Incumbent Abdul Samad Abdul Wahab Janet Ang Mark Chay Cheng Hsing Yao Hoon Hian Teck Koh Lian Pin Joshua Thomas Raj Shahira Abdullah Tan Yia Swam since21 January 2021
The introduction of NMPs in September 1990, effected to bring more independent voices into Parliament, was an important modification of the traditional Westminster parliamentary system that Singapore had.
NMPs are appointed for a term of two and a half years on the recommendation of a Special Select Committee chaired by the speaker of Parliament. The Committee may nominate persons who have rendered distinguished public service or who have brought honour to Singapore, and also invites proposals of candidates from community groups in the fields of arts and letters, culture, the sciences, business, industry, the professions, social or community service, and the labour movement. In 2009, Prime MinisterLee Hsien Loong proposed in Parliament that the Committee should also invite nominations from the civil society such as candidates from the environmental movement, young activists, new citizens, and community and grassroots leaders. In addition, the Committee must have regard to the need for NMPs to reflect as wide a range of independent and nonpartisan views as possible.
In Parliament, NMPs can participate in debates and vote on all issues except amendments to the Constitution, motions relating to public funds, votes of no confidence in the Government, and removing the president from office.
The NMP scheme has been criticised on the grounds that it is undemocratic, and that unelected NMPs have no incentive to express the electorate's views in Parliament. It has also been claimed that the scheme reinforces the governing People's Action Party's technocratic and elitist view of politics. On the other hand, it is said that NMPs have placed pressure on PAP MPs to be more competent in Parliament.
NMPs have made contributions to Singapore's political landscape. In 1996, the Maintenance of Parents Act (Cap.167B,1996Rev. Ed.) became the first public Act originating from a private member's bill initiated by an NMP, Walter Woon. During parliamentary debates, NMPs have also offered critical views on Government policies. The scheme was declared a success by the prime minister in 2009, and NMPs were made a permanent feature of Parliament – before this change, Parliament had to resolve within six months of every election whether NMPs should be appointed.
Nominated Member of Parliament scheme
Implementation
A Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) is a Member of Parliament (MP) who is not elected, but chosen by a committee of MPs. Introducing the NMP scheme was a progression of the plan by the Government, the first step of which was the introduction of the Non-constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) scheme, to increase the number of non-government MPs to enable "alternative views to be expressed and dissenting voices to be heard".[1]
During a debate in Parliament on 29 and 30 November 1989,[2] the First Deputy Prime MinisterGoh Chok Tong set out the Government's reasons for implementing the scheme. The NMP scheme was a move to provide more opportunities for Singaporeans to participate in politics. It was a "privilege" extended to Singaporeans who could make valuable contributions to public policy but for good reasons did not desire to enter politics and look after constituencies. Women were mentioned as an example of people who might be more willing to become NMPs, as many have to handle their families and careers and therefore do not have much spare time.[3]
The aim of the scheme was to create a more "consensual style of government where alternative views are heard and constructive dissent accommodated".[4] NMPs could play a constructive role in contributing to good governance that the Opposition and MPs of the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) could not provide. While PAP MPs had been encouraged to air opposing views, they were after all Government MPs and were not allowed to vote against the Government unless the Whip was lifted. Moreover, there were very few Opposition MPs. According to Goh, the Opposition had not been constructive as their objective was to discredit the Government so that they could win office. In contrast, NMPs would not belong to any political party, and could therefore represent the views of people who did not identify themselves with the PAP or the Opposition. Thus, NMPs would be able to concentrate on the "substance of the debate rather than form and rhetoric", and provide dissenting and constructive views that would contribute to good government.[5]
Furthermore, with NMPs Parliament would be able to better represent the views of the people. While the ruling party attempted to represent the mainstream political opinion in Singapore and fielded as representative a range of candidates as possible during general elections, it would inevitably not be able to succeed in completely representing every viewpoint. On the other hand, the Opposition MPs and NCMPs represented anti-establishment voters. Goh expressed the view that people who stood as Opposition candidates usually believed that having the PAP government was bad for Singapore and wished to oust the PAP. Therefore, the range of people likely to be elected to Parliament as Opposition MPs was limited. NMPs could represent the people who disagreed with the PAP but did not wish to oust them from government.[6]
Goh also pointed out that at least 20 other countries had nominated Members in their Houses of Representatives,[7] while noting that each variant of the NMP system had to be tailored to the country in which it was implemented.[8]
The bill[9] for amending the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore[10] to implement the NMP scheme was introduced in Parliament and underwent its First Reading on 6 October 1989.[11] On 30 November 1989, the bill was read a second time, and referred to a select committee.[12] The report of the select committee[13] was presented to Parliament on 15 March 1990, and the bill read a third time and enacted as the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act 1990[14] on 29 March 1990.[15] It came into force on 10 September 1990.
From 1 September 1997, the maximum number of NMPs in Parliament was increased from six to nine.[16] Introducing a motion in Parliament for the second reading of the constitutional amendment bill that was eventually passed to effect the change, the Minister for Home AffairsWong Kan Seng said that the NMP scheme was now well accepted by practically all MPs as it had proven its usefulness and worth. The Government intended to expand the scheme "so that more NMPs can be in Parliament to air views which may not be canvassed by the PAP or by the Opposition. ... We are now proposing to increase the number of NMPs so that a wider cross-section of such views can be canvassed and expressed."[17]
In 2002, an NMP's term of office was extended from two to two and a half years.[18] This was done to avoid the need to select NMPs three times if a particular Parliament lasted its full five-year term.[19] In fact, during the Ninth Parliament, the NMPs had only served 17 days from 1 to 17 October 2001 and attended three sittings before Parliament was dissolved for the 2001 general election.[20]
NMPs were made a permanent feature of Parliament with effect from 1 July 2010.[21] Prior to this change, Parliament had to decide within six months after every election whether to appoint NMPs.[22] The rationale for the changes was given by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in Parliament on 27 May 2009. According to him, the main motivation behind having NMPs as a permanent part of the system of government in Singapore was the fact that the scheme had been a great success and had improved the quality of debate in the House: "The scheme has worked well. The NMPs represent non-partisan alternative views in Parliament, and the NMPs have made effective contributions and raised the quality of debate in Parliament. Sometimes, if I may say so, they may have outshone even the Opposition MPs. This NMP scheme should be a permanent part of our political system."[23]
The Fourth Schedule of the Constitution sets out the process for the appointment of NMPs. A Special Select Committee chaired by the Speaker of Parliament and consisting of seven other MPs[24] nominates not more than nine persons to be appointed as NMPs by the president.[25] The Committee may nominate persons who have rendered distinguished public service or who have brought honour to Singapore,[26] and also invites the general public and groups in the community to submit the names of persons who may be considered for nomination by the Committee.[27] These community groups are in the fields of arts and letters, culture, the sciences, business, industry, the professions, social or community service, and the labour movement.[26] In 2009, Prime MinisterLee Hsien Loong proposed in Parliament that the Committee should also invite nominations from the people sector such as candidates from the environmental movement, young activists, new citizens, and community and grassroots leaders. He felt that "[t]his will give civil society a voice in Parliament and encourage civil society to grow and to mature further".[23] In addition, nominees may be persons who have rendered distinguished public service or who have brought honour to Singapore, and the Committee must have regard to the need for NMPs to reflect as wide a range of independent and non-partisan views as possible.[26] However, a person appointed as an NMP is not required to resign from any political party that he or she is a member of. When this issue was considered by a select committee of Parliament, it took the following view:[13][28]
[T]o formally resign from membership in a political party cannot, in substance, change his political philosophy or his sympathy for the cause of that party. Nor need membership of a political party necessarily affect a person's objectivity.
The usual term of office for an NMP is two and a half years from the date of appointment.[29] NMPs must vacate their seats if they stand as candidates for any political parties in elections, or if they are elected as MPs for any constituencies.[30] In addition, like other MPs, an NMP ceases to be a Member of Parliament when Parliament is dissolved, or in a number of situations specified in the Constitution such as ceasing to be a Singapore citizen, resignation or bankruptcy.[31]
During the Parliamentary debates that led to the introduction of the NMP scheme, it was argued by a number of PAP MPs such as Arthur Beng,[34][35]Tan Cheng Bock,[36]Dixie Tan,[37] and Aline Wong[38] that the scheme is undemocratic in nature given the fact that NMPs are nominated rather than elected by the people for the people.[39] However, in accordance with party discipline, they were eventually required to vote in favour of the constitutional amendment. As Beng said: "This is the constraint upon us, and I guess I will have to continue to live a schizophrenic political life – speaking against, yet voting for a Bill."[35]
Secondly, it was argued by Chiam See Tong, the Leader of the Opposition, that since Singapore practices representative democracy, NMPs are useless to the people as, being unelected, they have no incentive to present their views to Parliament.[40] In other words, one should not enjoy the privilege of representing views without bearing the responsibility of serving those whom one represents.[41] The Opposition perceived the scheme as a plan to make it look unnecessary.[42] A similar point has been made by an academic, Chua Beng Huat, who has argued that the NMP scheme co-opts more moderate dissenting voices and is thus an attempt to de-legitimise the need for more aggressive opposition.[43]
From the beginning, the process of appointing NMPs has been weighted towards functional representation of discrete interests. For example, Wong Kan Seng, the Leader of the House, said in Parliament on 5 April 2002:[44]
Over the years, we have ... improved the selection process by having proposal panels to nominate representatives of functional groups as NMPs. So, in 1997, apart from inviting the general public to submit the names of suitable persons, the Special Select Committee on NMPs wrote to organisations representing three major functional groups: (a) business and industry; (b) labour; and (c) the professions – to propose candidates for this Special Select Committee's consideration. At a sitting on 5th June 1997 ... I also said that the Government would consider further improving the NMP selection process, by expanding the number of functional groups invited to submit nominations.
In support of the scheme, NMP Paulin Tay Straughan said in Parliament on 26 April 2010 that it neither compromises the democratic process nor perpetuates the dominance of the ruling party, because during elections Singaporeans vote for the political parties that best represent their interests and ideals, and the presence of NMPs in the House does not factor into this choice. In her view, NMPs add value to the discourse taking place in Parliament as they are able to "explore and research the issues from all possible socially significant angles" without constraint from "partisan concerns". She felt personally that she was accountable to all Singaporeans, rather than being unaccountable to anybody.[46] In addition, Ho Khai Leong has opined that the presence of NMPs and their participation in Parliamentary debates have placed pressure on PAP MPs to be less complacent and to be more competent in Parliament.[42]
Suggestions for improvement
Non-constituency Member of ParliamentSylvia Lim has stated that it is the Workers' Party's position that the NMP scheme cannot be improved as it goes against the most fundamental democratic ideals of fair representation and elections.[47] Despite such calls to do away entirely with the NMP system,[48] there are also those who believe in the scheme and have raised points for its improvement. NMP Viswa Sadasivan has expressed the view that the scheme serves a function and purpose in the current socio-political climate, though it should not be viewed as a permanent solution for Singapore. The scheme could evolve into a selection–election hybrid, or the selection process itself could become more transparent with clearer criteria on which candidates and selected NMPs alike could be assessed.[49]
It has also been recommended that fringe or minority groups should go through formal, mandatory elections to choose the representatives that will provide them with a voice in Parliament. Thereafter, they may be called "elected representatives". The Government may assist by providing guidelines for the conduct of proper elections. Furthermore, the maximum number of NMPs – nine – is said to be far too small to ensure proper representation of minority groups. Hence, it has been recommended that there should not be any limitation on the number of NMPs.[50]
NMPs
The first two NMPs appointed with effect from 22 November 1990 were cardiologist Professor Maurice Choo and company executive Leong Chee Whye.[51]
As of December 2010, one NMP – Professor Walter Woon Cheong Ming, a law lecturer at the National University of Singapore – had succeeded in having a public law enacted based on a private member's bill he or she had initiated. The law in question is the Maintenance of Parents Act,[52] which entitles parents at least 60 years old and unable to maintain themselves adequately to apply to a tribunal for their children to be ordered to pay maintenance to them. The bill was introduced in Parliament by Woon on 23 May 1994, and eventually passed on 2 November 1995.[53] In that year, the first woman NMP, Dr. Kanwaljit Soin, also introduced a Family Violence Bill but it did not pass.[54][55]
Following his term as an NMP, Gerard Ee, a Roman Catholic, was invited in November 2002 to join a team of seven parliamentarians of different faiths tasked to refine the Declaration of Religious Harmony, which was presented as the product of interfaith dialogue and understanding.[56] This is an example of how NMPs have influenced soft law and the legal culture in Singapore.
In 2009, the arts community became the first group among the functional groups that NMPs are meant to represent to undertake an open election process to pick the candidates of their choice. It choose Audrey Wong and Loretta Chen, and submitted their names to the authorities. Audrey Wong was selected to become the first "Arts" NMP, and served from 2009 to 2011.[57] In 2011, the arts community underwent the same process and elected Janice Koh as its candidate. She was appointed an NMP in 2012.[58]
On 25 May 2009 during a debate in Parliament, Siew Kum Hong called for a hybrid Parliament in which a limited number of seats would be allocated by way of proportional representation, while the majority would still be filled the way they are now. He felt this would allow for more diverse views in Parliament, adding that it would be "more consistent with democratic principles than a scheme like the Nominated MP scheme". Siew also noted that while the act of voting was key to democracy and political participation, a large number of Singaporeans do not get to vote at each election because walkovers are prevalent.[59]
NMPs are supposed to be non-partisan but after it had been announced on 7 July 2009 that Calvin Cheng would be one of the nine people nominated to be NMPs it was disclosed by Today newspaper that he was a member of Young PAP, the youth wing of the People's Action Party.[60] The following day, Cheng wrote to the newspaper stating that he had formally resigned from Young PAP on 8 July, and that in any case he had been an inactive member, having never collected his membership card or attended any PAP branch activities.[61] This led to a journalist commenting that his attitude had been "cavalier" and "whimsical",[62] and a Young PAP member writing on the Forum page of The Straits Times that his remarks had raised doubts about the Young PAP's credibility.[63] The Constitution does not explicitly bar NMPs from being members of political parties,[64] and Gerard Ee was also a PAP member when he was an NMP. He did not feel he had to resign, as since he was not subject to the party whip he would not be prevented from expressing independent views in Parliament.[65] Despite these initial criticisms, The Straits Times reported that Cheng "left the strongest impression on many elected Members of Parliament", following speeches he made during his maiden budget debate in Parliament in 2010.[66] In his final speech during Budget 2011 before Parliament was dissolved for the general election that year, Cheng argued for the Government to educate the Internet generation instead of regulating the Internet to deal with threats such as "misinformation and disinformation", calling it "pointless". He went on to say that the Internet might be a "wild card" during the general election.[67]
On 18 August 2009, Viswa Sadasivan moved a motion for Parliament to reaffirm "its commitment to the nation building tenets as enshrined in the National Pledge when debating national policies, especially economic policies". He identified one of the tenets of the Pledge as the need to strive to become a "united people, regardless of race, language or religion", and expressed the view that Singaporean society needed to address "apparent contradictions and mixed signals" by unnecessarily emphasising racial differences. He gave examples where this had occurred: the existence of ethnic based self-help groups, Special Assistance Plan schools and cultural elitism; policies concerning Malay-Muslims in the Singapore Armed Forces and maintaining the current racial distribution in the population; and discussions about whether Singapore was ready for an ethnic minority Prime Minister.[69] The next day, Minister MentorLee Kuan Yew refuted what he termed Viswa's "false and flawed" arguments, saying he wanted to "bring the House back to earth" on the issue of racial equality in Singapore. He noted that Articles 152 and 153 of the Constitution, which make it the Government's responsibility to care for racial and religious minorities and to recognise the special position of Malays as the indigenous people of Singapore, explicitly impose a duty on the Government not to treat everyone equally. He felt that the tenet in the Pledge that Viswa had referred to was only an aspiration: "It is not reality, it is not practical, it will lead to grave and irreparable damage if we work on that principle. ... [W]e are trying to reach a position where there is a level playing field for everybody which is going to take decades, if not centuries, and we may never get there." Thus, it was not feasible to dismantle institutions that provided assistance to Singaporeans on an ethnic basis.[70] It was the first time since 2007 that Lee had chosen to speak during a debate in Parliament.[71]
List of NMPs
7th Parliament (22 November 1990 – 13 August 1991)[51][72]
Maurice Choo
Leong Chee Whye
8th Parliament (7 September 1992 – 6 September 1994)[73]
↑ Goh Chok Tong, Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill, cols. 696–697.
↑ Goh Chok Tong, Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill, col. 695.
↑ Goh Chok Tong, Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill, col. 700.
↑ Goh Chok Tong, Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill, col. 701.
↑ Goh Chok Tong, Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill, col. 702. The list of countries was published at cols. 773–780Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine .
↑ Goh Chok Tong, Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill, cols. 852–854.
1 2 Report of the Select Committee on the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill (Bill No. 41/89) [Parl. 4 of 1990], Singapore: Government of Singapore, 1990, OCLC35566184 .
↑ Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act 1990(No.11 of 1990).
↑ Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act 2002(No.24 of 2002).
↑ Constitution, Art. 65(4): "Parliament, unless sooner dissolved, shall continue for 5 years from the date of its first sitting and shall then stand dissolved.".
↑ "NMPs now permanent feature", Today, 27 April 2010.
↑ Constitution, 4th Sch., para. 1(1), repealed by Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act 2010(No.9 of 2010), in force on 1 July 2010.
↑ Arthur Beng Kian Lam(Fengshan),speech during the Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill,Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (29 November 1989), vol. 54, cols. 761–762.
1 2 "Allow PAP MPs to vote according to their conscience on this radical move", The Straits Times, p.16, 30 November 1989.
↑ Tan Cheng Bock(Ayer Rajah),speech during the Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill,Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (29 November 1989), vol. 54, col. 727; "Parliament is no place for Govt to take advice from non-elected representatives", The Straits Times, p.16, 30 November 1989.
↑ Dixie Tan(Ulu Pandan),speech during the Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill,Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (29 November 1989), vol. 54, cols. 765–766; "What group will NMPs represent?", The Straits Times, p.16, 30 November 1989.
↑ Aline K. Wong(Tampines GRC),speech during the Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill,Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (29 November 1989), vol. 54, cols. 741; "Notion deviates from basic principle of democracy", The Straits Times, p.16, 30 November 1989.
↑ See also Tey Tsun Hang (December 2008), "Singapore's Electoral System: Government by the People?", Legal Studies, 28 (4): 610–628 at 621–623, doi:10.1111/j.1748-121X.2008.00106.x .
↑ Chiam See Tong(Potong Pasir),speech during the Second Reading of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill,Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (29 November 1989), vol. 54, col. 735.
↑ Thio Li-ann (1993), "The Post-colonial Constitutional Evolution of the Singapore Legislature: A Case Study", Singapore Journal of Legal Studies: 80–122 at 101, SSRN965257 .
1 2 Ho Khai Leong (2003), "Legitimation, Legislature and Legislators in Policy-making", Shared Responsibilities, Unshared Power: The Politics of Policy-Making in Singapore, Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, pp.170–215 at 191, ISBN978-981-210-218-8 .
↑ "Govt gives backing to Parents Bill", The Straits Times, p.1, 27 July 1994; "Parents maintenance bill passed", The Straits Times, p.1, 3 November 1995, Legislative history was made yesterday when the House approved the Maintenance of Parents Bill, the first piece of law to be made at the initiative of a backbencher since independence. The Bill initiated by Nominated MP Walter Woon was passed without debate at its third reading ....
↑ "Multi-religious team to draft harmony code", The Straits Times, p.6, 2 November 2002. For commentary on the Declaration of Religious Harmony, see Thio Li-ann (December 2004), "Constitutional 'Soft' Law and the Management of Religious Liberty and Order: The 2003 Declaration on Religious Harmony", Singapore Journal of Legal Studies: 414–443, SSRN953599 .
↑ Siew Kum Hong(NMP),"President's address: debate on the address",Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (25 May 2009), vol. 86, col. 97ff.; Zakir Hussain (26 May 2009), "NMP Siew Kum Hong calls for a 'hybrid system' for Parliament", The Straits Times, p.8.
↑ Esther Ng (8 July 2009), "A question of party: One of the nine new names is a Young PAP member", Today, p.6.
↑ Calvin Cheng (9 July 2009), "I've quit Young PAP [letter]", Today, p.22. See also Esther Ng (9 July 2009), "NMP-designate quits Young PAP", Today, p.8.
↑ P.N. Balji (11 July 2009), "My, my ... Mr Cheng: What does joining Young PAP out of curiosity say about the NMP aspirant?", Today, p.14. See also Loh Chee Kong (18 July 2009), "I'm staying in the kitchen: Under-fire NMP Calvin Cheng says he can take the heat", Today, p.16.
↑ Elaina Olivia Chong (21 July 2009), "Don't write us off: NMP's comments were 'unfair' to Young PAP [letter]", Today, p.20 and Elaina Olivia Chong (21 July 2009), "Nominated MP wrong to knock Young PAP [letter]", The Straits Times, p.20; Calvin Cheng (24 July 2009), "NMP sorry for remarks on Young PAP [letter]", The Straits Times, p.20. See also Debbie Yong (2 August 2009), "New NMP comments on flak he has drawn", The Straits Times, p.13.
↑ Though the Special Select Committee nominating NMPs for appointment is required to "have regard to the need for nominated Members to reflect as wide a range of independent and non-partisan views as possible": Constitution, 4th Sch., para. 3(2).
↑ Clarissa Oon (28 July 2009), "Lift veil over NMP selection", The Straits Times.
↑ Nur Dianah Suhaimi (16 March 2010), "'Lonesome, single' NMP makes biggest impression", The Straits Times.
↑ "Educate the Internet generation: Nominated MP Calvin Cheng says regulating the Net is pointless", The Straits Times, 11 March 2011.
↑ The remainder of the Singapore National Pledge, which does not appear in the photograph, is "[... so as to achieve ha]ppiness, prosperity and progress for our nation".
↑ Tan Soo Khoon(Speaker),"Nominated Members of Parliament (Announcement by Mr Speaker)",Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (31 October 1994), vol. 63, col. 598; Wang Hui Ling (2 September 1994), "Four new faces among six NMPs in new term", The Straits Times, p.1; Tan Soo Khoon(Speaker),"Nominated Members of Parliament (Announcement by Mr Speaker)",Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (1 October 1996), vol. 66, col. 562; "Current NMPs to start new terms on Sept 7", The Straits Times, p.3, 30 August 1996.
Singapore is a parliamentary representative democratic republic whereby the president of Singapore is the head of state, the prime minister of Singapore is the head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the Cabinet from the parliament, and to a lesser extent, the president. Cabinet has the general direction and control of the government and is accountable to Parliament. There are three separate branches of government: the legislature, executive and judiciary abiding by the Westminster system. Singapore has been described as being a de facto one-party state.
Goh Chok Tong is a Singaporean former politician who served as Prime Minister of Singapore between 1990 and 2004, and Secretary-General of the People's Action Party between 1992 and 2004. He was the Member of Parliament (MP) for Marine Parade SMC between 1976 and 1988, and Marine Parade GRC between 1988 and 2020.
The prime minister of Singapore is the head of government of the Republic of Singapore. The president appoints the prime minister, a Member of Parliament (MP) who in their opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of the majority of MPs. The incumbent prime minister is Lee Hsien Loong, who took office on 12 August 2004.
The Cabinet of Singapore forms the executive branch of the Government of Singapore together with the President. It is led by the Prime Minister who is the head of government. The prime minister is a Member of Parliament (MP) appointed by the president who in the president's judgment is likely to command the confidence of the majority of the Members of Parliament (MPs). The other Ministers in the Cabinet are Members of Parliament appointed by the president acting in accordance with the advice of the prime minister. Ministers are prohibited from holding any office of profit and from actively engaging in any commercial enterprise.
A Non-constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) is a member of an opposition political party in Singapore who, according to the Constitution and Parliamentary Elections Act, is declared to have been elected a Member of Parliament (MP) without constituency representation, despite having lost in a general election, by virtue of having been one of the best-performing losers. When less than 12 opposition MPs have been elected, the number of NCMPs is the difference to total 12. NCMPs enjoy all of the privileges of ordinary Members of Parliament.
The Parliament of Singapore is the unicameral legislature of the Republic of Singapore, which governs the country alongside the president of Singapore. Largely based upon the Westminster system, the Parliament is made up of Members of Parliament (MPs) who are elected, as well as Non-constituency Members of Parliament (NCMPs) and Nominated Members of Parliament (NMPs) who are appointed. Following the 2020 general election, 93 MPs and two NCMPs were elected to the 14th Parliament. Nine NMPs will usually be appointed by the president.
Sylvia Lim Swee Lian is a Singaporean politician, lawyer, former police officer and lecturer who has been serving as Chairwoman of the Worker's Party since 2003. She has been the Member of Parliament (MP) representing the Paya Lebar division of Aljunied GRC since 2020.
The Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR) is a non-elected government body in Singapore established in 1970, the main function of which is to scrutinize most of the bills passed by Parliament to ensure that they do not discriminate against any racial or religious community. If the Council feels that any provision in a bill amounts to a differentiating measure, it will report its findings to Parliament and refer the bill back to Parliament for reconsideration. The council also examines subsidiary legislation and statutes in force on 9 January 1970. One member of the PCMR is nominated by the chairman to the Presidential Elections Committee, which is empowered to ensure that candidates for the office of President have the qualifications required by the Constitution. The President also appoints and dismisses the chairman and members of the Presidential Council for Religious Harmony ("PCRH"), established by the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act, on the advice of the PCMR, and the PCMR is responsible for determining whether PCRH members who are not representatives of major religions in Singapore have distinguished themselves in public service or community relations in Singapore.
The Constitution of the Republic of Singapore is the supreme law of Singapore. A written constitution, the text which took effect on 9 August 1965 is derived from the Constitution of the State of Singapore 1963, provisions of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia made applicable to Singapore by the Republic of Singapore Independence Act 1965, and the Republic of Singapore Independence Act itself. The text of the Constitution is one of the legally binding sources of constitutional law in Singapore, the others being judicial interpretations of the Constitution, and certain other statutes. Non-binding sources are influences on constitutional law such as soft law, constitutional conventions, and public international law.
A group representation constituency (GRC) is a type of electoral division or constituency in Singapore in which teams of candidates, instead of individual candidates, compete to be elected into Parliament as the Members of Parliament (MPs) for the constituency. The Government stated that the GRC scheme was primarily implemented to enshrine minority representation in Parliament: at least one of the MPs in a GRC must be a member of the Malay, Indian or another minority community of Singapore. In addition, it was economical for town councils, which manage public housing estates, to handle larger constituencies.
The powers of the president of Singapore are divided into those which the president may exercise at their own discretion, and those they must exercise in accordance with the advice of the Cabinet of Singapore or of a minister acting under the general authority of the Cabinet. In addition, the president is required to consult the Council of Presidential Advisers (CPA) when performing some of their functions. In other cases, the president may consult the CPA if they wish to but is not bound to do so.
The Constitution of the Republic of Singapore Tribunal is a trubunal established in 1994 pursuant to Article 100 of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore. Article 100 provides a mechanism for the President of Singapore, acting on the advice of the Singapore Cabinet, to refer to the Tribunal for its opinion any question as to the effect of any provision of the Constitution which has arisen or appears to likely to arise. Questions referred to the Tribunal may concern the validity of enacted laws or of bills that have not yet been passed by Parliament.
The right to vote in Singapore is not explicitly stated in Singapore's Constitution, but the Government has expressed the view that it may be inferred from the fact that Singapore is a representative democracy and from specific constitutional provisions, including Articles 65 and 66 which set out requirements for the prorogation and dissolution of Parliament and the holding of general elections. Speaking on the matter in Parliament in 2009, the Minister for Law, K. Shanmugam, said that the right to vote could not be a mere privilege as this would imply the existence of an institution superior to the body of citizens that is empowered to grant such a privilege, but that no such institution exists in a free country. In 1966 a Constitutional Commission chaired by Chief Justice Wee Chong Jin advocated entrenching the right to vote within the Constitution, but this was not taken up by the Parliament of the day. When this proposal was repeated during the 2009 parliamentary debate, the Government took the view that such entrenchment was unnecessary.
The Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act 1990 ("MRHA") is a Singapore statute which, according to its long title, provides for the maintenance of religious harmony, for the establishment of a Presidential Council for Religious Harmony ("PCRH"), and for matters connected therewith. The Act, which was passed on 9 November 1990 and came into force on 31 March 1992, empowers the Minister for Home Affairs to make a restraining order against a person who is in a position of authority in any religious group or institution if the Minister is satisfied that the person has committed or is attempting to commit any of the following acts: causing feelings of enmity, hatred, ill-will or hostility between different religious groups; or promoting a political cause, carrying out subversive activities, or exciting disaffection against the President or the Government under the guise of propagating or practising a religious belief. A restraining order may also be made against a person who incites, instigates or encourages any religious leader or any religious group or institution to commit the above acts; or a person who is not a religious leader who causes or attempts to cause feelings of enmity, hatred, ill-will or hostility between different religious groups. A restraining order made against a religious leader may direct that he or she must obtain the permission of the Minister before addressing members of any religious group or institution, assisting or contributing to religious publications, or holding office in the editorial board or committee of such publications. Breaching a restraining order is a criminal offence.
Singapore has a multi-party parliamentary system of representative democracy in which the President of Singapore is the head of state and the Prime Minister of Singapore is the head of government. Executive power is vested in the President and the Cabinet. Cabinet has the general direction and control of the government and is collectively responsible to the Parliament. There are three separate branches of government: the legislature, executive and judiciary.
The Speakers' Corner in Singapore is an area located within Hong Lim Park at the Downtown Core district, whereby Singaporeans may demonstrate, hold exhibitions and performances, as well as being able to engage freely in political open-air public speeches, debates and discussions. It is based upon the premise of its namesake, Speakers' Corner, which was first launched at Hyde Park, London and has since been established in many other countries with a political system of representative democracy.
The Separation of powers in Singapore is governed by Constitution of the Republic of Singapore, which splits the power to govern the country between three branches of government – the parliament, which makes laws; the executive, which executes them; and the judiciary, which enforces them. Each branch, while wielding legitimate power and being protected from external influences, is subject to a system of checks and balances by the other branches to prevent abuse of power. This Westminster constitutional model was inherited from the British during Singapore's colonial years.
By-elections in Singapore are elections held to fill seats in the Parliament of Singapore that fall vacant in between general elections, known as casual vacancies. In the past, the Government of Singapore took the position that the Prime Minister had discretion whether or not a by-election should be called to fill a casual vacancy in a Single Member Constituency, and could leave a parliamentary seat unfilled until the next general election. However, in the case of Vellama d/o Marie Muthu v. Attorney-General (2013), which arose from a vacancy in Hougang Single Member Constituency, the Court of Appeal held that the Constitution of Singapore obliges the Prime Minister to call a by-election unless a general election is going to be held in the near future. However, a by-election need only be called within a reasonable time, and the Prime Minister has the discretion to determine when it should be held.
The 14th Parliament of Singapore is the current Parliament of Singapore. It opened on 24 August 2020. The membership was set by the 2020 Singapore General Election on 10 July 2020.
Winslow, Valentine S. (1984), "Creating a Utopian Parliament: The Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment) Act 1984; the Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Act 1984", Malaya Law Review, 28: 268–274.
Books
Chan, Helena H[ui-]M[eng] (1995), "Parliament and Law Making", The Legal System of Singapore, Singapore: Butterworths Asia, pp.41–68, ISBN978-0-409-99789-7 .
Report of the Select Committee on the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 2) Bill (Bill No. 41/89) [Parl. 4 of 1990], Singapore: Government of Singapore, 1990, OCLC35566184 .
Tan, Kevin Y[ew] L[ee] (2011), "Making Law: Parliament", An Introduction to Singapore's Constitution (rev.ed.), Singapore: Talisman Publishing, pp.33–60 at 55–56, ISBN978-981-08-6456-9 .
Tan, Kevin Y[ew] L[ee]; Thio, Li-ann (2010), "The Legislature", Constitutional Law in Malaysia and Singapore (3rded.), Singapore: LexisNexis, pp.299–360 at 323–324, ISBN978-981-236-795-2 .
Thio, Li-ann (2012), "The Legislature and the Electoral System", A Treatise on Singapore Constitutional Law, Singapore: Academy Publishing, pp.285–359 at 308–311, ISBN978-981-07-1515-1 .
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