Demographics and culture of Hong Kong |
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Demographics |
Culture |
Other Hong Kong topics |
Part of a series on |
Ethnicity in Hong Kong |
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Total population | |
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200,000 2.7% of Hong Kong's population | |
Regions with significant populations | |
Wan Chai District [1] | |
Languages | |
Tagalog, English, Cantonese, Kapampangan, Cebuano, Hiligaynon, other Philippine languages | |
Religion | |
Christianity (Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, Iglesia Filipina Independiente), Islam, Buddhism |
Filipinos in Hong Kong ( Filipino: Mga Pilipino sa Hong Kong) refer to the Filipinos residing or working in Hong Kong. They constitute the largest ethnic minority in Hong Kong, numbering approximately 130,000, [2] many of whom work as foreign domestic helpers. [3] The Eastern District has the highest concentration of Filipino residents in Hong Kong, with 3.24% of the district's population being of Filipino descent (14,596 people). [4]
The Philippines was one of the first countries to send workers through the foreign domestic helper program beginning in the 1970’s. This allowed helpers to work for a single employer, working for at least a minimum allowable wage. [5] Most of these workers were mothers, grandmothers or eldest daughters, working to save money for their children, seeking better living standards with higher wages than in the Philippines. [6] [7] According to CNN, Filipino migrant workers are legally required to live in their employers’ homes. Because Hong Kong does not have laws limiting the maximum working hours per day or week, workers can perform tasks for as long as sixteen hours a day six days a week. [7] [5] The range of services that are achieved for employers include cleaning, cooking, shopping for groceries, and taking care of children, the elderly and pets. [5] Nonetheless, according to The Guardian, domestic helpers still consider Hong Kong to be one of the best places in Asia get work. [8] Filipino domestic workers report that their families back home make demands for money and have unrealistic ideas about finance, but, many state their main responsibility is to provide for their families through migration. [5]
The mistreatment of Filipino domestic workers in Hong Kong is commonly found through stereotypes and disciplinary regulation. According to anthropologist Nicole Constable, Hongkongers consider Filipino workers to be lazy, demanding, lacking commitment, and “only in it for the money.” [9] They are also labelled as “apathetic” about Hong Kong in addition to being poor and uneducated from a “backwards country.” [9] On the other hand, some citizens view these helpers as “hard workers who contribute valuable labor to the colony.” [9] Chinese women would also view female Filipino helpers as a threat to their roles as wives and mothers, resulting in the loss of their jobs. They can be perceived as “flirtatious,” different from Chinese women, and even willing to provide sexual favours. [9] Employers imposes strict rules such as being under constant surveillance, and curfew. According to sociolinguistic professor Hans J Ladegaard, workers generally do not have their own living quarters and are kept inside almost 24 hours a day, akin to modern-day slavery. [8] According to English professor Odine De Guzman, non-government organizations propose to address the abuses of overseas Filipino workers, although Hong Kong has yet to ratify any treaties, an example being the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. [10]
According to the Guardian, migrant workers have been congregating on their one day off each week since the 1980s. Sundays are a lifeline for Filipino workers, giving them the ability to rest, run errands for themselves, and to recreationally enjoy activities such as picnics and dances. They are also able to use their free time to join protests. [8] Groups commonly gather around Victoria Park, Central District, Wan Chai and Statue Square, transforming the streets into “Little Manila.” [11] [8]
According to anthropologist Nicole Constable, women migrant workers have protested in the past, protesting alongside the Hong Kong People’s Alliance on WTO. [12] The 2019–20 Hong Kong Protests affected on the Filipino community. In 2019, many Filipino domestic workers voiced their opinions on the protest. Some expressed their sympathies towards the protestors, because many protestors grew up in households where these workers had taken care of them growing up. [13] Many have supported the protest, disagreeing with the proposed extradition bill, and even joining peaceful marches throughout Hong Kong. Others however, have expressed their reluctance to support because of the work and visa status in Hong Kong, concerns about losing their occupation, the relocation of employers because of the impeded violence, and their overall safety. [13] [11] Despite the risk of danger, many workers have rejected the proposal of the Philippine government to temporarily ban sending workers to Hong Kong during the protests in fear of losing financial and employment opportunities. According to Global Voices , rest days are no longer fixed on Sundays and are cut short to avoid police confrontation due to the schedule of protestors and the possibility of disruption to public transport, affecting the workers’ ability to see others in the community. [13]
Since 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic has affected Filipino migrant workers’ lives in Hong Kong. Because of the government strict live-in restrictions, workers are limited to staying at home, unable to social distance with employers. According to the Diplomat , “this situation has fuelled tension and mistrust between employers due to security, finance and health, allowing for abuse and ill treatment of workers to occur more often.” [14] Psychologist Nelson Yeung suggests that workers are subjugated to anxiety and mental exhaustion due to the increase of responsibilities in the household as many public facilities are closed. [15] There is also an increase of fear for the loss of jobs during the pandemic, yet some workers are grateful to still have employment. Filipino domestic workers would seek emotional and material support from others in the community, but due to the pandemic, opportunities to publicly gather on Sundays are reduced. [15] According to author Jason Ng, rules and regulations are dependent on the employers, with some who restricts workers from having days off or to leave the house (unless to go out for essentials), to those who more relaxed and “encourages workers to go out on Sundays as long as they practice social distance.” [16]
Most Filipinos in Hong Kong communicate with the local population in English, usually a second language for both parties. According to the Hong Kong's Census and Statistic Department, approximately 11% of Filipino domestic workers speak Cantonese as well. [17] Within the Filipino community in Hong Kong, they communicate in Tagalog or in another Philippine language.
The World-Wide House arcade in Central is popular with Filipinos, as many of the shops inside the building are run by Filipinos. [18]
On Sundays, large numbers of Filipino maids often gather at various spots in Central, such as the ground floor of the HSBC Hong Kong headquarters building, as for many maids in Hong Kong Sunday is their fixed once-a-week working day off, during which they socialise, eat and sing together, or sell various items. These Sunday gatherings have been called "Little Manila" [19]
Most Filipinos in Hong Kong are Christians, the majority Roman Catholic. There are also a significant number who congregate in Protestant and non-denominational churches. A minority are Buddhists. Many attend Mass and various church services on Sunday mornings at the numerous Catholic parishes in Hong Kong offering services in Tagalog or English. According to the Roman Catholic Diocese of Hong Kong (2011), there are an estimated 120,000 Filipino Catholics making up a large part of the non-local parish membership. [20]
Aside from the Catholics, there are congregations of Filipino Protestants who attend services in Baptist, Methodist and Presbyterian churches. There is also a full fellowship of Aglipayans or members of the Iglesia Filipina Independiente (Philippine Independent Church) that attend mass at the St John's Cathedral in Central, an Anglican church. The Filipino chaplain is Reverevend Dwight Dela Torre. [21]
In past 30 years, Filipino evangelical Christians have grown in numbers, especially in such fellowships as Jesus is Lord (JIL), which number in the tens of thousands. [22]
A domestic worker is a person who works within a residence and performs a variety of household services for an individual, from providing cleaning and household maintenance, or cooking, laundry and ironing, or care for children and elderly dependents, and other household errands. The term "domestic service" applies to the equivalent occupational category. In traditional English contexts, such a person was said to be "in service".
A migrant worker is a person who migrates within a home country or outside it to pursue work. Migrant workers usually do not have an intention to stay permanently in the country or region in which they work.
Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) is a term often used to refer to Filipino migrant workers, people with Filipino citizenship who reside in another country for a limited period of employment. The number of these workers was roughly 1.77 million between April and September 2020. Of these, female workers comprised a larger portion, making up 59.6 percent, or 1.06 million. However, this number declined to 405.62 thousand between 2019 and 2020.
Thais in Hong Kong form one of the smaller populations of ethnic minorities in Hong Kong, and a minor portion of the worldwide Thai diaspora.
Indonesians in Hong Kong, numbering 102,100, form the second-largest ethnic minority group in the territory, behind Filipinos. Most Indonesians coming to Hong Kong today are those who arrive under limited-term contracts for employment as foreign domestic helpers. The Hong Kong Immigration Department allows the Indonesian consulate to force Indonesian domestic helpers to use employment agencies. Indonesian migrant workers in Hong Kong comprise 2.4% of all overseas Indonesian workers. Among the Indonesian population is a group of Chinese Indonesians, many of them finding refuge in Hong Kong after the civil persecution of them.
Foreign domestic helpers in Hong Kong are domestic workers employed by Hongkongers, typically families. Comprising five percent of Hong Kong's population, about 98.5% of them are women. In 2019, there were 400,000 foreign domestic helpers in the territory. Required by law to live in their employer's residence, they perform household tasks such as cooking, serving, cleaning, dishwashing and child care.
Filipinos in Kuwait are either migrants from or descendants of the Philippines living in Kuwait. As of 2020, there are roughly 241,000 of these Filipinos in Kuwait. Most people in the Filipino community are migrant workers, and approximately 60% of Filipinos in Kuwait are employed as domestic workers.
The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People's Republic of China is a destination and transit territory for men and women trafficked for the purposes of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor.
Filipinos in Pakistan consist of migrants from the Philippines. In 2008, there were an estimated 1,500 Filipinos in Pakistan according to the statistics of the Philippine government. Many Filipinos came to Pakistan for work and those who later married Pakistani men are now holding Pakistani citizenship. Pakistan comparatively has experience good immigration rate from Philippines despite security issues.
Filipino non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Hong Kong were founded by both the Filipinos and the local Chinese who aim to assist and serve the Filipino community. There are mainly three types of Filipino NGOs in Hong Kong: social justice NGOs, recreational NGOs, and religious NGOs.
There are a significant number of Filipinos in China consisting of migrants and expatriates from the Philippines to the People's Republic of China.
Anti-Filipino sentiment refers to the general dislike or hatred towards the Philippines, Filipinos or Filipino culture. This can come in the form of direct slurs or persecution, in the form of connoted microaggressions, or depictions of the Philippines or the Filipino people as being inferior in some form psychologically, culturally or physically.
Filipino domestic workers in Canada are Overseas Filipino Workers who frequently immigrated through the Live-In Caregiver program, which was cancelled to new applicants in 2014. After immigration processes and approval "the Live in Caregiver Program required of participants that they work as a live-in caregiver for two full years before applying for an open visa ". Many Filipinas found this program attractive because of their need to provide for their families, especially children. One of the main ways to provide for their children is giving them proper education. Highly valuing this, "a larger proportion of the mostly women who have come through these programs have come from the Philippines; by 1996 fully 87 percent came from the Philippines."
Women migrant workers from developing countries engage in paid employment in countries where they are not citizens. While women have traditionally been considered companions to their husbands in the migratory process, most adult migrant women today are employed in their own right. In 2017, of the 168 million migrant workers, over 68 million were women. The increase in proportion of women migrant workers since the early twentieth century is often referred to as the "feminization of migration".
Erwiana Sulistyaningsih is an Indonesian woman and a former maid who was known for suffering abuse at the hands of her employer while working as a domestic helper in Hong Kong. Her case received worldwide attention, and scrutiny. It was addressed by both Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying. In 2014, she was included by Time magazine on its list of 100 most powerful people.
Xyza Cruz Bacani is a Filipina street photographer and documentary photographer. She is known for her black-and-white photographs of Hong Kong and documentary projects about migration and the intersections of labor and human rights. She is one of the Magnum Foundation's Human Rights Fellows and is the recipient of a resolution passed by the Philippines House of Representatives in her honor, HR No. 1969. Xyza is one of the BBC’s 100 Women of the World 2015, 30 Under 30 Women Photographers 2016, Forbes 30 Under 30 Asia 2016, and a Fujifilm Ambassador. She is the recipient of grants from Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting 2016, WMA Commission 2017, and part of Open Society Foundations Moving Walls 24.
Kuwait–Philippines relations refers to the bilateral ties of Kuwait and the Philippines.
In early 2018, Kuwait and the Philippines were embroiled in a diplomatic crisis over the situation of Filipino migrant workers in the gulf country.
As the number of foreign domestic workers continues to increase around the world, social movements to protect them have begun. The increase in social movements can be attributed to the rise of globalization, increased flows of migratory workers, and issues arising from the neoliberal management of workers. Repeated complaints and demands by pro-labor movements typically revolving around issues such as minimum wage and insurance coverage can be seen. These demands usually move away from a narrative of labor disputes and begin to encompass a human-rights perspective.
Still Human is a 2018 Hong Kong comedy-drama film directed and written by Oliver Chan in her feature film directorial debut. It stars veteran actor Anthony Wong and Crisel Consunji in her film debut. The film chronicles the relationship between a man using a wheelchair and his Filipina domestic helper. The film had its world premiere at the 15th Hong Kong Asian Film Festival on 6 November 2018 before it was theatrically released on 11 April 2019.