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Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025 | |
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Parliament of India | |
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Territorial extent | ![]() |
Passed by | Lok Sabha |
Passed | 3 April 2025 |
Passed by | Rajya Sabha |
Passed | 4 April 2025 |
Assented to by | Droupadi Murmu President of India |
Assented to | 5 April 2025 |
Commenced | 8 April 2025 |
Legislative history | |
First chamber: Lok Sabha | |
Bill title | Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024 |
Bill citation | Bill No. 109 of 2024 |
Introduced by | Kiren Rijiju (BJP) ( Minister of Minority Affairs ) |
Introduced | 8 August 2024 |
First reading | 9 August 2024 |
Considered in committee | 30 January 2025 [a] |
Second reading | 2 April 2025 |
Passed | 3 April 2025 |
Voting summary |
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Second chamber: Rajya Sabha | |
First reading | 3 April 2025 |
Passed | 4 April 2025 |
Voting summary |
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Amends | |
Waqf Act, 1995 | |
Status: In force |
The Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025 [1] was introduced in the Indian Lok Sabha on 8 August 2024. [2] [3] [4] It seeks to repeal Mussalman Wakf Act, 1923 and amend the Waqf Act, 1995. [5] The Act regulates waqf property in India. The act renames the Act to United Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency and Development Act, 1995 (UWMEED Act 1995). [6]
The amendment incorporates 25 recommendations from the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC), aims for the removal of inequality, introduction of gender equality [7] by mandating representation of at least two Muslim women on the Central Waqf Council and State Waqf Boards and ensuring female inheritance rights, and promotion of sectarian inclusivity [8] by requiring representation from various Muslim sects on State Waqf Boards. The act empowers the Central Government to create rules for Waqf registration, auditing, and accounts, ensuring transparency and accountability [9] . An appeal process is also included, allowing decisions made by Waqf tribunals to be challenged in the High Court within 90 days. [10]
Waqf Act 1995 was the last act which was regulating waqf properties in India prior to its renaming in 2025, and defines Waqf as an endowment of movable or immovable property for purposes considered pious, religious, or charitable under Muslim law. Every state is required to constitute a Waqf Board to manage waqf.
Out of the 872,852 waqf properties officially recorded across India, over 13,200 are currently involved in legal disputes, nearly 59,000 have been encroached upon, and more than 436,000 lack a clearly defined status. Governments across that country are in dispute with Waqf boards which have asserted ownership on more thatn 5900 government owned properties nationwide. However, the waqf boards maintains that their ownership is legitimate. A number of ongoing disputes over waqf properties can be traced back to the era of India’s independence & partition. Concerns about waqf properties were raised even during British rule, particularly regarding their management, misuse, and legal ambiguities. Despite repeated efforts by the judiciary and successive governments to bring clarity and resolution, many of these issues remain unresolved. [11]
The first waqf in the Indian subcontinent was documented in the 12th century when Muhammad Ghori, after his victory over Prithviraj Chauhan, established Muslim rule in India and a waqf with two villages through a recorded grant. Under the Delhi Sultanate, Waqf properties expanded, with sultans like Iltutmish, Muhammad bin Tughlaq and Alauddin Khilji establishing and maintaining them. The Mughal Empire furthered Waqf development, with Akbar and Shah Jahan endowing significant properties, including the Taj Mahal. The system's reach extended into rural areas with Muslim community expansion and conversions. Funding for Waqf was generated through the revenue of endowed villages, which were often predominantly Hindu villages, and were utilised for mosques and madrasas. [12] [13] [14] Waqf system gained a more formal modern legal structure during British rule in the Indian subcontinent under the still applicable Indian laws when Waqf Boards were formed in 1913. Mussalman Waqf act 1923 was established for the purpose of advising it on matters pertaining to the working of the State Waqf Boards and proper administration of the Waqfs in the country. Waqf is a permanent donation of movable or immovable properties for religious purposes without any intention of reclaiming it as recognised by Muslim Law. The grant is known as mushrut-ul-khidmat, while a person making such dedication is known as Wakif. [15] [16] [17] [18] [19]
Reforms in Waqf regulation and legislations has been a big topic in recent decades in Indian politics and media, with the Bharatiya Janata Party making promises of doing it several times in their electoral manifestoes. Controversies, including corruption and land grabbing such as Karnataka Wakf Board Land Scam, [12] [13] [14] led to the introduction of "The Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024" which was passed in 2025 to introduce transparency and accountability in Waqf. [20] In 2024, the Government of India had introduced the Waqf Amendment Bill proposing over forty changes to the existing legislation. However, the bill has been heavily criticised and opposed by Muslims. [21]
Waqf land in India has expanded dramatically to encompass 870,000 properties worth ₹ 100,000 crore (US$12 billion) covering a total of 940,000 acres (3,808 sq km) making waqf third-biggest property-holders in India after the Indian Railways and the Indian Armed Forces, a growth facilitated by subsequent Muslim rulers and politicians. The 2006 Sachar Committee found waqf assets were undervalued and mismanaged, estimating 4.9 lakh properties worth Rs 6,000 crore but generating only Rs 163 crore in income. It highlighted issues like poor governance and recommended reforms in management and oversight. [22] [23] Controversies have arisen from unchecked land grab and the rapid growth of Waqf holdings, exemplified by the case of entire predominantly Hindu village of Thiruchenthurai in Tiruchirapalli district of Tamil Nadu, including the 1,500-year-old Sundareswarar Temple, claimed by the Tamil Nadu Waqf Board, leaving residents bewildered and the nation angry because the waqf properties are irrevocable and immune to sale or transfer under the law, thus giving rise to the demand of amendment or revocation of waqf system and laws. [12] [13] [14] [20]
In April 2025, journalist and author Afroz Alam Sahil published an article following his visit to Turkey, in which he refuted claims made by certain Indian legislators that Islamic countries such as Turkey lack a waqf system. Sahil documented that Turkey not only retains its waqf system but actively promotes it through state-backed institutions like the Vakıflar Genel Müdürlüğü (Directorate General of Foundations), which operates under the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. He noted that the Turkish waqf system supports various aspects of public welfare—including education, healthcare, environmental protection, and preservation of religious heritage—while also encompassing minority waqf. Sahil contrasted this with the Indian context, where waqf properties have often been associated with administrative challenges and political controversies. His observations served as a factual counterpoint to political narratives in India that cite the supposed absence of waqf systems in Muslim-majority countries as justification for stricter regulation. [24]
Fact-checking platforms have also highlighted that countries such as Turkey, Libya, Egypt, Sudan, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Tunisia, and Iraq maintain waqf institutions or government bodies tasked with managing endowments and related affairs. For example, Egypt has a Ministry of Endowments, Libya and Sudan have dedicated government departments for waqf, and Turkey has maintained and modernized its waqf structures over time. While Tunisia had abolished its waqf system in the past, discussions on its revival have continued. Thus, the claim that Islamic countries have done away with waqf systems has been widely challenged and debunked. [25]
Turkey categorizes its waqf properties into five main types: mazbūt (directly administered), mülhak (annexed), irsādī (state-established), new waqf, and minority waqf. The mazbūt waqfs are managed directly by the General Directorate of Foundations, and their revenues are used for various charitable activities, including Quran recitation, scholarships, social welfare programs, and healthcare services. [24]
Waqfs in Turkey operate under legal supervision and are authorized to manage pooled resources. They play a crucial role in financing mosques, schools, hospitals, libraries, and cultural heritage sites in the country. [26]
Sahil further elaborated on the institutional and social context of Islamic practices in Turkey in his June 2025 article. He observed that despite alarmist media reports in India, Turkey handled Eid al-Adha with a high degree of administrative preparedness. Over 62,000 healthcare workers were deployed in Istanbul alone, with emergency services on full alert to handle minor injuries caused during sacrificial practices. Sahil emphasized that such religious customs are integrated into Turkey’s broader system of public health, urban management, and traditional institutions—including waqf. This reinforces the continuity of waqf-like values within modern Turkish governance and public services. [27]
The economic role of waqf in Turkey is also evident during events like Eid al-Adha, when millions of animals are sacrificed. Leather from these sacrifices significantly supports Turkey’s leather industry. In 2022, Turkey exported $2.57 billion worth of leather products. According to Burak Uyguner, vice-president of the Istanbul Leather Exporters’ Association, sacrificial skins during Eid were worth up to 5 billion Turkish liras after processing. [28] Waqf institutions and public trusts also contribute to the collection and use of these skins, promoting both economic value and environmental responsibility.
Kuwait and Singapore are recognized for their adoption of modern waqf management techniques. [29] To ensure a structured, transparent, and accountable waqf system, Singapore appoints mutawallis under ISO standards, and waqf finances are managed with strict accounting principles. [29] : 17 Kuwait enacted waqf legislation in 1951, creating a comprehensive legal framework that governs waqf administration and recognizes its importance in socio-economic development. Waqf in Kuwait supports higher education, public health, housing for the needy, and humanitarian aid. [26] [29] : 36 [29] : 52 [29] : 26-27 [29] : 42
In Malaysia, waqf properties are developed to serve religious, educational, and social welfare purposes. Every waqf must be officially registered under civil laws enacted in 1956, ensuring proper legal recognition and governance. However, waqf management practices vary by state. [26]
Brunei centrally administers its waqf sector via e-governance platforms that increase transparency, streamline services, and allow public access to waqf records and decisions. [26]
Indonesia established an autonomous national waqf board in 2004 to oversee a wide range of productive waqf assets such as hospitals, educational institutions, warehouses, agricultural farms, and commercial real estate. This reflects the dynamic role of waqf in supporting both social and economic development. [26]
In Iran, waqf properties are permitted only if they generate sustainable financial returns without diminishing the original capital. This model ensures the waqf continues to provide long-term charitable and public benefits. However, updated data on waqf governance in Iran remains limited. [26]
In several Islamic countries—such as Syria, Egypt, and parts of Turkey—waqf properties have at times suffered from weak administration or were absorbed into the state sector. In Turkey, during the early republican era, a number of waqf assets were nationalized, although subsequent reforms have aimed to reinvigorate the system. [26]
The government while proposing the legislation asserted that The Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2025 established a secular, transparent and accountable system for Waqf administration in India. Although Waqf properties served religious & charitable purposes, their management involved significant legal, financial & administrative responsibilities that necessitated structured governance & oversight. [30] The roles of Waqf Boards and the Central Waqf Council were defined as regulatory rather than religious, focused on ensuring legal compliance & protecting the public interest. [31]
Policymakers argued that existing legal and institutional frameworks had hindered Waqf institutions from effectively serving the welfare needs of underprivileged members of the community. [32] In response, the 2025 amendment aimed to enhance transparency, efficiency and inclusivity while aligning Waqf governance with constitutional values. [31] By introducing checks & balances, empowering stakeholders and improving institutional accountability, the Bill was positioned as a progressive step toward equitable and effective Waqf management in India. The government outlined several policy justifications for these reforms, emphasizing their alignment with broader goals of social justice & constitutional governance. [30] [33]
A 31-member JPC [45] had been established to review the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024. The committee comprised 21 members from the Lok Sabha and 10 from the Rajya Sabha. The formation of the committee was announced by MoMA Kiren Rijiju on 9 August 2024. Some rounds of the JPC meetings were boycotted by few members from opposition parties. [46] [47]
During the consultation process on the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024, several civil society organizations, political representatives, and religious institutions submitted memoranda to the Joint Parliamentary Committee, raising concerns regarding the proposed amendments. Notable submissions were received from the Indian Union Muslim League (Kerala), Dr. Shafiqur Rahman Barq (Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha), Anjuman Waqf Committee (Uttar Pradesh), and the Act Public Welfare Foundation (Serial No. 377, page 863). [48]
Critics, including opposition parties, have raised concerns about the bill's constitutional validity and its potential impact on minority rights. Such concerns include: [49] [50] [51]
Some argue that it could lead to government overreach in the management of Waqf properties. The government has defended the bill, stating that it aims to bring transparency and accountability to the management of Waqf properties. Home Minister Amit Shah emphasised that the bill does not encroach upon religious practices but seeks to ensure proper utilisation of these charitable endowments. [52] [53]
According to a report by The New York Times, the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024 allows the appointment of non-Muslims to the panels administering Waqf Boards and empowers state officials to adjudicate disputes. The article states that the bill was passed after parliamentary debate, with the government arguing that the changes were necessary to improve efficiency, ensure accountability, and prevent abuse. The report also notes that while the constitution protects the rights of religious groups to manage their own affairs, critics argue that the bill could provide a legal basis for targeting the Muslim community. It includes the view of Imran Pratapgarhi, a Member of Parliament from the Indian National Congress, who expressed concern over the bill’s potential impact on Muslim religious properties. [54]
The BBC reports that the Waqf Amendment Act 2025 has removed the provision of "waqf by user", which previously allowed properties to be recognised as waqf if they had been used for religious or charitable purposes by Muslims over time. According to the article, this has raised concerns among critics that many such properties—often orally donated and without written deeds—may no longer be classified as waqf. The law has led to protests, and several petitions have been filed in the Supreme Court challenging its provisions. Critics argue that the changes could lead to the loss of existing waqf properties and increase litigation. [11]
According to Foreign Policy The amendment has sparked protests, arrests, and fear among Muslims, who see it as part of a broader agenda to erode their rights and status. With over 870,000 waqf properties at stake, critics argue the law threatens secularism and deepens communal divides in India. [55]
Despite the government's claims, RTI findings by journalist Afroz Alam Sahil revealed serious inconsistencies in the Waqf digitisation process managed through the WAMSI portal. Data for over 435,000 properties was missing, large portions of funds remained underutilised, and no audits had been carried out. Sahil also pointed out discrepancies between official records and ground realities, including mismatched figures on graveyards and other properties, raising significant concerns about transparency, accuracy, and the long-term effectiveness of the digitisation initiative. [56]
Congress MP Mohammad Jawed and AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi separately challenged the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025 in the Supreme Court of India on April 4, 2025. [57] [58] [59] The Communist Party of India (CPI) also filed a petition contesting the constitutional validity of the Act. [60] [61]
Subsequently, multiple other petitions were filed by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind, DMK, and several other Members of Parliament and religious organizations. [62] On April 17, 2025, the Supreme Court clubbed all these petitions under the title “In re: Waqf (Amendment) Act 2025” and directed the Union government to file a consolidated reply within one week. The court also ordered that no waqf property—whether registered, unregistered, or waqf by user—be denotified, altered, or interfered with until the next hearing. [63] [64]
During the Supreme Court hearing on the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, representing the central government, assured the court that no waqf property would be denotified and no appointments would be made to the Central Waqf Council or State Waqf Boards until 5 May. He argued that interim relief should not be granted without hearing the government's position on a law passed by Parliament. The court recorded the assurance and granted the government one week to file its response. [65]
On April 28, 2025, the Supreme Court declined to entertain a fresh plea filed by petitioner Syed Alo Akbar challenging the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025. The bench, comprising Chief Justice Sanjiv Khanna and Justice Sanjay Kumar, reiterated its earlier directive of April 17 that only five consolidated petitions would be heard under the case titled “In Re: Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025”. The Court asked the petitioner to file an intervention application in those pending cases instead. [66] The Court also appointed three nodal counsels to coordinate arguments and directed them to determine among themselves who would represent the consolidated petitions during the hearing on May 5. The petitioners were permitted to file rejoinders to the Centre’s affidavit—which spans over 1,300 pages—within five days of its service. [66]
Several protests occurred across India when the bill was amended into an act. Violent protests also erupted in places such as West Bengal's Murshidabad and Tripura's Unakoti. [67] [68] In Murshidabad, the protests resulted in multiple casualties and arrests, prompting the Calcutta High Court to order the deployment of the Border Security Force. Officials stated the paramilitary presence was to assist local police in restoring law and order. [69]
Many Muslim organisations, including the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), staged demonstrations in Delhi, Kolkata and other cities, calling the bill discriminatory and unconstitutional. Critics, including the AIMPLB, several Muslim bodies, and opposition parties such as the Indian National Congress, alleged that the law was aimed at undermining Muslim religious endowments and enabling state interference in waqf properties. [69] They viewed the law as discriminatory towards Muslims, while the government maintained that the reforms aimed to ensure transparency in waqf property management. [70]
On 16 April 2025, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) held a large-scale protest at Kozhikode Beach in Kerala in opposition to the Act. [71] On 19 April, members of the local Muslim community in Phagwara, Punjab, led by Sarwar Ghulam Shaba of the Rahstriya Alpsankhyak Arakshan Morcha (Punjab unit), held a protest march against the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025. The protesters alleged that the Act was unconstitutional and aimed at government takeover of Waqf properties across the country. An effigy of the Central Government was burnt, and a memorandum was submitted to the BDPO addressed to the President of India, demanding repeal of the Act. [72]
On 19 April 2025, hundreds of Muslims in Cuttack, Odisha, held a protest march against the amended Waqf law. Wearing black bands, they marched from Gandhi Bhawan to the District Collectorate and submitted a memorandum addressed to the President of India and the Chief Justice of India. Organizations such as the State Minority Council, Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (Cuttack unit), Muslim Youth Association, Imarat-e-Shariah, and some secular groups participated. The protesters stated that the amended law infringes upon the constitutional and religious rights of Muslims and demanded its withdrawal. [73]
On 19 April 2025, the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), with support from the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), organized a massive public protest in Hyderabad against the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025. The gathering, titled "Save Waqf, Save Constitution", took place at Darussalam, the AIMIM headquarters, and was attended by thousands, including representatives from several political parties such as the Congress, Bharat Rashtra Samithi, YSR Congress Party, and Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. AIMIM president Asaduddin Owaisi condemned the Act for being discriminatory and unconstitutional, particularly criticizing the clause requiring individuals to be practicing Muslims for at least five years before they can create a waqf. [74] The protest included announcements of further public actions, such as a lights-out protest on 30 April, city-level roundtables on 18 May, a women’s gathering on 22 May, a human chain demonstration across Hyderabad on 25 May, and a sit-in protest on 1 June. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court of India has deferred its interim ruling on petitions against the Waqf Act to 5 May 2025. [74] [75]
On 22 April 2025, a terrorist attack in the Baisaran meadows near Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir resulted in the deaths of 26 civilians, including two foreign nationals, and left several others injured. [76] The Resistance Front (TRF), affiliated with the banned Lashkar-e-Taiba group, claimed responsibility. [77]
Prominent Muslim organisations strongly condemned the attack, calling it inhuman and incompatible with Islamic principles. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) issued a statement of condolence and announced a three-day suspension of its ongoing protests against the Waqf (Amendment) Act as a gesture of solidarity with the victims’ families. [78] [79]
On 12 April 2025, the March for Gaza, held in the capital of Bangladesh, characterized it as part of a broader pattern of Muslim displacement in India. Participants called on the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and Muslim-majority countries to issue strong protests and adopt a coordinated diplomatic response. [80]
On 23 March 2025, many Muslim leaders boycotted the Iftaar hosted by Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar in protest against his support for the Waqf Bill, following an earlier announcement by the Imarat-e-Shariah and six other organisations. However, despite the call for a boycott, several Muslim leaders, including some members of the Imarat-e-Shariah, attended the event. [81] [82] [83]
On 27 March 2025, the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) launched a nationwide protest against the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, calling it "unconstitutional and undemocratic". The Board stated that the Bill undermines minority rights and announced a series of protests across Indian cities, including Patna, Vijayawada, Hyderabad, and Mumbai. [84] [85]
On 31 March 2025, The Catholic Bishops' Conference of India (CBCI), in support of the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, released a statement that certain provisions in the existing Central Waqf Act were inconsistent with the Constitution and the secular democratic values of the country. [86] "In Kerala, the Waqf Board has invoked these provisions to declare the ancestral residential properties of more than 600 families in the Munambam region as Waqf land. Over the past three years, this issue has escalated into a complex legal dispute. The fact remains that only a legal amendment can provide a permanent solution, and this must be recognised by the people’s representatives," noted the CBCI, asking the political parties and legislators to adopt an unbiased and constructive approach to this issue. [87] [88] [89]
On 17 April 2025, a Dawoodi Bohra community delegation expressed gratitude to Prime Minister Narendra Modi for the passage of the Waqf (Amendment) Act, fulfilling a long-standing demand. [90] [91] [92] However, The Waqf Amendment Bill has sparked intense opposition from the All India Shia Personal Law Board calling it as "Not right". [93] [94]
On 21 April 2025, the Central Government informed the Supreme Court that it was holding in abeyance the very provisions of the Waqf Act that it had previously defended in Parliament, including the clause related to ‘Waqf-by-user’ properties and the appointment of non-Muslims to Waqf Boards. This assurance came during hearings on petitions challenging the constitutional validity of the Waqf (Amendment) Act. [95]
On the same day, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, chairman of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference and chief cleric of Srinagar's Jama Masjid, criticised the Waqf (Amendment) Act, calling it an "assault on the Muslim identity". He expressed hope that the Supreme Court would uphold constitutional and religious rights and strike down the law. The Mirwaiz also stated that despite restrictions on meetings of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Ulama (MMU), a joint resolution had been passed to support the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s stance against the Bill. [96]
This article incorporates text by PRS Legislative Research available under the CC BY 4.0 license.