Western American English

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Western American English
Western U.S. English
Region Western United States
Early forms
Dialects
Language codes
ISO 639-3 –
Glottolog west2920   Western American English
Map of USA highlighting West.png
States where Western American English and its dialects are spoken
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Western American English (also known as Western U.S. English) is a variety of American English that largely unites the entire Western United States as a single dialect region, including the states of California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, New Mexico, Colorado, and Wyoming. It also generally encompasses Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and Montana, some of whose speakers are classified additionally under Pacific Northwest English.

Contents

The West was the last area in the United States to be reached during the gradual westward expansion of settlement by English speakers and its history shows considerable mixing and leveling of the linguistic patterns of other regions. Therefore, since the settlement populations are relatively young when compared with other regions, the American West continues to be a dialect region in formation. [1] According to the 2006 Atlas of North American English , as a very broad generalization, Western U.S. accents are differentiated from Southern U.S. accents in maintaining /aɪ/ as a diphthong, from Northern U.S. accents by fronting /u/ (the GOOSE vowel), and from both by most consistently showing the cot–caught merger. [2] The standard Canadian accent also aligns with this definition, though it typically includes certain additional vowel differences.

Phonology and phonetics

Western American English vowel formant plot West IPA.PNG
Western American English vowel formant plot

The Western regional accent of American English is somewhat variable and not necessarily distinct from "General American" or from the speech of younger or educated Americans nationwide. Western American English is defined primarily by two phonological features: the cot-caught merger (as distinct from most traditional Northern and Southern U.S. English) and the fronting of the /u/ (GOOSE) vowel but not the /oʊ/ (GOAT) vowel. This fronting is distinct from most Southern and Mid-Atlantic American English, in which both of those vowels are fronted, as well as from most Northern U.S. English, in which both of these remain backed. [3]

Like most Canadian dialects and younger General American, /ɑ/ (LOT/PALM) allophones remain back and may be either rounded or unrounded due to a merger between /ɑ/ and /ɔ/ (THOUGHT), commonly represented as words like cot and caught, or pod and pawed, becoming perfect homophones. [3] Linguists believe this may be the cause of, or at least related to, more and more Western speakers in general lowering or retracting the TRAP vowel and the DRESS vowel in a chain shift most intensely associated with California and led by young women. [4] [5] This shift, too, is documented in mainland Canadian English: the Canadian Shift. Unlike in Canada, however, the raising before voiceless consonants of /aʊ/ does not exist in Western American English and of /aɪ/ is not as consistent and pronounced. [6] Like General American, the West is entirely rhotic, and the Mary–marry–merry merger is complete, so that words like Mary, marry, and merry are all pronounced identically because of the merger of all three of those vowels' sounds when before r.

Notably, though, there are still regions of the West where some speakers do not have a complete merger, most notably San Francisco, California, [7] where younger speakers exhibit the merger more often than older speakers, but also Portland, Oregon [8] and Cowlitz County, Washington, [9] where an incomplete merger exists for some speakers and where merging is not any more advanced among younger speakers than among older ones.

Although it occurs at least occasionally nationwide, T-glottalization at word boundaries, as in "right ankle", is more common in Western dialects, particularly among younger speakers and women. [10] The use of a full (orally released) rather than syllabic pronunciation of /ən/ in the sequence /-tən/, in words like "kitten" or "mountain", is a minor but noted variant reported in the West, for example among some Californians and younger, female Utah speakers; [11] thus, kitten as [ˈkʰɪʔən] in addition to more General American [ˈkʰɪʔn̩]; however, this feature has also been reported elsewhere in the country, like New Jersey. [12] Men and teenage girls from Utah are also slightly more likely than average to elide the /t/ altogether in these words, and Utahns as a whole are slightly less likely to glottalize the /t/ in general. [13]

A trend evident particularly in some speakers from the Salt Lake City, Utah, and Flagstaff, Arizona, areas, as well as in some Californian and New Mexican English, is the completion of, or transition towards, a full–fool merger. [14] This may be related to scatterings of Western speakers, such as some Utah speakers, [15] [16] generally producing lax pronunciations of the tense front vowels before /l/, such as pronouncing "sale" as "sell" /sɛl/. [17] Southern twang-like monophthongization of /aɪ/ has been sporadically reported in the Southwest, [18] for example in some speakers before /l/ in southern Arizona and Utah. [19] [20] A significant minority of Western speakers have the pin–pen merger or a closeness to the merger, especially around Bakersfield, California, though it is a sound typically associated with Southern American English, which influenced Bakersfield settlers. [21] Another recognizable though nonstandard trait, particularly in California and the Pacific Northwest, is raising of the short i/ɪ/ sound to an almost long ee[i] sound before ng, even when the g is dropped, such that the local pronunciation of -ing[iŋ], even with G-dropping ([in]), takes on the same vowel quality as, but remains shorter than, the rime of bean or the traditional British pronunciation of been when stressed ([iːn]). [22]

Vocabulary

Sub-varieties

Several sub-types of the Western dialect appear to be currently in formation, and the West, being an area of especially recent English-speaking settlement, shows relatively low homogeneity and internal consistency. [3] Additionally, most Mexican-American English is spoken within, and arguably falls under the regional dialect of, the Western United States.

Alaska

Currently, there is not enough data on the English of Alaska to either include it within Western American English or assign it its own "separate status". [30] Of two documented speakers in Anchorage, their cot-caught merger is completed or transitional, /aʊ/ is not fronted, /oʊ/ is centralized, the placement of /u/ is inconsistent, and ag approaches the sound of egg. [31] Not far from Anchorage, in Alaska's Matanuska-Susitna Valley, is a distinctly Minnesota-like accent due to immigration of Minnesotans to the valley in the 1930s. [32]

California

A noticeable California Vowel Shift has been observed in the English of some California speakers scattered throughout the state, [33] though especially younger and coastal speakers. This shift involves two elements, including that the vowel in words like toe, rose, and go (though remaining back vowels elsewhere in the Western dialect), and the vowel in words like spoon, move, and rude are both pronounced farther forward in the mouth than most other English dialects; at the same time, a lowering chain movement of the front vowels is occurring (identical to the Canadian Vowel Shift), so that, to listeners of other English dialects, sit may approach the sound of set, set may approach sat, and sat may approach sot. This front-vowel lowering is also reported around Portland, Oregon, the hub of a unique Northwestern variety of American English that demonstrates other similarities with Canadian English. [34]

Hawaii

Studies demonstrate that gender, age, and ability to speak Hawaiian Creole (a language locally called "Pidgin" and spoken by about two-fifths of Hawaii residents) correlate with the recent emergence of different Hawaiian English accents. In a 2013 study of twenty Oʻahu-raised native English speakers, non-Pidgin speakers and males were shown to lower /ɪ/ and /ɛ/; younger speakers of the first group also lowered /æ/, and younger participants in general backed /æ/. [35] Though this movement of these vowels is superficially similar to the California Vowel Shift, it is not believed to be due to a chain shift, though Hawaii residents do have a cot–caught merger, at least among younger speakers. [35] Unlike most Americans, Hawaii residents may not demonstrate any form of /æ/ tensing (even before nasal consonants, as with most Western Americans). [36]

New Mexico

In New Mexico, the state with the largest Hispanic population by percentage and no Anglo majority population, studies have distinguished the English of English-Spanish bilinguals versus (Anglo) English monolinguals. [37] Research showed the former more likely to participate in monophthongization of /eɪ/ and a recently developing Hispanic English vowel shift. [38] [39] However, this same shift failed to appear in a later study, in which Anglo New Mexicans (and particularly young women) were the ones more likely to engage in an innovative California-like vowel shift, [4] whereas Hispanic speakers raised /æ/ before nasals significantly less, while pronouncing /u/ higher and further back. [40] Many New Mexicans, both Anglo-American and Hispanic, pronounce the cluster /nj/ in the word new. That is, they do not show yod-dropping after /n/, unlike most Americans. [40] Aside from noting a possible full–fool merger regardless of ethnicity, [41] New Mexican English research has tended to focus on vocabulary: particularly loanwords from New Mexican Spanish. The word acequia [ɑˈseɪkjɑ] is used for a ditch; [42] canales[kɑˈnɑleɪs] for a type of rain and street gutter; [43] corazón[ˌkʰɔɹɑˈsoʊn] for sweetheart, darling, courage, or spirit; [44] nana for one's grandmother (more widely than elsewhere in the U.S.); [45] and vigas for rafters. [43] The New Mexican chile pepper has had such a large cultural impact that it has even been entered into the Congressional Record spelled as chile, not chili. [46] [47]

Pacific Northwest

The states of Oregon and Washington show a mixture of features that vary widely among the local speakers themselves. Overall, these features are strongly similar to both Californian as well as Canadian English. Studies are therefore inconclusive about whether this region constitutes a distinct dialect or not. One feature of many Pacific Northwest dialects is the pre-velar merger, where, before /g/, /ɛ/ and /æ/ are raised, and /eɪ/ is lowered, causing beg and vague to rhyme, and sometimes causing bag to sound similar to or rhyme with both of them. [48] Younger speakers may also show signs of the aforementioned California Vowel Shift. [34]

Utah

The English of Utah shows great variation, though little overall consistency, [49] making it difficult to classify as either a sub-dialect of Western American English or a separate dialect of its own. [49] [15] [11] [19] Members of the LDS Church may use the propredicate "do" or "done", as in the sentence "I would have done", unlike other Americans, suggesting a more recent British influence within the Church. [50] Some speakers may realize the /ɹ/ as a flap [ɾ] after /θ/. [51] One prominent older, declining feature of Utah English is the cord-card merger without a horse-hoarse merger, particularly along the Wasatch Front, which merges /ɑɹ/ (as in far) and /ɔɹ/ (as in for), while keeping /oʊɹ/ distinct (as in four). [11] [16] Utahns may use slightly distinct vowel placement and vowel space area during articulation, particularly with young, female speakers documented as pronouncing /æ/ as lower than /ɑ/, unlike other Western dialects. [11] Throughout the Mormon corridor beyond Utah, practicing members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints tend to lag behind regional dialect changes while maintaining characteristic Utah features. [52]

See also

Related Research Articles

American English, sometimes called United States English or U.S. English, is the set of varieties of the English language native to the United States. English is the most widely spoken language in the United States and in most circumstances is the de facto common language used in government, education and commerce. Since the late 20th century, American English has become the most influential form of English worldwide.

General American English, known in linguistics simply as General American, is the umbrella accent of American English spoken by a majority of Americans, encompassing a continuum rather than a single unified accent. In the United States it is often perceived as lacking any distinctly regional, ethnic, or socioeconomic characteristics, though Americans with high education, or from the North Midland, Western New England, and Western regions of the country are the most likely to be perceived as using General American speech. The precise definition and usefulness of the term continue to be debated, and the scholars who use it today admittedly do so as a convenient basis for comparison rather than for exactness. Other scholars prefer the term Standard American English.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Western Pennsylvania English</span> Dialect of American English

Western Pennsylvania English, known more narrowly as Pittsburgh English or popularly as Pittsburghese, is a dialect of American English native primarily to the western half of Pennsylvania, centered on the city of Pittsburgh, but potentially appearing in some speakers as far north as Erie County, as far west as Youngstown, Ohio, and as far south as Clarksburg, West Virginia. Commonly associated with the working class of Pittsburgh, users of the dialect are colloquially known as "Yinzers".

Southern American English or Southern U.S. English is a regional dialect or collection of dialects of American English spoken throughout the Southern United States, though concentrated increasingly in more rural areas, and spoken primarily by White Southerners. In terms of accent, its most innovative forms include southern varieties of Appalachian English and certain varieties of Texan English. Popularly known in the United States as a Southern accent or simply Southern, Southern American English now comprises the largest American regional accent group by number of speakers. Formal, much more recent terms within American linguistics include Southern White Vernacular English and Rural White Southern English.

A Baltimore accent, also known as Baltimorese, commonly refers to an accent related to Philadelphia English that originates among blue-collar residents of Baltimore, Maryland, United States. It extends into the Baltimore metropolitan area and northeastern Maryland.

Eastern New England English, historically known as the Yankee dialect since at least the 19th century, is the traditional regional dialect of Maine, New Hampshire, and the eastern half of Massachusetts. Features of this variety once spanned an even larger dialect area of New England, for example, including the eastern halves of Vermont and Connecticut for those born as late as the early twentieth century. Studies vary as to whether the unique dialect of Rhode Island technically falls within the Eastern New England dialect region.

California English collectively refers to varieties of American English native to California. As California became one of the most ethnically diverse U.S. states, English speakers from a wide variety of backgrounds began to pick up different linguistic elements from one another and also develop new ones; the result is both divergence and convergence within Californian English. However, linguists who studied English before and immediately after World War II tended to find few, if any, patterns unique to California, and even today most California English still basically aligns to a General or Western American accent. Still, certain newer varieties of California English have been gradually emerging since the late 20th century.

North-Central American English is an American English dialect, or dialect in formation, native to the Upper Midwestern United States, an area that somewhat overlaps with speakers of the separate Inland Northern dialect situated more in the eastern Great Lakes region. In the United States, it is also known as the Upper Midwestern or North-Central dialect and stereotypically recognized as a Minnesota accent or sometimes Wisconsin accent. It is considered to have developed in a residual dialect region from the neighboring Western, Inland Northern, and Canadian dialect regions.

Philadelphia English or Delaware Valley English is a variety or dialect of American English native to Philadelphia and extending into Philadelphia's metropolitan area throughout the Delaware Valley, including southeastern Pennsylvania, counties of northern Delaware, the northern Eastern Shore of Maryland, and all of South Jersey, with the dialect being spoken in cities such as Wilmington, Atlantic City, Camden, Vineland, and Dover. Philadelphia English is one of the best-studied types of English, as Philadelphia's University of Pennsylvania is the home institution of pioneering sociolinguist William Labov. Philadelphia English shares certain features with New York City English and Midland American English, although it remains a distinct dialect of its own. Philadelphia and Baltimore accents together fall under what Labov describes as a single "Mid-Atlantic" regional dialect.

North American English regional phonology is the study of variations in the pronunciation of spoken North American English —what are commonly known simply as "regional accents". Though studies of regional dialects can be based on multiple characteristics, often including characteristics that are phonemic, phonetic, lexical (vocabulary-based), and syntactic (grammar-based), this article focuses only on the former two items. North American English includes American English, which has several highly developed and distinct regional varieties, along with the closely related Canadian English, which is more homogeneous geographically. American English and Canadian English have more in common with each other than with varieties of English outside North America.

The cot–caught merger, also known as the LOT–THOUGHT merger or low back merger, is a sound change present in some dialects of English where speakers do not distinguish the vowel phonemes in words like cot versus caught. Cot and caught is an example of a minimal pair that is lost as a result of this sound change. The phonemes involved in the cot–caught merger, the low back vowels, are typically represented in the International Phonetic Alphabet as and, respectively. The merger is typical of most Canadian and Scottish English dialects as well as some Irish and U.S. English dialects.

Pacific Northwest English is a variety of North American English spoken in the U.S. states of Washington and Oregon, sometimes also including Idaho and the Canadian province of British Columbia. Due to the internal diversity within Pacific Northwest English, current studies remain inconclusive about whether it is best regarded as a dialect of its own, separate from Western American English or even California English or Standard Canadian English, with which it shares its major phonological features. The dialect region contains a highly diverse and mobile population, which is reflected in the historical and continuing development of the variety.

New England English is, collectively, the various distinct dialects and varieties of American English originating in the New England area. Most of eastern and central New England once spoke the "Yankee dialect", some of whose accent features still remain in Eastern New England today, such as "R-dropping". Accordingly, one linguistic division of New England is into Eastern versus Western New England English, as defined in the 1939 Linguistic Atlas of New England and the 2006 Atlas of North American English (ANAE). The ANAE further argues for a division between Northern versus Southern New England English, especially on the basis of the cot–caught merger and fronting. The ANAE also categorizes the strongest differentiated New England accents into four combinations of the above dichotomies, simply defined as follows:

The Canadian Shift is a chain shift of vowel sounds found in Canadian English, beginning among speakers in the last quarter of the 20th century and most significantly involving the lowering and backing of the front vowels. This lowering and backing is structurally identical to the California Shift reported in California English and some younger varieties of Western New England English, Western American English, Pacific Northwest English, and Midland American English; whether the similarly structured shifts in these regional dialects have a single unified cause or not is still not entirely clear. Similar, though not identical, changes to the short front vowels are attested in many English dialects as of 21st-century research, including RP, Indian English, Hiberno-English, South African English, and Australian English.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Inland Northern American English</span> English as spoken in the US Great Lakes region

Inland Northern (American) English, also known in American linguistics as the Inland North or Great Lakes dialect, is an American English dialect spoken primarily by White Americans in a geographic band reaching from the major urban areas of Upstate New York westward along the Erie Canal and through much of the U.S. Great Lakes region. The most distinctive Inland Northern accents are spoken in Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse. The dialect can be heard as far west as eastern Iowa and even among certain demographics in the Twin Cities, Minnesota. Some of its features have also infiltrated a geographic corridor from Chicago southwest along historic Route 66 into St. Louis, Missouri; today, the corridor shows a mixture of both Inland North and Midland American accents. Linguists often characterize the western Great Lakes region's dialect separately as North-Central American English.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Midland American English</span> Variety of English spoken in the United States

Midland American English is a regional dialect or super-dialect of American English, geographically lying between the traditionally-defined Northern and Southern United States. The boundaries of Midland American English are not entirely clear, being revised and reduced by linguists due to definitional changes and several Midland sub-regions undergoing rapid and diverging pronunciation shifts since the early-middle 20th century onwards.

The sound system of New York City English is popularly known as a New York accent. The New York metropolitan accent is one of the most recognizable accents of the United States, largely due to its popular stereotypes and portrayal in radio, film, and television. Several other common names exist for the accent, associating it with more specific locations in the New York City area, such as a Bronx accent, Brooklyn accent, Long Island accent, or North Jersey accent; however, no research has demonstrated significant linguistic differences between these locations.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Standard Canadian English</span> Variety of Canadian English

Standard Canadian English is the largely homogeneous variety of Canadian English that is spoken particularly across Ontario and Western Canada, as well as throughout Canada among urban middle-class speakers from English-speaking families, excluding the regional dialects of Atlantic Canadian English. Canadian English has a mostly uniform phonology and much less dialectal diversity than neighbouring American English. In particular, Standard Canadian English is defined by the cot–caught merger to and an accompanying chain shift of vowel sounds, which is called the Canadian Shift. A subset of the dialect geographically at its central core, excluding British Columbia to the west and everything east of Montréal, has been called Inland Canadian English. It is further defined by both of the phenomena that are known as Canadian raising : the production of and with back starting points in the mouth and the production of with a front starting point and very little glide that is almost in the Canadian Prairies.

Western New England English refers to the varieties of New England English native to Vermont, Connecticut, and the western half of Massachusetts; New York State's Hudson Valley also aligns to this classification. Sound patterns historically associated with Western New England English include the features of rhoticity, the horse–hoarse merger, and the father–bother merger, none of which are features traditionally shared in neighboring Eastern New England English. The status of the cot–caught merger in Western New England is inconsistent, being complete in the north of this dialect region (Vermont), but incomplete or absent in the south, with a "cot–caught approximation" in the middle area.

In the sociolinguistics of the English language, raising or short-a raising is a phenomenon by which the "short a" vowel, the TRAP/BATH vowel, is pronounced with a raising of the tongue. In most American and many Canadian English accents, raising is specifically tensing: a combination of greater raising, fronting, lengthening, and gliding that occurs only in certain words or environments. The most common context for tensing throughout North American English, regardless of dialect, is when this vowel appears before a nasal consonant.

References

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  2. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 146.
  3. 1 2 3 Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 279.
  4. 1 2 Brumbaugh, Susan; Koops, Christian (December 1, 2017). "Vowel Variation in Albuquerque, New Mexico". Publication of the American Dialect Society. 102 (1). 31-57. p. 49. doi:10.1215/00031283-4295200.
  5. ↑ Fridland, Valerie; Kendall, Tyler (December 1, 2019). "5. On the Uniformity of the Low-Back-Merger Shift in the US West and Beyond". Publication of the American Dialect Society. 104 (1): 100–119. doi:10.1215/00031283-8032957. S2CID   213029625.
  6. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 135.
  7. ↑ Hall-Lew, Lauren (2013). "'Flip-flop' and mergers-in-progress". English Language and Linguistics. 17 (2): 359. ISSN   1360-6743.
  8. ↑ Becker, Kara. "Variation in West Coast English: The Case of Oregon". read.dukeupress.edu. Retrieved August 17, 2023.
  9. ↑ Stanley, Joseph. "Vowel Dynamics of the Elsewhere Shift: A Sociophonetic Analysis of English in Cowlitz County, Washington". esploro.libs.uga.edu. Retrieved August 17, 2023.
  10. ↑ Eddington, David; Taylor, Michael (August 1, 2009). "T-Glottalization IN AMERICAN ENGLISH". American Speech. 84 (3): 298–314. doi:10.1215/00031283-2009-023. ISSN   0003-1283. S2CID   145615569.
  11. 1 2 3 4 Reeves, Larkin (August 6, 2009). "Patterns of Vowel Production in Speakers of American English from the State of Utah". All Theses and Dissertations.
  12. ↑ Jones, Jennifer G. (2012). "Do Utahns Talk Funny?" BYU Magazine. Brigham Young University.
  13. ↑ Eddington, David; Savage, Matthew (September 1, 2012). "Where Are the Moun[ɁƏ]ns in Utah?". American Speech. 87 (3): 336–349. doi:10.1215/00031283-1958345.
  14. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 67, 70, 285–286.
  15. 1 2 Lillie, Diane Deford. The Utah Dialect Survey. 1998. Brigham Young University, Master's thesis.
  16. 1 2 Bowie, David (February 2, 2008). "Acoustic Characteristics of Utah's Card-Cord Merger". American Speech. 83 (1): 35–61. doi:10.1215/00031283-2008-002. ISSN   0003-1283.
  17. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp.  285–286.
  18. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 283.
  19. 1 2 Morkel, Wendy McCollum. Tracing a Sound Pattern: /ay/-Monophthongization in Utah English. 2003. Brigham Young University, Master's Thesis.
  20. ↑ Sykes, Robert D. (2010). A Sociophonetic Study of (aI) in Utah English (MA). University of Utah.
  21. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 68.
  22. ↑ Metcalf, Allan (2000). "The Far West and beyond". How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 143. ISBN   0618043624. Another pronunciation even more widely heard among older teens and adults in California and throughout the West is 'een' for -ing, as in 'I'm thinkeen of go-een campeen.'
  23. ↑ "Barrow pit Definition & Meaning". www.merriam-webster.com. Retrieved September 30, 2023.
  24. ↑ "Bear claw". Dictionary of American Regional English.
  25. ↑ Carver (1987), p. 223.
  26. ↑ Schneider, Edgar W. (2019). "English in the United States". The Handbook of World Englishes. pp. 35–51. doi:10.1002/9781119147282.ch3. ISBN   9781119164210. S2CID   213403883.
  27. ↑ Vaux, Bert; Golder, Scott (2003). "The Harvard Dialect Survey". Harvard University Linguistics Department. Archived from the original on October 2, 2011.
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  29. ↑ Carver, Craig M. (1987). American Regional Dialects: A Word Geography. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. pp. 206f. ISBN   9780472100767.
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  31. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 104, 141, 159, 182.
  32. ↑ Sheidlower, Jesse (October 1, 2008). "Placing Sarah Palin's accent". Slate Magazine.
  33. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 78, 80, 82, 105, 158.
  34. 1 2 Ward, Michael (2003). Portland Dialect Study: The Fronting of /ow, u, uw/ in Portland, Oregon (PDF). Portland State University.
  35. 1 2 Drager, Katie, M. Joelle Kirtley, James Grama, Sean Simpson (2013). "Language variation and change in Hawai‘i English: KIT, DRESS, and TRAP". University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, Vol. 19: Iss. 2, Article 6: 42, 48-49.
  36. ↑ Kirtley, M. Joelle; Grama, James; Drager, Katie; Simpson, Sean (April 2016). "An acoustic analysis of the vowels of Hawai'i English". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 46 (1): 79–97. doi:10.1017/S0025100315000456. S2CID   147549962.
  37. ↑ Balukas, Colleen; Koops, Christian (2014). "Spanish-English bilingual voice onset time in spontaneous code-switching". International Journal of Bilingualism. 19 (4): 423–443. doi:10.1177/1367006913516035. ISSN   1367-0069. S2CID   144159300.
  38. ↑ Balukas, Colleen (November 2014). Patterns of /eɪ/-monophongization in Northern New Mexican English. 11th High Desert Linguistics Conference. High Desert Linguistics Society. p. 21. Retrieved November 5, 2015– via ResearchGate.
  39. ↑ Hernández, Pilar (1993). "Vowel shift in Northern New Mexico Chicano English". Mester. 22 (2): 227–234. doi: 10.5070/M3222014266 .
  40. 1 2 Brumbaugh, Susan (2017). Anglo and Hispanic Vowel Variation in New Mexican English (PhD). University of New Mexico. Retrieved March 15, 2022.
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  42. ↑ "New Mexico". Worldmark Encyclopedia of the States. June 10, 2010. Retrieved June 22, 2018– via Encyclopedia.com.
  43. 1 2 Worldmark 2010.
  44. ↑ Madrid, A. L. (2011). Transnational Encounters: Music and Performance at the U.S.–Mexico Border. Oxford University Press. p. 304. ISBN   978-0-19-987611-2 . Retrieved August 3, 2015– via Google Books.
  45. ↑ Grieve, Jack et al. (2013). "Site-restricted web searches for data collection in regional dialectology". American Speech 88: 413-440. Draft pp. 40, 42.
  46. ↑ King, L. S. (2009). Frommer's Santa Fe, Taos and Albuquerque. Frommer's Complete Guides. Wiley. p. 27. ISBN   978-0-470-43795-7 . Retrieved May 31, 2015– via Google Books.
  47. ↑ Smith, A.; Kraig, B. (2013). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Food and Drink in America. Oxford University Press. p. 382. ISBN   978-0-19-973496-2 . Retrieved May 31, 2015– via Google Books.
  48. ↑ Freeman, Valerie (May 3, 2021). "Vague eggs and tags: Prevelar merger in Seattle". Language Variation and Change. 33 (1): 57–80. doi: 10.1017/S0954394521000028 . ISSN   0954-3945. S2CID   235538666.
  49. 1 2 Lillie, Diane (April 1, 1997). "Utah English". Deseret Language and Linguistic Society Symposium. 23 (1): 54.
  50. ↑ Di Paolo, Marianna (1993). "Propredicate Do in the English of the Intermountain West". American Speech. 68 (4): 339–356. doi:10.2307/455771. ISSN   0003-1283. JSTOR   455771.
  51. ↑ Stanley, Joseph (January 1, 2019). "(thr)-Flapping in American English: Social factors and articulatory motivations". Faculty Publications.
  52. ↑ Stanley, Joseph A. (December 1, 2020). "6. The Absence of a Religiolect Among Latter-Day Saints in Southwest Washington". The Publication of the American Dialect Society. 105 (1). 95–122, pgs. 99–100. doi:10.1215/00031283-8820642. S2CID   229413823.
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