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Battle of Khanwa | |||||||||
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Mughal painting depicting the Rajput Army (left) battling the Mughal Army (right) | |||||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||||
Mughal Empire | Vassal states:
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Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
Babur Humayun Bairam Khan Ustad Ali Quli Mustafa Rumi Chin Timur Khan Mir Khalifa Mir Abdul Aziz Mir Muhammed Ali Khan Khusrau Shah Kokultash Kasim Husein Khan Zaman Mirza Askari Mirza Hindal Mirza Sayyid Mahdi Khawaja Asad Malik Hast | Rana Sanga (WIA) Prithviraj Kachwaha Maldev Rathore Kalyanmal rathod Uday Singh of Vagad † Bharmal Rathod Medini Rai Hasan Khan Mewati † Ratan Singh of Merta † Manik Chand Chauhan † Chandrabhan Chauhan † Ratan Singh Chundawat † Kam Dev Singh Sikarwar † Raj Rana Ajja Jhala of Bari Sadri † Haridas Kesaria † Rao Ramdas Gokaldas Parmar † Rajrana sajja jhala of delwara † Silhadi(Joined Mughal Army in the middle of battle) | ||||||||
Strength | |||||||||
Total: 40,000 to 50,000 [lower-alpha 1] | Total: 1,10,000+ [6]
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Casualties and losses | |||||||||
Heavy [7] | Heavy [7] | ||||||||
The Battle of Khanwa was fought at Khanwa on 16 March 1527. It was fought between the invading Timurid forces of Babur and the Kingdom of Mewar led by Rana Sanga for supremacy of Northern India. [8] The battle was a major event in Medieval Indian history although Timurids won at Panipat but at the time, the sultanate at Delhi was a spent force that was long crumbling. To the contrary, Kingdom of Mewar under the able rule of Rana Sanga and his predecessors, had turned into one of the strongest powers of northern India. [9] The battle was among the most decisive battles in the Mughal conquest of northern India. [10] [11] [12] It was among the earliest battles in Northern India where gunpowder was used to a great extent. The battle resulted in heavy casualties for both Timurids and Rajputs. [13]
Until 1524, Babur's aim was to expand his rule to Punjab, primarily to fulfil the legacy of his ancestor Timur, since it used to be part of his empire. [14] Large parts of north India were under the rule of Ibrahim Lodi of the Lodi dynasty, but the empire was crumbling and there were many defectors. Babur had already raided Punjab in 1504 and 1518. In 1519 he tried to invade Punjab but had to return to Kabul due to complications there. [15] In 1520–21 Babur again ventured to conquer Punjab, he easily captured Bhira and Sialkot which were known as the "twin gateways to Hindustan". Babur was able to annex towns and cities till Lahore but was again forced to stop due to rebellions in Qandhar. [16] In 1523 he received invitations from Alam Khan Lodi, brother of Sikandar Lodi, Daulat Khan Lodi, Governor of Punjab and Ala-ud-Din, Ibrahim's uncle, to invade the Delhi Sultanate. Alam personally went to Babur's court and told him about the political situation of India. Babur agreed after sending some of his nobles to scout Punjab. These nobles, after studying the area, approved the plan to invade India. However, there were arguments between the Mughals and the Lodi rebels. Alam demanded that Babur give Delhi to him after it was conquered, as he was instrumental in inviting the Mughals to invade the weakened Lodi Sultanate. Babur refused and thus Alam took his army to besiege Delhi by himself, where his army was defeated by Ibrahim Lodi. [17] Daulat Khan also betrayed Babur and with a force of 40,000 he captured Sialkot from the Mughal garrison and marched towards Lahore. Daulat Khan was soundly defeated at Lahore and through this victory Babur became the unopposed lord of Punjab. [18] [15] Babur continued his conquest and annihilated the Lodi sultanate's army in the First Battle of Panipat, where he killed the Sultan and founded the Mughal Empire. [19]
According to Baburnama, Rana Sanga had also offered to help Babur against Ibrahim, however while Babur did attack Lodi and take over Delhi and Agra, Sanga made no move, apparently having changed his mind. Babur had resented this backsliding; in his autobiography, Babur accuses Rana Sanga of breaching their agreement. However Rajput sources claim the opposite and say that Sanga was successful against the Lodi Empire and did not require Baburs aid. Instead it was Babur who approached Rana Sanga and proposed an alliance against the Lodi Empire. [20] Historian Satish Chandra speculates that Sanga may have imagined a long, drawn-out struggle taking place between Babur and Lodi, following which he would be able to take control of the regions he coveted. Alternatively, writes Chandra, Sanga may have thought that in the event of a Mughal victory, Babur would withdraw from Delhi and Agra, like Timur, once he had seized the treasures of these cities. Once he realized that Babur intended to stay on in India, Sanga proceeded to build a grand coalition that would either force Babur out of India or confine him to Afghanistan. In early 1527, Babur started receiving reports of Sanga's advance towards Agra. [21]
According to Jadunath Sarkar, Babur did not need an invitation to invade Hindustan. After establishing himself in Kabul, Babur had started making inroads into Punjab which was governed by Daulat Khan Lodi, a courtier of Ibrahim Lodi. Daulat was unfaithful to his lord and formed an alliance with Babur against the Lodi Empire. This made it easy for Babur to enter Hindustan and oust both Daulat and Ibrahim. [22]
Indologist Gopinath Sharma who is well known for his scholarly work on Mewar Kings and Mughal Empire [23] ably rejected this theory of Rana Sanga sending his ambassador to Babur by providing various factual contemporary evidences for the same. Sharma added that Sanga already established himself as the most powerful Hindu king of Northern India of that time, while Babur was yet to establish his reputation in India. Under those circumstances it was in Babur's interest to seek an alliance with perhaps his greatest and most powerful enemy of Northern India. Also Babur gave no details of his alliance with Sanga while elsewhere he had provided details of his agreement with Daulat khan and Alam khan Lodhi. Baburnama itself was not a reliable book as it exaggerated many accounts like he did about number of armies in First Battle of Panipat to over glorify his victory which are too exaggerated in the context of modern researches. The most important aspect of all is that there are no contemporary Hindu or Muslim writer who mentioned Sanga sending an ambassador to Kabul while all of them do that for Lodhi's. Therefore, In Sharma's words It was a pity that all later writers have uncritically accepted Babur's version. [24]
After the First Battle of Panipat, Babur had recognized that his primary threat came from two allied quarters: Rana Sanga and the Afghans ruling eastern India at the time. In a council that Babur called, it was decided that the Afghans represented the bigger threat, and consequently Humayun was sent at the head of an army to fight the Afghans in the east. However, upon hearing of Rana Sanga's advancement on Agra, Humayun was hastily recalled. Military detachments were then sent by Babur to conquer Dholpur, Gwaliar, and Bayana, strong forts forming the outer boundaries of Agra. The commanders of Dholpur and Gwalior surrendered their forts to Babur, accepting his generous terms. However, Nizam Khan, the commander of Bayana, opened negotiations with both Babur and Sanga. The force sent by Babur to Bayana was defeated and dispersed by Rana Sanga on 21 February 1527. [25]
In one of the earliest western scholarly account [26] of the Mughal rulers, 'A History of India Under the Two First Sovereigns of the House of Taimur Baber and Humayun', William Erskine, a 19th-century Scottish historian, quotes: [27]
They (Mughals) had some sharp encounters with the Rajputs, ... found that they had now to contend with a foe more formidable than the Afghans or any of the natives of India to whom they had yet been opposed. The Rajputs, ... were ready to meet, face to face,... all times prepared to lay down their lives for their honour.
— William Erskine, "Rana Sanga", 'A History of India Under the Two First Sovereigns of the House of Taimur Baber and Humayun' p. 464
Rana Sanga had destroyed all the Mughal contingents that were sent against him, this caused great fear in Babur's army as he has written "the fierceness and valour of the pagan army" made the troops "anxious and afraid". The Afghans in Baburs army started to leave and the Turks started complaining about defending a land that they hated, they requested Babur to leave to Kabul with the rich spoils that they had collected. Babur writes "no manly word or brave council was heard from any one soever". [7]
Rana Sanga had built a formidable military alliance against Babur. He was joined by virtually all the leading Rajput kings from Rajasthan, including those from Harauti, Jalor, Sirohi, Dungarpur, and Dhundhar. Rao Ganga of Marwar did not join personally but sent a contingent on his behalf led by his son Maldev Rathore. Rao Medini Rai of Chanderi in Malwa also joined the alliance. Further, Mahmud Lodi, the younger son of Sikandar Lodi, whom the Afghans had proclaimed their new sultan also joined the alliance with a contingent of Afghan horsemen with him. Khanzada Hasan Khan Mewati, the ruler of Mewat, also joined the alliance with his men. Babur denounced the Afghans who joined the alliance against him as kafirs and murtads (those who had apostatized from Islam). Chandra also argues that the alliance weaved together by Sanga represented a Rajput-Afghan alliance with the proclaimed mission of expelling Babur and restoring the Lodi empire. [28] Rajasthan Indologist Dasharatha Sharma noted that Ibrahim's brother Mahmmud Lodhi went to Chittor with his small faction and asked for Sanga's assistance and Sanga in chivalrous manner agree for the purposal. Sharma further commented that this small factions of Afghan does not represented any united military pact but instead the pitty state of remaining disintigerated pact of Afghans at time who already witnessed the consequences of joining Babur as they did in Sack of Bayana where several of them were slaughtered. Sharma further explained that this small Afghan contingent along with Mahmmud fled from the battlefield of Khanua amidst the battle. [29]
According to K.V Krishna Rao, Rana Sanga wanted to overthrow Babur, because he considered him to be a foreigner ruling in India and also to extend his territories by annexing Delhi and Agra, the Rana was supported by some Afghan chieftains who felt that Babur had been deceptive towards them. [30]
According to Babur, Rana Sanga's army consisted of 200,000 soldiers. However, according to Alexander Kinloch, this is an exaggeration as the Rajput army did not exceed 40,000 men during the campaign in Gujarat. [31] Even if this figure is exaggerated, Chandra comments that it is indisputable that Sanga's army greatly outnumbered Babur's forces. [32] The greater numbers and reported courage of the Rajputs served to instil fear in Babur's army. An astrologer added to the general unease by his foolish predictions. To raise the flagging morale of his soldiers, Babur gave a religious colour to the battle against Hindus. Babur proceeded to renounce future consumption of wine, broke his drinking cups, poured out all the stores of liquor on the ground and promulgated a pledge of total abstinence. [28] In his autobiography, Babur writes that: [33] [34]
It was a really good plan, and it had a favourable propagandistic effect on friend and foe.
Babur knew that his army would have been swept by the Rajput charge if he tried to fight them in the open, he therefore planned a defensive strategy to form a fortified encampment where he would use his muskets and artillery to weaken his foes and then strike when their morale had shattered. [35] Babur had carefully inspected the site. Like in Panipat, he strengthened his front by procuring carts that were fastened by iron chains (not leather straps, as at Panipat) and reinforced by mantlets. Gaps between the carts were used for horsemen to charge at the opponent at an opportune time. To lengthen the line, ropes made of rawhide were placed over wheeled wooden tripods. The flanks were given protection by digging ditches. [36] Foot-musketeers, falconets and mortars were placed behind the carts, from where they could fire and, if required, advance. The heavy Turkic horsemen stood behind them, two contingents of elite horsemen were kept in the reserve for the taulqama (flanking) tactic. Thus, a strong offensive-defensive formation had been prepared by Babur. [35]
Rana Sanga, fighting in a traditional manner, charged the Mughal ranks. His army was shot down in great numbers by the Mughal muskets, the noise of the muskets further caused fear amongst the horses and elephants of the Rajput army, causing them to trample their own men. [35] Rana Sanga finding it impossible to attack the Mughal centre, ordered his men to attack the Mughal flanks, the fighting continued on the two flanks for three hours, during which the Mughals fired at the Rajput ranks with muskets and arrows while the Rajputs could only retaliate in close quarters. [35] Babur writes:
Band after band of the Pagan troops followed each other to help their men, so we in our turn sent detachment after detachment to reinforce our fighters on that side.
Babur did make attempts to use his famous taulqama or pincer movement, however his men were unable to complete it, twice they pushed the Rajputs back however due to the relentless attacks of the Rajput horsemen they were forced to retreat to their positions. [35] At about this time Silhadi of Raisen deserted the Ranas army and went over to Baburs. [35] The betrayal of Silhadi forced the Rana to change his plans and issue new orders. According to some historians this betrayal never happened and was a later concoction. [37] During this time the Rana was shot by a bullet and fell unconscious, causing great confusion in the Rajput army and a lull in the fighting for a short period. Babur has written this event in his memoirs by saying "the accursed infidels remained confounded for one hour". [35] A Jhala chieftain called Ajja acted as the Rana and led the Rajput army, while the Rana was hidden within a circle of his trusted men. The Rajputs continued their attacks but failed to break the Mughal flanks [36] and their centre was unable to do anything against the fortified Mughal centre, Jadunath Sarkar has explained the struggle in the following words:
In the centre the Rajputs continued to fall without being able to retaliate in the least or advance to close grips. They were hopelessly outclassed in weapon and their dense masses only increased their hopeless slaughter, as every bullet found its billet.
Babur after noticing the weak Rajput centre ordered his men to take the offensive, the Mughal attack pushed the Rajputs back and forced the Rajput commanders to rush to the front, resulting in the death of many. [35] The Rajputs became leaderless as most of their senior commanders were dead and their unconscious king had been moved out of the battle. The Rajputs made a desperate charge on the Mughal left and right flanks like before, "here their bravest were mown down and the battle ended in their irretrievable defeat", [35] dead bodies could be found as far as Bayana, Alwar and Mewat of both sides. The Mughals were too exhausted and had very heavy casualties after the long fight to give chase and Babur himself gave up the idea of invading Mewar. [35]
Following this, Babur ordered a tower of enemy skulls to be erected, a practice formulated by Timur. According to Chandra, the objective of constructing a tower of skulls was not just to record a great victory, but also to terrorize opponents. Earlier, the same tactic had been used by Babur against the Afghans of Bajaur. [32] [ page needed ]
Sanga was taken away from the battlefield in an unconscious state by Prithviraj Kachwaha and Maldev Rathore of Marwar. After regaining consciousness he took an oath to not return to Chittor until he had defeated Babur and ousted him. He also stopped wearing a turban and instead chose to wrap a cloth over his head. While he was preparing to wage another war against Babur, he was poisoned by his own nobles who did not want another conflict with Babur. Though many historians support the poisoning theory it is often said that Mughals had a habit of poisoning their enemies whom they thought were powerful and Sanga was himself praised by Babur quoting him the strongest king in India along with Krishnadeva of Vijaynagra. He died in Kalpi on January 1528. [38]
It is suggested that had it not been for the cannon and luck of Babur, Rana Sanga might have achieved a historic victory against Babur. [39] Pradeep Barua notes that Babur's cannon put an end to outdated trends in Indian warfare. [40] After the battle, Babur made a pyramid using the heads of his enemies. [41]
However it would be wrong to suppose that the Rajput power was crushed for ever, The power vacuum left by Rana Sanga was filled by Rao Maldeo Rathore. He took over the role as the leading Rajput king and dominated the time period after Sanga's death [42]
Babur was the founder of the Mughal Empire in the Indian subcontinent. He was a descendant of Timur and Genghis Khan through his father and mother respectively. He was also given the posthumous name of Firdaws Makani.
The First Battle of Panipat, on 21 April 1526 was fought between the invading forces of Babur and Ibrahim Lodi of the Lodi dynasty. It took place in North India and marked the beginning of the Mughal Empire and the end of the Delhi Sultanate. This was one of the earliest battles involving gunpowder firearms and field artillery in the Indian subcontinent which were introduced by the Mughals in this battle.
Ibrahim Khan Lodi was the last Sultan of the Delhi Sultanate, who became Sultan in 1517 after the death of his father Sikandar Khan Lodi. He was the last ruler of the Lodi dynasty, reigning for nine years until 1526, when he was defeated and killed at the Battle of Panipat by Babur's invading army, giving way to the emergence of the Mughal Empire in India.
Sangram Singh I, commonly known as Rana Sanga, was the Rana of Mewar from 1508 to 1528 CE. A member of the Sisodia dynasty, he controlled parts of present-day Rajasthan, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh with his capital at Chittor. His reign was admired by several of his contemporaries, including the first Mughal Emperor Babur, who described him as the "greatest Indian ruler" of that time. The Mughal historian Abd al-Qadir Badayuni called Sanga the bravest of all Rajputs along with Prithviraj Chauhan also known as Rai Pithaura.
Pratap Singh I, popularly known as Maharana Pratap, was king of the Kingdom of Mewar, in north-western India in the present-day state of Rajasthan, from 1572 until his death in 1597. He is notable for leading the Rajput resistance against the expansionist policy of the Mughal Emperor Akbar including the Battle of Haldighati and the Battle of Dewair.
The Lodi dynasty was an Afghan royal family that ruled Sultanate of Delhi from 1451 to 1526. It was the fifth and final dynasty of the Delhi Sultanate, and was founded by Bahlul Khan Lodi when he replaced the Sayyid dynasty.
Rao Maldeo Rathore was a king of the Rathore dynasty, who ruled the kingdom of Marwar in present day state of Rajasthan. Maldeo ascended the throne in 1531 CE, inheriting a small ancestral principality of Rathore's but after a long period of military actions against his neighbours, Maldeo swept significant territories which included parts of present day Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and Sindh. He refused to ally with either the Sur Empire or the Mughal Empire.
The battle of Haldighati was fought on 18 June 1576 between the Mewar forces led by Maharana Pratap, and the Mughal forces led by Man Singh I of Amber. The Mughals emerged victorious after inflicting significant casualties on Mewari forces, though they failed to capture Pratap, who reluctantly retreated persuaded by his fellow commanders.
The history of human settlement in the western Indian state of Rajasthan dates back to about 100,000 years ago. Around 5000 to 2000 BCE many regions of Rajasthan belonged as the site of the Indus Valley Civilization. Kalibangan is the main Indus site of Rajasthan, here fire altars have been discovered, similar to those found at Lothal.
Daulat Khan Lodi was the governor of Lahore during the reign of Ibrahim Lodi, the last ruler of the Lodi dynasty. Due to disaffection with Ibrahim, Daulat invited Babur to invade the empire. He was initially governor of the Jalandhar Doab before being promoted with the governorship of the entire Punjab. He was the son of Tatar Khan, the previous Nizam of Punjab, who had asserted his independence from Lodi dynasty under Behlol Lodi, father of Sikander Lodi. Daulat Khan was loyal to the dynasty but betrayed Ibrahim due to his rigid, proud and suspicious nature.
Rani Karnavati, also known as Rani Karmavati, was a princess and temporary ruler from Bundi, India. She was married to Rana Sanga of Mewar. She was the mother of the next two Ranas, Rana Vikramaditya and Rana Udai Singh, and grandmother of Maharana Pratap. She served as regent during the minority of her son, from 1527 until 1533. She was as fierce as her husband and defended Chittor with a small contingent of soldiers until it inevitably fell to the Gujarat army which was led by Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. She refused to flee and performed johari to protect her honor.
Raja Hasan Khan Mewati was a Muslim Khanzada Rajput ruler of Mewat. The son of previous ruler Raja Alawal Khan, his dynasty had ruled Mewat State for nearly 200 years. He was a descendant of Raja Nahar Khan Mewati, who was the Wali of Mewat in 14th century.
The Mughal–Rajput wars were a series of battles between the Rajput Confederacy and the Mughal Empire. The conflicts originated with the invasion of northwestern India by the Mughal ruler Babur, to which the head of the Rajput confederacy, Rana Sanga, offered staunch resistance. The conflicts went on since 1526 for over 200 years, with the Mughals having the upper hand until the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, following which they entered a declining phase and the Rajputs gained the upper hand, with the last recorded conflict taking place in 1779.
The Battle of Khatoli was fought in 1517 between the Lodi dynasty of the Delhi Sultanate under Ibrahim Lodi and the Kingdom of Mewar under Rana Sanga, during which Mewar emerged victorious.
The Battle of Dholpur in today's India occurred between the Kingdom of Mewar, led by Rana Sanga, and the Lodi dynasty of the Delhi Sultanate, commanded by Ibrahim Lodi, culminating in a victory for Mewar.
Medini Rai was a vassal of Sisodia king Rana Sanga. He ruled much of the Malwa under the lordship of Rana Sanga, who helped him in defeating Sultan of Malwa and conquering Malwa, Chanderi was his capital.
The Tomb of Ibrahim Lodi in Panipat is the tomb of Ibrahim Lodi, Sultan of the Lodi dynasty.
The Battle of Bayana or the Siege of Bayana was a military conflict between the Kingdom of Mewar under Rana Sanga on one side and Afghan of Bayana under Nizam Khan and Mughal advance guard, led by Abdul Aziz on other side.
The Maharana's army consisted of his own and that of the great chieftains who acknowledged his allegiance. Raja Silhidi, the Rajput Chief of Bhilsa and Raisen, commanded 35,000 horses; Rawal Udai Singh of Dungarpur and Hasan Khan Mewati, 12,000 each; Raja Medni Rai of Chanderi, 10,000 horse; Narbad Hada of Boondi, 7,000; Khinchi Shatrudeva of Gagrone, 6,000; Bhar Mai of Idar, Rao Viramdeva of Merta and Chauhan Narsinghdeva, 4,000 each. Sultan Mahmud Lodi, a son of Sikandar Lodi, commanded 1 0,000 adventurers; various other chiefs had from 4,000 to 7,000 men. Rai Mai Rathor, Commander-in-chief of Jodhpur, and Kanwar Kalyan Mai, heir of Bikaner, commanded 3,000 each.
The battle of Khanua was a virtual replay of the battle of Panipat, except that it lasted nearly double the time and was far more fiercely contested, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides
He was immediately challenged by assembled Rajput forces under Rana Sanga of Chittor who was reckoned by Babur as one of the two greatest Hindu rulers.
From 1326, Mewar's grand recovery commenced under Lakha, and later under Kumbha and most notably under Sanga, till it became one of the greatest powers in northern India during the first quarter of sixteenth century
The battle of khanua was one of the most decisive battles in Indian history certainly more than that of Panipat as Lodhi empire was already crumbling and Mewar had emerged as major power in northern India. Thus, Its at Khanua the fate of India was sealed for next two centuries
The battle of Kanwaha was more important in its result even than the first battle of Panipat. While the former made Babur ruler of Delhi alone the later made him King of Hindustan. As a result of his success the Mughal empire was established firmly in India. The sovereignty of India now passed from Rajputs to Mughals
Results: The victory of Babur, was nevertheless final and complete. 'Hardly a clan of the Rajputs was there but had lost the flower of its princely blood'. The consequences of the battle of Khanwa were most momentous. (i) The menace of the Rajput supremacy, which had loomed large before the eyes of the Muhammadans in India for the last ten years, was removed once for all
Disgusted with Ibrahim, the nobles of Punjab wrote letters to Babur in Kabul and invited him to invade India. Alam Khan, the brother of Sikandar Lodi personally went to Kabul for this purpose....when Alam Khan reached Lahore, he insisted that since the Mughals had come at his invitation, they should assign Delhi to him after conquering it. Alam Khan and the Mughals disagreed and Alam Khan marched with an army army of forty thousand mounted men to Delhi.
In contrast, the traditional Rajput version holds that it was not Sanga, already powerful enough and mainly successful against various enemy states, who had sent an envoy to Babur....but rather, it was Babur who sought an ally of undoubted ability and strength against their common foe, Ibrahim Lodi.
History cannot be rewritten in any way, which is what they are doing, Chaturvedi said. He recalled how historian & Indologist Gopinath Sharma, known for his scholarly research on Mewar kings and Mughal emperors, was abused and manhandled at a seminar in Jodhpur for writing that the Battle of Haldighati was indecisive, though Akbar had an upper hand
The alliance of Sanga with some Afghan nobles often mistaken by some of historians like Rusherbook Williams and Vincent Smith hardly represented any tactical alliance but rather pitty state of Afghans who already witnessed a brutual onslaught in hand of Sanga's troop at Biana fort. Nonethless, most of them fled from battlefield in middle of the battle fearing Mughal slaughter amidst a inevitable victory