Arctic. [4]

The territorial dimension of the declaration was seen by many as a response to Russian explorers planting the Russian flag at the bottom of the seabed of the Arctic Ocean in 2007, just the year prior to the Ilulissat Declaration. [1] This occurrence had a snowball effect in the media, with warnings of a scramble for the Arctic. [3] Such depictions of intense geopolitical friction heightened the fear of territorial rivalry in the rapidly melting Arctic, from which arose the Ilulissat Declaration.

Furthermore, it was feared that a so-called ‘governance gap', brought to light by the flag-incident, was further problematising matters, resulting in an international impression of disorder in the Arctic region – which the regional states realised would give ammunition for foreign states to try to make a claim in the area. [1] Thus, the commitment of the A5 to the Ilulissat Declaration was also designed to act as an international indication and reminder that there was already "regional order in the Arctic". [1]

Linked to the aforementioned fear of a perceived ‘governance gap', another motivation for creating this declaration was merely to block any calls for an Arctic Treaty that would bring in new legislation and new states. [4] The framework of regional governance is supported in the Ilulissat Declaration, stating that the existing legal framework – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) – is to continue to be respected and kept firmly in place. [5]

Participation in drafting

As the A5 only make up five of the eight members of the Arctic Council, this meant that the Arctic Council, as a complete forum, was not included – missing Sweden, Iceland, and Finland. [6] Also excluded were Indigenous organisations such as the permanent participants of the Arctic Council, like the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC) [7]

The 2008 Arctic Ocean Conference (where the declaration was drafted) was hosted by Per Stig Møller, Danish Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, and Hans Enoksen, Greenlandic Premier at the time. [8] The key ministerial level attendees included Sergey Lavrov, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Jonas Gahr Støre, Norwegian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Gary Lunn, Canadian Minister for Natural Resources, and John Negroponte, American Deputy Secretary of State. [9]

Denmark's role

Denmark was the initiator of the Ilulissat Declaration, influenced by the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, Per Stig Møller. [10] Following the Russian-affiliated flag affair, Møller made this statement in an interview about the whole incident:

"That was my biggest fear; the Arctic becoming a fait accompli. After all, in that context we are the weak nation. If someone would take the law into their own hands outside of Greenland and say: ‘We will take this' and then e.g. drill for oil without asking for permission, what could we do? That is why I, as the Danish Foreign Minister, think of a joint initiative… It is not the strong one who needs the law. It is always the weak). [11]

Møller instigated the meeting that led to the Ilulissat Declaration in an attempt to signal order and reassert control in the Arctic region. [10] The Minister of Foreign Affairs justified the purely state-based composition of the declaration, excluding groups such as the ICC, by stating that the five coastal states were the ones pivotal in communicating a unified political stance, both regionally and internationally, and that the UNCLOS was the adequate structure through which to take responsible future actions. [7]

Contents of the Ilulissat Declaration

The actual content of the Ilulissat Declaration, as aforementioned, pertains to "vulnerable ecosystems, the livelihoods of local inhabitants and indigenous communities, and the potential exploitation of natural resources". The declaration specifies that cooperation should take the form of search and rescue capabilities, protection and preservation, and collection of scientific data. [12] As elaborated in the document, cooperation between the Arctic Five already takes place, so this declaration acts as a reassertion of such roles and responsibilities which need to be taken seriously in the Arctic Ocean. [12]

Enhanced cooperation (A5)

In 2018, Greenland's at the time Minister of Foreign Affairs, Suka K. Frederiksen, and Denmark's at the time Minister of Foreign Affairs, Anders Samuelsen, decided to host a tenth anniversary of the Ilulissat Declaration by hosting yet another event in Ilulissat, Greenland. [13] This was to reaffirm the enshrined principles in the Ilulissat Declaration and vow to continue abiding by them.

In the 2018 meeting, the previously excluded members of the Arctic Council were invited, namely Sweden, Iceland, and Finland, in addition to indigenous organisations part of the Arctic Council. [14]

The Ilulissat Declaration from an ocean governance perspective

Some academics have tried to explain why Denmark, despite being such a small state without an array of threats, has such an extensive maritime agenda by utilising small state theory. [15] [16] [17] Small state theory claims that smaller states must compensate for their comparatively smaller capacities by collaborating with players on the international level in order to remain strategic and have a voice in important political matters. [16] In the case of Denmark's activities in the Arctic, its geographical positioning automatically makes Denmark a key actor, which is conveyed by the Ilulissat Declaration which Denmark's Foreign Minister instigated himself. [16]

The Ilulissat Declaration epitomises a regional maritime governance perspective. [13] It was crucial for the A5 to assert this regional maritime power in the aftermath of the Russian-flag incident, as perceptions of a ‘governance gap' led to an array of actors arguing for an Arctic Treaty in the likes of the Antarctic Treaty, which is based on an international approach. [13] Through the declaration, the Arctic Ocean coastal states attempted to restate their legitimacy and power in the region, squashing any calls for an international approach.

Critique of the Ilulissat Declaration

Initial critics of the Arctic Five claimed that the A5's exclusive cooperation in certain areas had the capacity to undermine other cooperation efforts that have overlapping aims – such as the Arctic Council (consisting of Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Russia and the United States, in addition to the six Permanent Participants). [13] [18] Iceland, Finland, and Sweden's exclusion (the remaining states of the Arctic Council – the forum which was not invited to the Arctic Ocean Conference in 2008), in addition to the exclusion of the Arctic Peoples, added fuel to the fire and was seen as a form of exclusionary politics that collided with existing institutional provisions. [11]

This critique was echoed particularly by the indigenous peoples of the Arctic, who were excluded. [19] The state-driven nature of the Ilulissat Declaration was seen as questionable, and the signatory states' exclusive power to delineate the Arctic was especially contested. [19] [20]

However, this potential ground for tension has contracted since due to a refinement in the way that the Arctic Five is actually used – now primarily being seen as a supplementary forum to the Arctic Council and covering niche areas and topics not within the Arctic Council's confinement or capacities. [13] This has supposedly diminished a competitive interpretation of the A5 with regard to the Arctic Council. [13] The tension was also alleviated through the inclusion of the other Arctic Council members and indigenous people in the 2018 meeting. [14]  

In addition, initiatives taken since have included more actors – non-coastal actors – as conveyed by negotiations pertaining to fisheries in the central Arctic Ocean (Schatz, Proelss, Liu). [21] Initiatives like this have reduced the initial competitive perceptions of the A5 by demonstrating the necessity of broader cooperation in the Arctic region.

Current and future challenges

In addition to the worrying effects of climate change, acting as a constant source of pressure on actors involved in the Arctic region, there are other developments that have presented themselves as potentially acting as a particular challenge to the Ilulissat Declaration and the Arctic Five. One perceived 'threat' is that of China's increasing commercial interests in the Arctic. [22] In an official white paper on China's Arctic Policy from 2018, China claimed to be a "Near-Arctic State", and thus has clear "economic interests" and maritime claims, stating that there is an incentive to build a so-called ‘Polar Silk Road'. [23] Such assertions have caused some concern for states that fear China may become too aggressive in the region and end up leveraging too much power in the Arctic, both physically and politically. [22]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Military of Greenland</span> Responsibility of the Danish Armed Forces

The defence of Greenland is the responsibility of the Kingdom of Denmark; the government of Greenland does not have control of Greenland's military or foreign affairs. In the history of Greenland there have been many changes of presence regarding who is in charge of the security of Greenlandic people and its land.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Arctic</span> Polar region of the Earths northern hemisphere

The Arctic is a polar region located at the northernmost part of Earth. The Arctic region, from the IERS Reference Meridian travelling east, consists of parts of northern Norway, northernmost Sweden, northern Finland, Russia, the United States (Alaska), Canada, Danish Realm (Greenland), and northern Iceland, along with the Arctic Ocean and adjacent seas. Land within the Arctic region has seasonally varying snow and ice cover, with predominantly treeless permafrost under the tundra. Arctic seas contain seasonal sea ice in many places.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ilulissat</span> City in Greenland

Ilulissat, formerly Jakobshavn or Jacobshaven, is the municipal seat and largest town of the Avannaata municipality in western Greenland, located approximately 350 km (220 mi) north of the Arctic Circle. With a population of 4,670 as of 2020, it is the third-largest city in Greenland, after Nuuk and Sisimiut. The city is home to almost as many sled-dogs as people.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Arctic Council</span> Intergovernmental forum for the Arctic

The Arctic Council is a high-level intergovernmental forum that addresses issues faced by the Arctic governments and the indigenous people of the Arctic region. At present, eight countries exercise sovereignty over the lands within the Arctic Circle, and these constitute the member states of the council: Canada; Denmark; Finland; Iceland; Norway; Russia; Sweden; and the United States. Other countries or national groups can be admitted as observer states, while organizations representing the concerns of indigenous peoples can be admitted as indigenous permanent participants.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Territorial claims in the Arctic</span>

The Arctic consists of land, internal waters, territorial seas, exclusive economic zones (EEZs) and international waters above the Arctic Circle. All land, internal waters, territorial seas and EEZs in the Arctic are under the jurisdiction of one of the eight Arctic coastal states: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the United States. International law regulates this area as with other portions of Earth.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Circumpolar peoples</span> Term for Indigenous peoples of the Arctic

Circumpolar peoples and Arctic peoples are umbrella terms for the various indigenous peoples of the Arctic region.

The inaugural Arctic Ocean Conference was held in Ilulissat (Greenland) on 27-29 May 2008. Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia and the United States discussed key issues relating to the Arctic Ocean. The meeting was significant because of its plans for environmental regulation, maritime security, mineral exploration, polar oil oversight, and transportation. Before the conclusion of the conference, the attendees announced the Ilulissat Declaration.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Arctic cooperation and politics</span> Between the eight Arctic nations

Arctic cooperation and politics are partially coordinated via the Arctic Council, composed of the eight Arctic states: the United States, Canada, Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Russia, and Denmark with Greenland and the Faroe Islands. The dominant governmental power in Arctic policy resides within the executive offices, legislative bodies, and implementing agencies of the eight Arctic countries, and to a lesser extent other countries, such as United Kingdom, Germany, European Union and China. NGOs and academia play a large part in Arctic policy. Also important are intergovernmental bodies such as the United Nations and NATO.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Arctic policy of the United States</span>

The Arctic policy of the United States is the foreign policy of the United States in regard to the Arctic region. In addition, the United States' domestic policy toward Alaska is part of its Arctic policy.

Sea transport accounts for most of the European Union's external and internal commerce. The EU is the world's third-largest importer of fisheries and aquaculture products and the fifth-largest producer. Maritime borders make up more than 70% of the Union's external borders, and hundreds of millions of travelers pass through European ports each year. The security of Europe's energy supply is heavily reliant on marine transit and infrastructure. The significant expansion of EU Member States' fleets, as well as suitable port infrastructure, contribute to a well-functioning energy market and supply security, and hence to European residents' and the European economy's overall well-being. The Arctic region is therefore a vital new area for the EU to work towards and a new strategy for the Arctic region that matches with the European Green deal was established in late 2021.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Arctic policy of Russia</span> Russia and the Arctic

The Arctic policy of Russia is the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation with respect to the Russian region of the Arctic. The Russian region of the Arctic is defined in the "Russian Arctic Policy" as all Russian possessions located north of the Arctic Circle. Approximately one-fifth of Russia's landmass is north of the Arctic Circle. Russia is one of five littoral states bordering the Arctic Ocean. As of 2010, out of 4 million inhabitants of the Arctic, roughly 2 million lived in arctic Russia, making it the largest arctic country by population. However, in recent years Russia's Arctic population has been declining at an excessive rate.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Arctic policy of the Kingdom of Denmark</span> Danish foreign policy

The Arctic Policy of the Kingdom of Denmark defines the Kingdom's foreign relations and policies with other Arctic countries, and the Kingdom's strategy for the Arctic on issues occurring within the geographic boundaries of "the Arctic" or related to the Arctic or its peoples. In order to clearly understand the Danish geopolitical importance of the Arctic, it is necessary to mention Denmark's territorial claims in areas beyond its exclusive EEZ in areas around the Faroe Islands and north of Greenland covering parts of the North Pole, which is also claimed by Russia.

The Arctic Policy of China outlines China's approach to foreign relations with Arctic countries as well as its plans to develop infrastructure, extend military capabilities, conduct research, and excavate resources within the Arctic Circle.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Arctic Circle (organization)</span>

Arctic Circle is an organization founded by former President of Iceland Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson, former Alaska Dispatch Publisher Alice Rogoff, former Premier of Greenland Kuupik Kleist and other partners. The organization's mission is to facilitate dialogue among political and business leaders, environmental experts, scientists, indigenous representatives, and other international stakeholders to address issues facing the Arctic as a result of climate change and melting sea ice. The Arctic Circle styles itself as an international organization with a Secretariat based in Reykjavík, Iceland.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Climate change in Greenland</span>

Climate change in Greenland is affecting the livelihood of the Greenlandic population. Geographically Greenland is situated between the Arctic and the Atlantic Ocean, with two thirds of the island being north of the Arctic Circle. Since the middle of the 20th century, the Arctic has been warming at about twice the global rate. Rising temperatures put increasing pressure on certain plant and tree species and contribute to Greenland's melting ice sheet. This affects and changes the livelihood of the Greenlandic population, particularly the Greenlandic Inuit, which make up to 80 percent of the total population. Besides the decline of fish stocks, the country's landscape is changing: the melting ice reveals minerals, oil and gas. This has attracted interest from local and foreign investors for potential resource extraction. As new industries are accompanied by new job opportunities and potential wealth, lifestyles are changing. Greenland is in transition, in terms of biophysical as well as cultural and social conditions.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Barents Euro-Arctic Council</span> Intergovernmental organization

The Barents Euro-Arctic Council (BEAC) is the official body for inter-governmental co-operation in the Barents Region. It seeks solutions wherever and whenever the countries can achieve more together than by working on their own. Cooperation in the Barents Euro-Arctic Region was launched in 1993 on two levels: intergovernmental Barents Euro-Arctic Council (BEAC) and interregional Barents Regional Council (BRC). The overall objective of Barents cooperation has been sustainable development.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Geopolitics of the Arctic</span> Area study of geopolitics on the Arctic region

Arctic geopolitics is the area study of geopolitics on the Arctic region. The study of geopolitics deals with the "inalienable relationship between geography and politics", as it investigates the effects of the Earth's geography on politics and international relations. Arctic geopolitics focuses on the inter-state relations in the Arctic, which is the northernmost polar region. It is composed of the Arctic Ocean and its adjacent seas, and is home to around four million people. The states in or bordering the Arctic are commonly referred to as the Arctic Eight, and are the United States, Canada, Russia, Finland, the Kingdom of Denmark (Greenland), Norway, Iceland and Sweden.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Proposals for the United States to purchase Greenland</span> Efforts to buy the territory from 1867 to 2019

Since 1867, the United States has considered, or made, several proposals to purchase the island of Greenland from Denmark, as it did with the Danish West Indies in 1917. While Greenland remains an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark, a 1951 treaty gives the United States much control over an island it once partially claimed from exploration.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Arctic Five</span> Coastal states of Arctic Ocean

The Arctic Five are the five littoral states bordering the Arctic Ocean: Canada, The Kingdom of Denmark, Norway, The Russia Federation and the United States of America.

The Arctic Coast Guard Forum (ACGF) is an organisation which unites the coast guards of eight Arctic states: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden, and the United States. The ACGF's main task is "to foster safe, secure, and environmentally responsible maritime activity in the Arctic." Since its establishment in 2015, the ACGF has been enabling the coast guards from each member state to cooperate towards common objectives. The establishment of the ACGF is a response to the increasing levels of activities in the maritime domain in the Arctic, and with that associated need for coast guard services.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 Rahbek-Clemmensen, Jon; Thomasen, Gry (2018). "Learning from the Ilulissat Initiative: State Power, Institutional Legitimacy, and Governance in the Arctic Ocean 2007‒18" (PDF). Centre for Military Studies.
  2. ↑ "Ilulissat Declaration" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
  3. 1 2 Dodds, Klaus (2013). "The Ilulissat Declaration (2008): The Arctic States, "Law of the Sea," and Arctic Ocean". SAIS Review of International Affairs. 33 (2): 45–55. doi:10.1353/sais.2013.0018. S2CID   153987916.
  4. 1 2 Grieger, Gisela (May 2018). "China's Arctic policy: How China aligns rights and interests" (PDF). European Parliamentary Research Service.
  5. ↑ Biedermann, Richard (2021). "China's impact on the European Union's Arctic policy: critical junctures, crossovers, and geographic shifts". Asia Europe Journal. 19 (4): 467–487. doi:10.1007/s10308-021-00605-7. PMC   8163586 . PMID   34093101.
  6. ↑ Jacobsen, Marc (23 May 2018). "The 10-year anniversary of the Ilulissat Declaration is celebrated in Greenland this week". High North News.
  7. 1 2 Fabbi, Nadine C. (2015). Handbook of the Politics of the Arctic. Edward Elgar Publishing Limited. pp. 482–500. ISBN   9780857934734.
  8. ↑ Arctic Counsel (2008-05-26). "Conference on the Arctic Ocean: The Danish Foreign Minister wants unity about the future of the Arctic Ocean. Outrageous attempts to make demands on the Arctic Ocean region should be a thing of the past". The Arctic Council. Archived from the original on 2008-08-20. Retrieved 2008-06-06.
  9. ↑ Cragg, Gulliver (28 May 2008). "Summit seeks accord on Arctic sovereignty". France 24.
  10. 1 2 McLaughlin, Kim (28 May 2008). "Denmark, Norway hope Arctic claimants obey UN rules". Reuters.
  11. 1 2 Breum, Martin (24 October 2018). "Analysis: Ilulissat Two, Why Greenland and Denmark are inviting Arctic governments back this May". High North News.
  12. 1 2 "2008 ILULISSAT DECLARATION" (PDF). 28 May 2008.
  13. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Rahbek-Clemmensen, Jon; Thomasen, Gry (2020). "How has Arctic coastal state cooperation affected the Arctic Council?". Marine Policy. 122: 104239. Bibcode:2020MarPo.12204239R. doi:10.1016/j.marpol.2020.104239. S2CID   228932581.
  14. 1 2 George, Jane (30 April 2018). "On Ilulissat Declaration's 10th, Arctic governments to gather in Greenland". Nunatsiaq News.
  15. ↑ Rahbek-Clemmensen, Jon (2016). Arctic Yearbook 2016: The Arctic Council: 20 Years of Regional Cooperation and Policy-Shaping. Northern Research Forum. pp. 346–359.
  16. 1 2 3 Larsen, Jessica (2020). "A small state addressing big problems: Perspectives on recent Danish foreign and security strategy" (PDF). DIIS.
  17. ↑ Jakobsen, Peter Viggo; Ringsmose, Jens; Saxi, Håkon Lunde (2018). "Prestige-seeking small states: Danish and Norwegian military contributions to US-led operations". European Journal of International Security. 3 (2): 256–277. doi:10.1017/eis.2017.20. S2CID   158106289.
  18. ↑ "Who we are". Arctic Council Secretariat.
  19. 1 2 Jacobsen, Marc; Strandsbjerg, Jeppe (2017). "Desecuritization as Displacement of Controversy: geopolitics, law and sovereign rights in the Arctic". Politik. 20 (3). doi: 10.7146/politik.v20i3.97151 .
  20. ↑ Lynge, Aqqaluk (29 November 2008). "Pan-Inuit Sovereignty Summit To Convene In November". Inuit Circumpolar Council.
  21. ↑ Schatz, Valentin; Proelss, Alexander; Liu, Nengye (26 October 2018). "The 2018 Agreement to Prevent Unregulated High Seas Fisheries in the Central Arctic Ocean: A Primer". EJIL.
  22. 1 2 Anthony, Ian; Klimenko, Ekaterina; Su, Fei (March 2021). "A STRATEGIC TRIANGLE IN THE ARCTIC? IMPLICATIONS OF CHINA–RUSSIA–UNITED STATES POWER DYNAMICS FOR REGIONAL SECURITY" (PDF). SIPRI.
  23. ↑ "Full text: China's Arctic Policy". The State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of China. 26 January 2018.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.