Human rights in Kyrgyzstan rank poorly, and continue to decline due to political centralization and restrictions on fundamental freedoms. Beginning in 2021, Freedom House has classified Kyrgyzstan as "not free"[1]. The United States Department of State reports concerns including torture; arbitrary arrest or detention; restrictions on freedom of expression and media, including censorship and violence against journalists; antisemitism; human trafficking, forced labor and child labor; and systematic restrictions, threats and violence against union activities.[2]
As of 2025, Kyrgyzstan ranked 104th of 143 countries on the World Justice Project's Rule of Law Index.[3] Also in 2025, its ranking on Reporters Without Borders (RSF)'s World Press Freedom Index dropped 24 places, to 144th of 180 countries.[4] Key issues include arbitrary arrests of journalists and activists, weakening of legal protections against torture, and the government's use of restrictive legislation to limit the activity of independent NGOs and restrict free expression in media and civil activities. Constitutional changes have been used to significantly expand presidential authority, weaken parliamentary oversight and allow unchecked corruption.[5][6][7]
Formerly a republic of the Soviet Union, Kyrgyzstan became independent in 1991. Initially Kyrgyzstan was hailed as the most democratic country in Central Asia, with greater press freedoms and an active civil society.[1] The country was quick to join international organizations and to ratify global human rights conventions.[11][12]
Remaining reasonably stable throughout most of the 1990s, democracy in Kyrgyzstan showed initial promise under the leadership of Askar Akayev,[13] but moved towards autocracy and authoritarianism by the early 2000s.[14] In 2004, Kyrgyzstan was rated by Freedom House as "Not Free," with a 6 in Political Rights and 5 in Civil Liberties (scale of 1-7; 1 is the highest). This indicated marked regression, from a 4.3 rating a decade earlier in 1994.[14] Following the Tulip Revolution of March 2005, Akayev resigned.[11]
The following chart shows Kyrgyzstan’s ratings under various leadership since 1991, as given by the Freedom in the World reports, published annually by Freedom House. A rating of 1 is "free"; 7, "not free".[19]1
This article needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(March 2013)
Press freedom
Journalists risk sanctions for covering controversial topics (like corruption) and ineffective media policy and management weaken the role of journalism in the country. Critical journalism is present in the country, but many media outlets do not cover topics that are too politically sensitive.[20] Journalism in Kyrgyzstan, especially when related to religious topics or inter-ethnic relations, often still lack neutrality in its coverage.[21] Authorities can often use article 278 of the Kyrgyzstani criminal code to judicially harass journalists, such as in the case of Kanyshai Mamyrkulova, who was found guilty of "calling for mass riots" after criticising a border agreement between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.[22]
Women's rights
The country suffers from high and rising inequalities, women are largely excluded from decision-making. Violence against women is widespread and takes many forms, including domestic violence, bride kidnapping, trafficking, early marriages and physical abuse. The negative reinterpretation of some cultural and social practices increasingly restricts women’s rights to control their lives. Rural women and girls have restricted access to productive resources.[23]
Kyrgyzstan strengthened the 2016 Family Violence Law a year later and criminalized domestic violence in January 2019. However, authorities are not consistently enforcing protective measures for women and girls, including both the Family Violence Law and a 2016 law to curb child and forced marriage.[10] In cooperation with the United Nations Kyrgyzstan developed a policy plan to decrease gender inequality in 2013, but women still suffer from their subordinated position in society.[23]
Bride kidnapping
As a consequence of changes in gender ideologies in Kyrgyzstan, there has been a revival and legitimation of nonconsensual bride kidnapping as a national tradition.[24] In this practise the groom abducts a girl off the street with a group of friends and brings her to his parents. Traditionally the women of the family will try to convince the girl to marry the boy who abducted her. Often girls have little choice, because refusing to marry often leads to being outcast by their parents.[25] Even though in Kyrgyz law the practice is considered illegal and a violation of human rights since 2013, up to 50% of ethnic Kyrgyz marriages are a result of kidnappings, both consensual and non-consensual.[24][26] In April 2021, protests broke out in Bishkek after a woman was found dead following a bride kidnapping.[26] The country's president Sadyr Japarov called for the incident to be the last in Kyrgyzstan's history, though he did not announce any plans to prevent bridal kidnappings.[27]
Both male and female same-sex sexual activity are legal in Kyrgyzstan, but same-sex marriage is not recognised and even explicitly banned in the constitution since 2016.[28] Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people continue to face ill-treatment, extortion, and discrimination by state and non-state actors.[10]
Domestic violence against LGBT minors is a major issue and victims have limited access to government support. LGBT people are often unable to seek protection because of violence and other abuses by law enforcement agencies. Ill-treatment against LGBT people by law enforcement authorities is a systemic phenomenon in Kyrgyzstan according to Kyrgyz Indigo, a local LGBT advocacy group.[29]
Various nationalist groups threatened LGBT interest groups during demonstrations in 2019, several parliament members responded by expressing their aversion to same sex couples, where one member said LGBT people should be “not just cursed, but beaten.” [10]
Transgender people are allowed to change legal gender in Kyrgyzstan, but require undergoing sex reassignment surgery. The first such surgery was performed in Bishkek in January 2014.[30]
Religious freedom
In 2023, the country scored 2 out of 4 for religious freedom.[31]
Human rights legislation
This section needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(March 2025)
On September 14, 2001, the Kyrgyz Ministry of Interior declared it had implemented a "passport control regime" against "pro-Islamic" activists in the southern part of Kyrgyzstan. Following the reelection of President Askar Akayev in 2003, the government reportedly "intensified" harassment of political opposition members, independent news media groups, religious groups and ethnic minorities, according to Human Rights Watch.[32] In advance of elections in February 2005, the Akayev government reportedly increased political restrictions on Kyrgyz citizens, in order, according to some outside observers, to prevent a "democratic revolution" like the recent one in Ukraine.[33][34]
Human rights under Akayev's regime in 2004 reportedly remained poor; although there were some improvements in several areas, problems remained. Citizens' right to change their government remained limited and democratic institutions remained fragile. Members of the security forces at times beat or otherwise mistreated persons, and prison conditions remained poor. Impunity remained a problem, although the Government took steps to address it during the year. There were cases of arbitrary arrest or detention. Executive branch domination of the judiciary as well as corruption limited citizens' right to due process.[35]
In June 2005, Kyrgyz officials said that 29 Uzbek refugees who had fled to Kyrgyzstan in the wake of the Andijan massacre would be returned to Uzbekistan.[36] The United Nations and human rights groups criticized this decision, stating the refugees faced possible torture or execution upon their return. However, on June 27, the 439 Uzbek refugees were airlifted to safety out of the country by the United Nations.[37]
In a move to restrict the freedom of assembly amendments were made to the Law on the Right of Citizens to Hold Peaceful Assemblies 2002 in 2008 by the government and enacted by the president in 2010.[38] Human Rights Watch criticised the amendments, claiming that they are violating the Kyrgyz constitution and international law.[39]
In a move that alarmed human rights groups, dozens of prominent Uzbek religious and community leaders were arrested by security forces following the 2010 South Kyrgyzstan riots, including journalist and human rights activist Azimzhan Askarov.[40] Following a trial criticised by several international human rights organizations, Askarov was given a life sentence charges including creating mass disturbances, incitement of ethnic hatred, and complicity in murder.[41] Various human rights organizations stated that they believe the charges against him and his co-defendants to be politically motivated.[42]Amnesty International considers Askarov a prisoner of conscience and is currently campaigning for his immediate release and an investigation into his allegations of torture by law enforcement.[43]
On May 18, 2011, the Kadamjay Regional Court sentenced two young men, Iskandar Kambarov (18 years old) and Jonibek Nosirov (22 years old) to seven years in prison on the charge of possessing two DVDs of an extremist Islamic organization. The two men are not Islamic, but Jehovah’s Witnesses. The Norwegian human rights organization Forum 18 claims that the DVDs were planted as false evidence during a police raid. Their sentenced got overturned but it is unclear how the court case has developed further.[44]
In July 2019, human rights defender Azimzhan Askarov died in prison in Kyrgyzstan. He was 69 years old and was serving life imprisonment. Kyrgyz authorities ignored the United Nations Human Rights Committee ruling to release Askarov, as he was arbitrarily detained, tortured, and denied a fair trial. In May 2020, he made a final appeal, and Kyrgyz Supreme Court sustained his sentence.[45]
In 2021 the caretaker parliament passed legislation that would punish groups that cause "political enmity" a move that according to Human Rights Watch would undermine freedom of expression and association.[46]
On 16 July 2024, the Supreme Court upheld the liquidation of Kloop Media, an investigative news outlet known for reporting on corruption and election violations. President Sadyr Japarov defended the decision, arguing it was necessary to combat “anarchy” rather than suppress free speech. Despite the ruling, Kloop vowed to continue publishing online.[47]On 28 August 2024, the Culture Ministry proposed fines of up to 100,000 KGS ($1,200) for individuals and 200,000 KGS ($2,400) for organizations found guilty of spreading "disinformation" online.[48]
Traditional storytellers, or akyns, have also faced scrutiny. In March 2025, performer Asylbek Maratov reported receiving a warning from state security after singing about political issues. Another akyn, Askat Zhetigen, was sentenced to three years in prison for allegedly calling for the violent seizure of power. Critics argue these actions reflect a shrinking space for free expression in Kyrgyzstan.[49]
1.^Note that the "Year" signifies the "Year covered". Therefore the information for the year marked 2008 is from the report published in 2009, and so on.
↑ Freedman, Eric (2012). "Deepening shadows: The eclipse of press rights in Kyrgyzstan". Global Media and Communication. 8 (1): 47–64. doi:10.1177/1742766511434732. S2CID143552301.
↑ Wolf, I. (2011). "Hizb ut-Tahrir in Kyrgyzstan as presented in Vechernii Bishkek: A radical Islamist organization through the eyes of Kyrgyz journalists". In Freedman, E. (ed.). After the Czars and Commissars: Journalism in Authoritarian Post-Soviet Central Asia. Michigan State University Press.
1 2 Ismailbekova, Aksana (2014). "Migration and patrilineal descent: the role of women in Kyrgyzstan". Central Asian Survey. 33 (3): 375–389. doi:10.1080/02634937.2014.961305. S2CID144473749– via Taylor & Francis.
↑ Kleinbach, Russ; Salimjanova, Lilly (2007). "Kyz ala kachuu and adat: non-consensual bride kidnapping and tradition in Kyrgyzstan". Central Asian Survey. 26 (2): 217–233. doi:10.1080/02634930701517466. S2CID144912640.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
