Canadian English owes its very existence to important historical events, especially the Treaty of Paris of 1763. English was first spoken in Canada in the 17th century in seasonal fishing communities along the Atlantic coast, including the island of Newfoundland, and at fur trade posts around Hudson Bay.[2] Treated as a marker of upper-class prestige in the 19th century and the early part of the 20th, Canadian dainty was marked by the use of some features of British English pronunciation, resulting in an accent similar to the Trans-Atlantic accent known in the United States. Students in school were not permitted to use Gaelic, upon threat of punishment for not using the King's English, and thus Gaelic fell into disuse. The Canadian dainty accent faded in prominence after World War II, when it became stigmatized as pretentious, and is now almost never heard in contemporary Canadian life outside of archival recordings used in film, television, or radio documentaries.[3]
Distinctive regional settlement histories have also created several smaller, less broadly recognized speech enclaves within Canada, which likewise challenge the notion of a unified Canadian English, if not as starkly as the case of Newfoundland. Today, these are found mostly in Nova Scotia, where they include Cape Breton Island (the northern part of Nova Scotia), settled mostly by Scottish Highlanders; Pictou County, a second centre of Highland Scots settlement on the mainland; Lunenburg, a town on the south shore settled largely by Germans; and an African-Canadian community, dispersed among several locations, made up of descendants of the servants who accompanied Loyalist immigrants and of refugees from American slavery.[4]
Phonology
The Atlas of North American English (2006) revealed many of the sound changes active within Atlantic Canadian English, including the fronting of PALM in the START sequence (/ɑːr/) and a mild Canadian raising, but notably a lack of the Canadian Shift of the short front vowels that exists in the rest of English-speaking Canada. Canadian raising means that the diphthongs /aɪ/ and /aʊ/ are raised to, respectively, [ʌɪ] and [ʌʊ] before voiceless consonants like /p/, /t/, /k/, /s/, /f/. In all Atlantic Canadian English, /æ/ (the "short a sound") is raised before nasal consonants. That is strongly true in Nova Scotia's Sydney English specifically, which also features a merger of /æɡ/ and /eɪɡ/ (making haggle sound like Hagel).[5] The merger, typical of Standard Canadian English as well, is not typical of the rest of Atlantic Canadian English, however. Nova Scotia's Halifax English and New Brunswick's Saint John English show /æ/ raising before a few consonants, somewhat reminiscent of a New York accent, but nowhere near as defined (bad has a different vowel sound than bat and back),[6] though Charles Boberg suspects that to be an older recessive feature.[7] Nova Scotia's Lunenburg English may show non-rhotic behaviour,[2] and Nova Scotia English generally has a conservatively-back /uː/ compared with other Canadian English dialects.[8]
Certain Atlantic Canadian English dialects have been recognized by both popular and scholarly publications for distinctly sounding like Irish English dialects.[9][10] Irish immigration patterns have caused a strong influence of Irish English features in Newfoundland English, Cape Breton English, and some Halifax English, including a fronting of /ɑː/~/ɒ/,[11][12] a slit fricative realization of /t/, and a rounded realization of /ʌ/.[12] Newfoundland English further shows the cheer–chair merger, the line–loin merger, and a distinct lack of the marry–merry merger,[13] which is the merger of /e/ and /æ/ before /r/.
The flapping of intervocalic /t/ and /d/ to an alveolar tap[ɾ] between vowels, as well as pronouncing it as a glottal stop[ʔ], is less common in the Maritimes than elsewhere in Canada and so "battery" is pronounced [ˈbætɹi] instead of with a glottal stop. The varied but similar Maritimer accents are influenced by an overwhelming majority of early Scottish and Irish immigration namely in the regions of Saint John, Miramichi, Cape Breton and parts of Halifax.
Maritimes
In addition to the above, the English of the Maritime Provinces (New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island) has some unique phonological features:
Like most other Canadian English, Maritimer English usually contains Canadian raising though to a less extreme degree than the rest of the country. Also, both variants of /aɪ/ can have notably rounded realizations.[12]
A merger of coach and couch is possible because of the raised variant of /aʊ/ being rounded.[12]
The flapping of intervocalic /t/ and /d/ to alveolar tap [ɾ] between vowels, as well as pronouncing it as a glottal stop [ʔ], is less common in the Maritimes than in the rest of North America. Therefore, battery is pronounced [ˈbætɹi] instead of [ˈbæɾ(ɨ)ɹi].
Especially among the older generation, /w/ and /hw/ are not merged; that is, the beginning sound of why, white, and which is different from that of witch, with, and wear.
A devoiced and retracted /z/ is traditionally common.[12]
Lexicon
The interrogative "right?" is raised to [ˈɹʌɪt] and is also used as an adverb, as in "It was right foggy today!" That sense may be influenced by Yorkshire dialect "reight" [ˈreit],[2] which means "very, rather, or considerably".
Ingressive speech exists; "yeah" and "no" are spoken by people while they inhale (colloquial pronunciation). That is often referred to as a "Gaelic gasp."[2][pagesneeded]
Prince Edward Islanders use more British terms more often than any other Maritimers because of the overwhelming homogeneity of the province's Scottish and Irish ethnicity.[2]
Some Maritimers add an /s/ to the end of "somewhere" and "anywhere" and produce "somewheres" and "anywheres".[2]
New Brunswick
Canada as a country has two official languages: English and French. This is due to the long withstanding history of its colonization and settlement by both France and Britain, as well as the continuation of the French language which was sanctioned by the ruling British authorities at the time. There was no assimilation of English into the francophone population simply due to their solid establishment into the province. According to historians,[14] the consensus is that approximately 15,000 New York Loyalists emigrated and settled into New Brunswick. However, it was not until a wave of 35,000 Loyalists[14] arrived in New Brunswick in 1783 that cemented a substantive English-speaking community, combined with the francophones in creating a larger population, which enabled it to become its own province.
Most of the French settlers in New Brunswick were descendants of Acadians during the great emigration.[15] The francophones in New Brunswick constitute more than 5% of the francophone population in Canada. Francophones are not outnumbered by the speakers of non-official languages and make up a third of the population, thus making them the only official bilingual province. In comparison to its Maritime neighbours, New Brunswick is considered less anglophone due to its relatively big francophone population.[14]
In a reported merger of couch and coach, observations from Charles Boberg indicate that lower values for the F2 of /awT/ tend to occur in New Brunswick.[14]
Variations in vocabulary
In New Brunswick, this combination of typical standardized toppings at Canadian pizzerias include pepperoni sausage, mushroom, green pepper, tomato sauce and cheese is referred to as the works. Additionally, where the term notebook is used to describe lined paper that is bound together, in the Maritimes, the type 1 Canadianism scribbler takes over.[14]
Nova Scotia
The distinct regional differences have led to the creation of less broadly recognised speech enclaves in Canada, which challenge the notion of a Unified Canadian English. Nova Scotia; which includes Cape Breton Island (the northern part of Nova Scotia), settled mostly by Scottish Highlanders; Pictou County, a second centre of Highland Scots settlement on the mainland; Lunenburg, a town on the south shore settled largely by Germans; and an African-Canadian community, dispersed among several locations, made up of descendants of the servants who accompanied Loyalist immigrants and of refugees from American slavery.[16] The town of Lunenberg, in particular, has been a huge influence in Nova Scotia English; Lunenburg pronunciations are regarded as substandard and "ignorant" and an accusation that he was "speaking like a Dutchman" was enough to bring a young Halifax boy of thirty years ago back into the circle of linguistic propriety. As indicated above, many features of vocabulary and of sentence structure are regarded with amusement; yet in the domestic circles from which 1 derive most of what might be called "the folklore of Lunenburg Dutch" have noticed that some Lunenburg sayings were regularly used, albeit self-consciously. They included the familiar "all" for "all gone", and a final "ain't" as a request for confirmation.[17] The most distinctive characteristic of Lunenberg speech is the complete absence of /r/ postvocalically. The Lunenberg dialect today is very much like that of the surrounding region along the South Shore of Nova Scotia and bears far greater resemblance to the Yankee New England speech likely spoken by the early planters. Outside of the treatment of /r/, South Shore speech shares many similarities with other parts of the Maritimes owing to its (indirect) English ancestry. rincipal vowels of Lunenburg English kit i fleece i near iə dress ε face əi square eə trap æ palm æ ~ a start a... lot ɔ ~ a thought ɔ north ɔə strut Ø ~ ɔ goat əυ force ɔə foot υ goose u cure υə bath æ price ɐia happy i cloth ɑ voice ɔia letter nurse mouth əυa comma ə a see discussion below. throughout Atlantic Canada. Contrary to reports of velar /r/, the most distinctive characteristic of Lunenberg speech is the complete absence of /r/ postvocalically, making it much more similar to neighbouring South Shore dialects, so that it is often confused with the speech of New England by outsiders.[18]
Prince Edward Island
The total population of Prince Edward Island is approximately 130,000 – only slightly larger than that of Cape Breton. [19] As with other provinces, PEI's urban population steadily increased throughout the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries, but at a much slower rate than seen in most other provinces. Between 2001 and 2006, PEI's urban population grew by only 0.8 per cent while its rural population declined by 12.8 per cent. Nevertheless, 45 per cent of PEI's population dwelled in urban areas as of 2016.[20] Along with Canada's Eastern Arctic, PEI is one of the most culturally homogeneous regions in Canada. The overwhelming majority of the Island's population (91.5 per cent) reported English as their mother tongue in the 2016 census, while only 3.8 per cent of the total population reported French. The most commonly reported ethnic origins were Canadian, Scottish and English. Visible minorities comprise 4.8 per cent of the population, with Chinese, South Asian and Black people making up the largest visible minority communities. Indigenous people (including First Nations, Métis and Inuit) make up 2 percent of the population.[20]
Dictionary of Prince Edward Island English
First published in 1988 by the University of Toronto Press in conjunction with T.K. Pratt a professor of English at the University of Prince Edward Island. Pratt makes a major scholarly contribution to the growing list of regional dictionaries further enabling us to discover the rich heritage of the language as spoken in the eastern province. Furthermore, it offers a splendid general introduction to the historical and sociological life of the island. There are approximately 1000 entries of non-standard or dialect words, past and present. The notes by Pratt deal with usage, pronunciation, alternate forms and spellings, and stylistic and regional labels.[21] Much of the increased public interest in Canadian English seen during the past half century emerged from lexicographical work and landmark publications such as the Dictionary of Prince Edward Island English.[22]
Below is a list of words that are distinctive of Newfoundland English found in the Dictionary of Prince Edward Island English:[23]
1. Angishorehangashore (DPEIE Page 5)
n. — Prince Edward Island, A fisherman who is too lazy to fish. Critical term. Someone who didn't want to fish (II 083).
2. Ballast Lath (DPEIE Page 9)
n. — Prince Edward Island, One of the strips of wood on the bottom of a lobster trap that secures the ballast.
3. Corkcorker (DPEIE Page 38)
n. — Prince Edward Island, A hired hand on a fishing boat, especially a lobster boat.
4. Grayback (DPEIE Page 68)
n. — Prince Edward Island, A large ocean wave.
5. HillerPotato Hiller (DPEIE Page 73)
n. — Prince Edward Island, A machine with two rotating discs used to hill or pile soil around potatoes.
6. KippyKipper, Dilsey, Trappy (DPEIE Page 86)
verb. — Prince Edward Island, Usually of a woman, well dressed or attractive.
7. Round White (DPEIE Page 123)
n. — Prince Edward Island, Any roundish, white-fleshed variety of potato.
8. Scoff (DPEIE Page 126)
n. — Prince Edward Island, A big meal, often of seafood or other seasonal food and in connection with a party.
9. SlobbyLolly, Slob Ice, Slurry (DPEIE Page 138)
adj. — Prince Edward Island, Of the sea, covered with a dense, slushy, mass of ice fragments, snow and freezing water.
10. Whitewashed IslanderWhitewashed American (DPEIE Page 166)
n. — Prince Edward Island, A Prince Edward Islander who has picked up affected 'foreign' manners, especially in the 'Boston States.'
The distinctiveness of Newfoundland English derives from a variety of factors: historical, economical and geographic.[24] In the eighteenth century there was a clear divide between the small managerial class which consisted of English merchants and agents from Devon, Dorset, and neighboring counties and laborers most of which were Irish.[25] English was transmitted in the families in towns and outports, infused every summer with folk speech from England and Ireland.[25] The nineteenth century provided a model of educated and cultural English and Anglo-Irish speech due to the governor becoming the focus of a small elite circle in the capital city of St. John's that included naval officers, principal merchants, clergymen, doctors, officials, and a steady stream of educated visitors and scientists.[25] Newfoundland English, especially its common and folk varieties, began before many English speakers had settled in the present area of Canada and at least 200 years before the Dominion of Canada was created in 1867.[25] Researchers find it difficult to identify specific Canadian pronunciations, intonations, grammatical forms, idioms, or regional vocabulary brought from other provinces to Newfoundland before 1949.[25] Newfoundland's linguistic development has also been influenced by the United States. During World War II many Newfoundland brides were brought home by American soldiers and consequently close familial ties in both countries.[25] Other activities like the medical and missionary activities in Northern Newfoundland and Labrador of the Englishman Dr. Wilfred Grenfell drew American nurses, teachers, and volunteer college students to northern outports.[25] Thus, the personal relations within families may have resulted in subtle American influences in some Newfoundland areas.[25]
The following list provides a list of the principal grammatical features of various folk speech types to be found in Newfoundland and Labrador as outlined in the Dictionary of Newfoundland English:[26]
Nouns after numerals above one have no plural -s. 'Now a cod-trap is about sixty fathom on the round.'
Finite verbs in the present tense take -(e)s for all person and numbers: 'I thinks this is unlawful, and as other informs me is onproper and impossible, and this the livi-ers here, all could tell ye.'
Only one form is employed for both the past tense and past participle of strongverbs: 'She was gangboarded, fore-cuddy an' after-cuddy on her, and freeze come on they got drove off.'
Am, is, and are are employed for an assertion about an event at the present moment, while be's, for all persons, indicates continuous or repeated activity: 'There's a sunken rock. You know when the water's high, that it be's under water.'
To have (already) done (something) is not a normal usage, the notion being expressed by to be after doing (something): 'How many times am I after tellin' you?'
The unstressed object form for he is un: 'We'd see the sun steady for three months, never lose un.'
The stressed forms for the personal pronouns after verbs (including forms of be) and prepositions are /, he, she, we, they: '[Fairies] was only little small people, they used to tell we.' 'He thought to hisself he'd killed the two of 'em [but] 'twasn't they now.' 'Never mind they – let 'em bite.' (The unstressed forms, except for example 6 above, are the same as in standard colloquial English.)
Stressed he and she are often used as substitutes for count nouns, but it for mass and abstract nouns like crookedness, fog, weather: 'But the first hour we hauled in the log, and he registered three miles. So the next hour we hauled 'im in again, and she's got another three miles.'
Adjectives derived from names of materials end in -en: 'tinnen cup, glassen pole.'
For many speakers the plural demonstrative determiners are those with objects and events that are current, and them with objects and events that are past: 'Years ago, not so much, those days, you'd always have a gun line.'
Below is a list of words that are distinctive of Newfoundland English found in the DCHP-2[27] as well as the Dictionary of Newfoundland English.[26] The definitions are taken from DCHP-2 with a link to the definitions from Dictionary of Newfoundland English (with the exception of 8 and 10, linked to the DCHP-2 definitions):
American English, sometimes called United States English or U.S. English, is the set of varieties of the English language native to the United States. English is the most widely spoken language in the United States and in most circumstances is the de facto common language used in government, education and commerce. It is also the official language of most US states. Since the late 20th century, American English has become the most influential form of English worldwide.
Canadian English encompasses the varieties of English used in Canada. According to the 2016 census, English was the first language of 19.4 million Canadians or 58.1% of the total population; the remainder spoke French (20.8%) or other languages (21.1%). In the Canadian province of Quebec, only 7.5% of the population are anglophone, as most of Quebec's residents are native speakers of Quebec French.
North American English is the most generalized variety of the English language as spoken in the United States and Canada. Because of their related histories and cultures, plus the similarities between the pronunciations (accents), vocabulary, and grammar of American English and Canadian English, the two spoken varieties are often grouped together under a single category. Canadians are generally tolerant of both British and American spellings, with British spellings of certain words preferred in more formal settings and in Canadian print media; for some other words the American spelling prevails over the British.
General American English, known in linguistics simply as General American, is the umbrella accent of American English spoken by a majority of Americans, encompassing a continuum rather than a single unified accent. In the United States it is often perceived as lacking any distinctly regional, ethnic, or socioeconomic characteristics, though Americans with high education, or from the North Midland, Western New England, and Western regions of the country are the most likely to be perceived as using General American speech. The precise definition and usefulness of the term continue to be debated, and the scholars who use it today admittedly do so as a convenient basis for comparison rather than for exactness. Other scholars prefer the term Standard American English.
Southern American English or Southern U.S. English is a regional dialect or collection of dialects of American English spoken throughout the Southern United States, though concentrated increasingly in more rural areas, and spoken primarily by White Southerners. In terms of accent, its most innovative forms include southern varieties of Appalachian English and certain varieties of Texan English. Popularly known in the United States as a Southern accent or simply Southern, Southern American English now comprises the largest American regional accent group by number of speakers. Formal, much more recent terms within American linguistics include Southern White Vernacular English and Rural White Southern English.
A Baltimore accent, also known as Baltimorese, commonly refers to an accent related to Philadelphia English that originates among blue-collar residents of Baltimore, Maryland, United States. It extends into the Baltimore metropolitan area and northeastern Maryland.
Eastern New England English, historically known as the Yankee dialect since at least the 19th century, is the traditional regional dialect of Maine, New Hampshire, and the eastern half of Massachusetts. Features of this variety once spanned an even larger dialect area of New England, for example, including the eastern halves of Vermont and Connecticut for those born as late as the early twentieth century. Studies vary as to whether the unique dialect of Rhode Island technically falls within the Eastern New England dialect region.
In English, many vowel shifts affect only vowels followed by in rhotic dialects, or vowels that were historically followed by that has been elided in non-rhotic dialects. Most of them involve the merging of vowel distinctions and so fewer vowel phonemes occur before than in other positions of a word.
Quebec English encompasses the English dialects of the predominantly French-speaking Canadian province of Quebec. There are few distinctive phonological features and very few restricted lexical features common among English-speaking Quebecers. The native English speakers in Quebec generally align to Standard Canadian English, one of the largest and most relatively homogeneous dialects in North America. This standard English accent is common in Montreal, where the vast majority of Quebec's native English speakers live. English-speaking Montrealers have, however, established ethnic groups that retain certain lexical features: Irish, Jewish, Italian, and Greek communities that all speak discernible varieties of English. Isolated fishing villages on the Basse-Côte-Nord of Quebec speak Newfoundland English, and many Gaspesian English-speakers use Maritime English. Francophone speakers of Quebec also have their own second-language English that incorporates French accent features, vocabulary, etc. Finally, the Kahnawake Mohawks of south shore Montreal and the Cree and Inuit of Northern Quebec speak English with their own distinctive accents, usage, and expressions from their indigenous languages.
North American English regional phonology is the study of variations in the pronunciation of spoken North American English —what are commonly known simply as "regional accents". Though studies of regional dialects can be based on multiple characteristics, often including characteristics that are phonemic, phonetic, lexical (vocabulary-based), and syntactic (grammar-based), this article focuses only on the former two items. North American English includes American English, which has several highly developed and distinct regional varieties, along with the closely related Canadian English, which is more homogeneous geographically. American English and Canadian English have more in common with each other than with varieties of English outside North America.
Lunenburg English is a moribund, German-influenced dialect of English, spoken in the town of Lunenburg and Lunenburg County in the province of Nova Scotia. It is sometimes called "Lunenburg Dutch". The dialect shows unique features in pronunciation, e.g. unusual handling of rhotic consonants, in syntax and vocabulary, which portray the various sociohistorical influences.
New England English is, collectively, the various distinct dialects and varieties of American English originating in the New England area. Most of eastern and central New England once spoke the "Yankee dialect", some of whose accent features still remain in Eastern New England today, such as "R-dropping". Accordingly, one linguistic division of New England is into Eastern versus Western New England English, as defined in the 1939 Linguistic Atlas of New England and the 2006 Atlas of North American English (ANAE). The ANAE further argues for a division between Northern versus Southern New England English, especially on the basis of the cot–caught merger and fronting. The ANAE also categorizes the strongest differentiated New England accents into four combinations of the above dichotomies, simply defined as follows:
Inland Northern (American) English, also known in American linguistics as the Inland North or Great Lakes dialect, is an American English dialect spoken primarily by White Americans in a geographic band reaching from the major urban areas of Upstate New York westward along the Erie Canal and through much of the U.S. Great Lakes region. The most distinctive Inland Northern accents are spoken in Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse. The dialect can be heard as far west as eastern Iowa and even among certain demographics in the Twin Cities, Minnesota. Some of its features have also infiltrated a geographic corridor from Chicago southwest along historic Route 66 into St. Louis, Missouri; today, the corridor shows a mixture of both Inland North and Midland American accents. Linguists often characterize the western Great Lakes region's dialect separately as North-Central American English.
Western American English is a variety of American English that largely unites the entire Western United States as a single dialect region, including the states of California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, New Mexico, Colorado, and Wyoming. It also generally encompasses Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and Montana, some of whose speakers are classified additionally under Pacific Northwest English.
Midland American English is a regional dialect or super-dialect of American English, geographically lying between the traditionally-defined Northern and Southern United States. The boundaries of Midland American English are not entirely clear, being revised and reduced by linguists due to definitional changes and several Midland sub-regions undergoing rapid and diverging pronunciation shifts since the early-middle 20th century onwards.
The sound system of New York City English is popularly known as a New York accent. The New York metropolitan accent is one of the most recognizable accents of the United States, largely due to its popular stereotypes and portrayal in radio, film, and television. Several other common names exist for the accent that associate it with more specific locations in the New York City area, such as "Brooklyn accent", "Queens accent", "Bronx accent", "Long Island accent", and "North Jersey accent"; however, no research has demonstrated significant linguistic differences between these locations.
The distinction between rhoticity and non-rhoticity is one of the most prominent ways in which varieties of the English language are classified. In rhotic accents, the sound of the historical English rhotic consonant,, is preserved in all pronunciation contexts. In non-rhotic accents, speakers no longer pronounce in postvocalic environments: when it is immediately after a vowel and not followed by another vowel. For example, in isolation, a rhotic English speaker pronounces the words hard and butter as /ˈhɑːrd/ and /ˈbʌtər/, but a non-rhotic speaker "drops" or "deletes" the sound and pronounces them as /ˈhɑːd/ and /ˈbʌtə/. When an r is at the end of a word but the next word begins with a vowel, as in the phrase "better apples," most non-rhotic speakers will pronounce the in that position since it is followed by a vowel in this case.
The Atlas of North American English: Phonetics, Phonology and Sound Change is a 2006 book that overviews the pronunciation patterns (accents) in all the major dialect regions of the English language as spoken in urban areas of the United States and Canada. It is the result of a large-scale survey by linguists William Labov, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg. Speech data was collected, mainly during the 1990s, by means of telephone interviews with individuals in metropolitan areas in all regions of the U.S. and Canada. Using acoustic analysis of speech from these interviews, ANAE traces sound changes in progress in North American English, and defines boundaries between dialect regions based on the different sound changes taking place in them.
Standard Canadian English is the largely homogeneous variety of Canadian English that is spoken particularly across Ontario and Western Canada, as well as throughout Canada among urban middle-class speakers from English-speaking families, excluding the regional dialects of Atlantic Canadian English. Canadian English has a mostly uniform phonology and much less dialectal diversity than neighbouring American English. In particular, Standard Canadian English is defined by the cot–caught merger to and an accompanying chain shift of vowel sounds, which is called the Canadian Shift. A subset of the dialect geographically at its central core, excluding British Columbia to the west and everything east of Montréal, has been called Inland Canadian English. It is further defined by both of the phenomena that are known as Canadian raising : the production of and with back starting points in the mouth and the production of with a front starting point and very little glide that is almost in the Canadian Prairies.
In the sociolinguistics of the English language, raising or short-a raising is a phenomenon by which the "short a" vowel, the TRAP/BATH vowel, is pronounced with a raising of the tongue. In most American and many Canadian English accents, raising is specifically tensing: a combination of greater raising, fronting, lengthening, and gliding that occurs only in certain words or environments. The most common context for tensing throughout North American English, regardless of dialect, is when this vowel appears before a nasal consonant.
↑ Wilson, HR (2017). The dialect of Lunenburg County, Nova Scotia: A study of the English of the county, with reference to its sources, preservation of relics, and vestiges of bilingualism. Canadian Journal of Linguistics. pp.97–105.
↑ Keifte M, Main & K Raining Bird. Ltf] (2017). Canadian and Maritime English. Edinburgh University Press. p.1.
↑ Dollinger, Stefan; Clarke, Sandra (2012). "On the autonomy and homogeneity of Canadian English". World Englishes. 31 (4): 452. doi:10.1111/j.1467-971X.2012.01773.x.
↑ Dollinger, Stefan; Fee, Margery, eds. (2017). Written at Vancouver, BC. "DCHP-2: The Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles". Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles (DCHP). With the assistance of Baillie Ford, Alexandra Gaylie and Gabrielle Lim (2nded.). University of British Columbia.
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