1938 San Antonio pecan shellers strike

Last updated

The 1938 San Antonio pecan shellers strike was a labor strike involving 12,000 pecan shellers in San Antonio, Texas, United States. Considered the largest labor strike in San Antonio's history, it saw mainly Mexican American pecan shellers, organized by labor activist Emma Tenayuca, protest wage cuts by the Southern Pecan Shelling Company. Starting on January 31, the strike lasted until March 8, when the two sides agreed to arbitration that led to a wage increase for the pecan shellers.

Contents

Background

During the 1930s, 40% of the pecan crop in the United States was grown in Texas, with half of that being produced within a 250 mile radius of San Antonio. [1] [2] Described as the "world's largest pecan shelling center", between 10,000 to 20,000 workers, primarily Mexican American women, worked as shellers, removing the hard outer shell of pecans grown and collected in the region. [3] Many of them worked in poor conditions for low pay. The average weekly family income for pecan shellers was between $1.00 and $4.00, [note 1] with many shellers having to supplement their seasonal income with additional farm labor. [5] Additionally, the workrooms were often cramped centers often lacking proper ventilation, running water, and tools for shelling, with many of the shellers having to use their hands to shell the pecans. [3] An increased rate of tuberculosis among the shellers was also pinned on the lack of proper ventilation and an abundance of pecan particulates in the workrooms. [3] [5]

In the 1930s, the Southern Pecan Shelling Company, owned by Julius Seligman [note 2] , dominated the pecan shelling industry both in San Antonio and nationwide, shelling between one-fourth and one-third of the total national output of pecans. [6] This company, like many others in the area, utilized a contract system whereby he sold contractors whole pecans at $0.10 per pound and purchased back the fully shelled pecans at $0.30 to $0.36 per pound, with the contractors handling all labor issues and facilitating the shelling facilities needed. [7] [8] In 1933, Seligman hired Magdaleno Rodríguez to organize a company union, the Pecan Shelling Workers' Union. [5] However, this union was short-lived, and in 1937 its remnants were reorganized into the Texas Pecan Shelling Workers' Union, supported by the Communist Party of America, who appointed Albert Gonsen as its leader. That same year, the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA), affiliated with the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO), granted a charter to the San Antonio pecan shellers with the understanding that the union would include other labor groups. [5] This included the San Antonio branch of the Workers Alliance of America, founded a year prior by Emma Tenayuca to help assist the pecan shellers. [9]

On January 31, 1938, contractors for the Southern Pecan Shelling Company announced a pay cut for pecan shellers from $0.07 to $0.06 per pound for shelled pecan halves and $0.06 to $0.05 per pound for shelled pecan pieces. [10] Wages for pecan crackers were reduced from $0.50 to $0.40 per one hundred pounds of pecans. [10] Following this, 12,000 shellers, or approximately two-thirds of the workforce, spontaneously walked out. [5] [10] This was not the first strike action taken by the pecan shellers, as mass strikes had occurred previously in 1934 and 1935 over wage cuts, with both ending without success. [10]

Course of the strike

Initially, the faction of the Pecan Shellers' Union organized around Gonsen were unsupportive of the strike, but the UCAPAWA offered its support for the strikers. [5] Tenayuca shortly emerged as the leader of the movement, with the strikers electing her as their committee chair. While Tenayuca was not a pecan sheller, she was well-known among the pecan shellers for her organization and activism in the Workers Alliance, which Tenayuca claimed had over 10,000 members at the time. [11] [12] Covering the incident, Time reportedly highlighted Tenayuca's communist philosophy and painted her as the puppeteer behind the strike. [13] San Antonio mayor C. K. Quin and other public officials also employed red-baiting to draw public support away from the strikers. This strategy largely succeeded, as many moderates spoke out about the strike's perceived communist influence. [13] In an interview with the San Antonio Light , the police chief argued that there was no strike and that the incident was part of a ploy by communists and not sanctioned by the CIO. [14] Roman Catholic Archbishop of San Antonio Arthur Jerome Drossaerts also spoke out against the strike and praised efforts by the police. [13] [15] However, La Prensa , a major Hispanic newspaper in the city, was sympathetic to the strikers. [16]

Over the course of the strike, hundreds of protestors and picketers were arrested and imprisoned by the police, including Tenayuca. [13] Additionally, all soup kitchens in the city were closed to the strikers. [17] As tensions increased, Texas governor James V. Allred ordered an investigation into possible violations of civil liberties, with a meeting held on February 14 chaired by the assistant state attorney. While the commission found that the police had overstepped their authority, no actions were taken against them. [14] Concurrently, there were calls from within the UCAPAWA for Tenayuca to step down from her position as strike leader due to concerns about her communist affiliation. [18] [19] Ultimately, Tenayuca agreed to step down, and she was replaced by UCAPAWA president Donald Henderson. [18] Speaking of the incident years later, Tenayuca expressed frustration and resentment towards the push to remove her, but she did for the greater good of the movement. [20] After her removal, Tenayuca continued to support the strike in less prominent ways. [18] Around this same time, the strikers received support from several sources. Texas Representative and future Mayor of San Antonio Maury Maverick stated his support for the strike. The American Civil Liberties Union also began to offer help to the strikers, and a rally was held on March 19 at Military Plaza to celebrate the release of some imprisoned strikers. [20]

By March, both sides had agreed to resolve the labor dispute through arbitration. [6] On March 8, the pecan shellers returned to work as the union and pecan companies agreed to arbitration via a three person panel that included Austin, Texas mayor Robert Thomas Miller. [17] The panel returned its decision on April 13, mandating a one-half cent increase in wages from the previous rates. [17] Furthermore, the UCAPAWA local was recognized as the only legal representative for the pecan shellers. [17]

Aftermath

The wage increase decided by the arbitration panel was considered more favorable to the employers than to the shellers. [17] However, these wages were increased in October following the implementation of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, which instituted a $0.25 minimum wage. [17] [21] Fearing that this wage increase would lead to mechanization, both the union and pecan companies appealed to have the pecan shellers exempted from the minimum wage requirement, which was ultimately denied. [17] Following this, the pecan shelling industry turned to mechanization, and by 1941 approximately 10,000 shellers permanently lost their jobs, [17] though many found new employment as the United States mobilized for World War II. [21]

Following the strike, Maverick, who had lost reelection for the House of Representatives, successfully ran for mayor of San Antonio in 1938, with major support from Mexican Americans in the city. [17] Tenayuca would later write a political essay, "The Mexican Question in the Southwest", that discussed the strike, Tenayuca's politics, and issues facing Mexican Americans in the southwestern United States. [22]

Notes

  1. The Texas State Historical Association gives slightly more specific values of between $2.00 and $3.00 per week. [4]
  2. Also given as Seligmann. [3] [4]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">United Farm Workers</span> Labor union for farmworkers in the United States

The United Farm Workers of America, or more commonly just United Farm Workers (UFW), is a labor union for farmworkers in the United States. It originated from the merger of two workers' rights organizations, the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) led by organizer Larry Itliong, and the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) led by César Chávez and Dolores Huerta. They became allied and transformed from workers' rights organizations into a union as a result of a series of strikes in 1965, when the mostly Filipino farmworkers of the AWOC in Delano, California, initiated a grape strike, and the NFWA went on strike in support. As a result of the commonality in goals and methods, the NFWA and the AWOC formed the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee on August 22, 1966. This organization was accepted into the AFL–CIO in 1972 and changed its name to the United Farm Workers Union.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">1934 West Coast waterfront strike</span> Labor strike by longshoremen in California, Oregon, and Washington

The 1934 West Coast Waterfront Strike lasted 83 days, and began on May 9, 1934, when longshoremen in every US West Coast port walked out. Organized by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU), the strike peaked with the death of two workers on "Bloody Thursday" and the San Francisco General Strike which stopped all work in the major port city for four days and led ultimately to the settlement of the West Coast Longshoremen's Strike.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Coal strike of 1902</span> Pennsylvanian Coal Strike

The Coal strike of 1902 was a strike by the United Mine Workers of America in the anthracite coalfields of eastern Pennsylvania. Miners struck for higher wages, shorter workdays, and the recognition of their union. The strike threatened to shut down the winter fuel supply to major American cities. At that time, residences were typically heated with anthracite or "hard" coal, which produces higher heat value and less smoke than "soft" or bituminous coal.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Emma Tenayuca</span> Mexican American labor leader

Emma Beatrice Tenayuca was an American labor leader, union organizer, civil rights activist, and educator. She is best known for her work organizing Mexican workers in Texas during the 1930s, particularly for leading the 1938 San Antonio pecan shellers strike. She was also known for her involvement with the U.S. Communist Party to advocate for Mexicans and Mexican Americans.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mexican oil expropriation</span> 1938 nationalization of all Mexican oil supplies into a state-owned oil company, PEMEX

The Mexican oil expropriation was the nationalization of all petroleum reserves, facilities, and foreign oil companies in Mexico on March 18, 1938. In accordance with Article 27 of the Constitution of 1917, President Lázaro Cárdenas declared that all mineral and oil reserves found within Mexico belong to "the nation", i.e., the federal government. The Mexican government established a state-owned petroleum company, Petróleos Mexicanos, or PEMEX. For a short period, this measure caused an international boycott of Mexican products in the following years, especially by the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands, but with the outbreak of World War II and the alliance between Mexico and the Allies, the disputes with private companies over compensation were resolved. The anniversary, March 18, is now a Mexican civic holiday.

The United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA) was a labor union formed in 1937 and incorporated large numbers of Mexican, black, Asian, and Anglo food processing workers under its banner. The founders envisioned a national decentralized labor organization with power flowing from the bottom up. Although it was short-lived, the UCAPAWA influenced the lives of many workers and had a major impact for both women and minority workers in the union.

Luisa Moreno was a leader in the United States labor movement and a social activist. She unionized workers, led strikes, wrote pamphlets in English and Spanish, and convened the 1939 Congreso de Pueblos de Habla Española, the "first national Latino civil rights assembly", before returning to Guatemala in 1950.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Caroline Decker</span> American labor activist

Caroline Decker Gladstein was a labor activist in the 1930s in California. A member of the Communist Party, as many activists were, she was an organizer for the Cannery and Agricultural Workers’ International Union (CAWIU). Decker helped organize the massive California agricultural strikes of 1933 during the Great Depression.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">California agricultural strikes of 1933</span>

The California agricultural strikes of 1933 were a series of strikes by mostly Mexican and Filipino agricultural workers throughout the San Joaquin Valley. More than 47,500 workers were involved in the wave of approximately 30 strikes from 1931-1941. Twenty-four of the strikes, involving 37,500 union members, were led by the Cannery and Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union (CAWIU). The strikes are grouped together because most of them were organized by the CAWIU. Strike actions began in August among cherry, grape, peach, pear, sugar beet, and tomato workers, and culminated in a number of strikes against cotton growers in the San Joaquin Valley in October. The cotton strikes involved the largest number of workers. Sources vary as to numbers involved in the cotton strikes, with some sources claiming 18,000 workers and others just 12,000 workers, 80% of whom were Mexican.

The Imperial Valley lettuce strike of 1930 was a strike of workers against lettuce growers of California's Imperial Valley

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Congress of Industrial Organizations</span> North American federation of labor unions from 1935 to 1955

The Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) was a federation of unions that organized workers in industrial unions in the United States and Canada from 1935 to 1955. Originally created in 1935 as a committee within the American Federation of Labor (AFL) by John L. Lewis, a leader of the United Mine Workers (UMW), and called the Committee for Industrial Organization. Its name was changed in 1938 when it broke away from the AFL. It focused on organizing unskilled workers, who had been ignored by most of the AFL unions.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Santa Clara cherry strike of 1933</span> Labor action in California

In 1933 there was a cherry strike in Santa Clara, California. The main overview of the events in Santa Clara was an agricultural strike by cherry pickers against the growers or employers. As the events of the labor strike unfolded, the significance of the strike grew beyond that of the workers themselves into a broader scope within America.

The Empire Zinc strike, also known as the Salt of the Earth strike, was a 15-month-long miners' strike in Grant County, New Mexico against the Empire Zinc Company for its discriminatory pay. The strike drew national attention, and after it was settled in 1952, a movie entitled Salt of the Earth (1954) was released that offered a fictionalized version of events.

The 1936 Gulf Coast maritime workers' strike was a labor action of the splinter union "Maritime Federation of the Gulf Coast" lasting from October 31, 1936 to January 21, 1937. The strike's main effects were felt in Houston and Galveston.

Manuela Solís Sager (1912-1996) was a Mexican American labor leader, union organizer and educator. She is best known for her work organizing with Mexican women in Texas during the 1930s, where 40% of the total Mexican population were employed almost exclusively in low paid, low status jobs.

The Farah strike (1972–1974) was a labor strike by the employees of Farah Manufacturing Company, a clothing company in El Paso, Texas and New Mexico. The strike started at the Farah plant in San Antonio in 1972 when the Hispanic women, called Chicanas, led by Sylvia M. Trevino, at the company demanded a labour union formation to fight for better working conditions. The two-year long strike included 4,000 individuals, of which the majority were women.

Sophie Gonzales was an activist and union organizer from San Antonio, Texas. She became the first Mexican-American female organizer of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU). In 1959 she organized the Tex-Son Garment company strike. She served as a union organizer for the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA) in El Paso, Texas. She organized the 1965 strike at Hortex Manufacturing Company and the 1971 strike at Levi Strauss.

Pat Chambers was an influential labor organizer and Communist Party member in the 1930s in California. He was a key figure in some of the largest California agricultural strikes of 1933. Chambers was the inspiration for the character “Mac” in John Steinbeck's 1936 novel, In Dubious Battle.

The 1985–1987 Watsonville Cannery strike was a labor strike that involved over 1,000 workers at two food processing facilities in Watsonville, California, United States. The facilities were owned by Watsonville Canning and Richard A. Shaw Inc., two of the largest frozen food processors in the United States, while the workers were all union members of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) Local 912. The strike began on September 9, 1985, and completely ended about 18 months later, on March 11, 1987.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">1913 El Paso smelters' strike</span> American labor dispute in Texas

The 1913 El Paso smelters' strike was a labor strike involving workers of the American Smelting and Refining Company's copper smelting plant in El Paso, Texas, United States. The workers, almost entirely Mexican Americans, went on strike on April 10, primarily seeking a pay increase, among other demands. The strike collapsed by the end of June, with many of the strikers leaving El Paso in the aftermath.

References

Bibliography