Neo-Nazism in Ukraine is a multifaceted issue encompassing the history of ultranationalist movements, their contemporary manifestations, and the state's complex relationship with certain nationalist figures and groups. The topic has gained international attention in the wake of the Russo-Ukrainian War as denazifying Ukraine is one of the Russian Federation's stated objectives of the 2022 invasion, frequently labeling the Ukrainian government and its supporters as Nazis. Both sides have utilized propaganda to accuse the other of Nazism. Ukraine, in turn, has highlighted Russia's aggression and rhetoric, with Ukrainian leaders and media comparing Russian actions to those of the Nazis during World War II.
Former official emblem of the Azov Brigade, prominently featuring the National Idea symbol in the foreground and a NaziBlack Sun in the background. The group's current official symbolry continues to feature the National Idea symbol, but not the Black Sun.
Stepan Bandera has long been and remains a highly contentious figure within Ukraine, with many memorials to him being erected in post-Soviet Ukraine, primarily within pro-western regions. Among his supporters, he is seen as a champion of Ukrainian liberation from Soviet occupation, among his detractors he is seen as a genocidal Nazi collaborator. In 2010, he was posthumously granted the honorary title "Hero of Ukraine" by pro-western President Viktor Yushchenko, but this title was revoked shortly after the election of his anti-western successor Viktor Yanukovych.[14][15]
Modern Ukrainian nationalism and neo-Nazism have roots dating back to the early 1990s following Ukraine's independence, with some "social nationalists" drawing inspiration from German National Socialism alongside earlier Ukrainian nationalist figures.[16] Following the fall of the Soviet Union, the OUN was unable to re-establish itself politically in the independent Ukrainian state, and splintered between various neo-fascist political movements. Several of these movements, including the neo-NaziSocial-National Party of Ukraine (later renamed to Svoboda), would go on to receive significant regional and parliamentary political representation.[17]
In contemporary Ukraine, various ultranationalist and neo-Nazi political groupings exist, though they have commanded limited popular support in elections.[18] Neo-Nazi parties hit the peak of their elective influence in 2012 and have since declined steadily. In 2012, Svoboda and a coalition of other neo-fascist parties received at least 2,129,933 votes, about 10.4% of the total, which made them the fourth largest party in the Verkhovna Rada for that parliament.[17] The most prominent neo-Nazi[10] party within Ukraine is Svoboda, formerly the Social-National Party of Ukraine, which currently holds one seat in the VR. The party received 315,568 votes in the 2019 parliamentary elections, the last national election held in Ukraine.[19] Svoboda has additionally controlled 890 regional elective positions since regional elections were last held in Ukraine in 2020.[20]
↑ Armstrong, John (1963). Ukrainian Nationalism. New York: Columbia University Press. p.87. "The Ukrainian people, whose century-old struggle for freedom has scarcely been matched by any other people, espouses from the depths of its soul the ideals of the New Europe. The entire Ukrainian people yearns to take part in the realisation of these ideals. We, old fighters for freedom in 1918-1921, request that we, together with our Ukrainian youth, be permitted the honour of taking part in the crusade against Bolshevik barbarism. In twenty-one years of a defensive struggle, we have suffered bloody sacrifices, and we suffer especially at present through the frightful slaughter of so many of our compatriots. We request that we be allowed to march shoulder to shoulder with the legions of Europe and with our liberator, the German Wehrmacht, and therefore we ask to be permitted to create a Ukrainian military formation. -Andriy Melnyk.
↑ OUN-German Relations 1941-1945, Taras Hunczak. (1994). From German-Ukrainian relations in historical perspective. Hans-Joachim Torke, John-Paul Himka, eds. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, University of Alberta. pg. 178
↑ Rudling, Per Anders (2013). "The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right: The Case of VO Svoboda". In Wodak and Richardson (ed.). Analysing Fascist Discourse: European Fascism in Talk and Text. New York: Routledge. pp.229–235.
↑ Chazan, Guy (1 August 2014). "Ukrainian volunteer fighters with a luxurious seaside residence". Financial Times. London. Azov was created in March by the Social National Assembly…. Azov was granted official status as a volunteer battalion…. Azov stormed the rebels' barricades, seizing control…. Since then, its main role has been to keep an eye on Mariupol and patrol the Azov coastline, preventing arms smuggling from Russia.
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