The term "men's rights" was used at least as early as February 1856 when it appeared in Putnam's Magazine. The author was responding to the issue of women's rights, calling it a "new movement for social reform, and even for political revolution", which the author proposed to counter with men's rights.[13]Ernest Belfort Bax wrote The Legal Subjection of Men in 1896, deriding the women's rights movement as a farcical effort by women—the "privileged sex"—to prove they were "oppressed."[14]
Three loosely connected men's rights organizations formed in Austria in the interwar period. The League for Men's Rights was founded in 1926 with the goal of "combating all excesses of women's emancipation".[15][16][17][18] In 1927, the Justitia League for Family Law Reform and the Aequitas World's League for the Rights of Men split from the League of Men's Rights.[15][16] The three men's rights groups opposed women's entry into the labor market and what they saw as the corrosive influence of the women's movement on social and legal institutions. They criticized marriage and family laws, especially the requirement to pay spousal and child support to former wives and illegitimate children, and supported the use of blood tests to determine paternity.[15][16]Justitia and Aequitas issued their own short-lived journals Men's Rightists Newspaper and Self-Defense where they expressed their views that were heavily influenced by the works of Heinrich Schurtz, Otto Weininger, and Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels. The organizations ceased to exist before 1939.[15][16]
Split from men's liberation movement
Warren Farrell, a proponent of the men's rights movement
The modern men's rights movement emerged from the men's liberation movement, which appeared in the first half of the 1970s when scholars began to study feminist ideas and politics.[19][20] These scholars acknowledged men's institutionalized power while critically examining the consequences of hegemonic masculinity,[19] believing that both men and women suffered in a patriarchal society.[21] The men's liberation movement was led by psychologists who argued that femininity and masculinity were socially formed behaviors and not the result of genes. They tried to balance the two ideas that men were responsible for oppressing women, but also being oppressed themselves by strict gender roles.[19][22][23]
In the mid-1970s, this movement began to focus on the oppression of men and less on the effects of sexism on women.[24] In the late 1970s, the movement split into two separate strands with opposing views: the pro-feminist men's movement and the anti-feminist men's rights movement,[19] which sees men as an oppressed group.[21][25][26][27][28]
In the 1980s, the men's rights movement focused only on the ways that sex roles discriminated against males rather than the oppression it inflicted on both genders. Author Herb Goldberg claimed that the U.S. was a "matriarchal society" because women have the power to transgress gender roles and assume masculine and feminine roles, while males are still constrained to the purely masculine role.[29] Reneé Blank and Sandra Slipp in 1994 compiled the testimonies of men who believed they were discriminated againstbased on their sex and race. This occurred in a time where women were entering the work force and obtaining managerial positions.[30][31]
A major concern of the men's rights movement has been the issue of fathers' rights.[21] In the 1980s and 1990s, men's rights activists opposed societal changes sought by feminists and defended the patriarchal gender order in the family, schools and the workplace.[32] Sociologist Michael Kimmel states that their earlier critiques of gender roles "morphed into a celebration of all things masculine and a near infatuation with the traditional masculine role itself".[33]
Men's rights groups have formed in some European countries during periods of shifts toward conservatism and policies supporting patriarchal family and gender relations.[42] In the United States, the men's rights movement has ideological ties to neoconservatism.[43][44] Men's rights activists have received lobbying support from conservative organizations[45] and their arguments have been covered extensively in neoconservative media.[46]
The men's rights movement has become more vocal and more organized since the development of the Internet,[51][52] where activists tend to congregate.[53][54] Men's rights websites and forums have proliferated within the online manosphere.[55][56][51] Paul Elam's site A Voice for Men (AVFM) functions as a central point of discussion and organization for men's rights issues.[57] Other sites dedicated to men's rights are the Fathers Rights Foundation,[58]MGTOW.com (Men Going Their Own Way),[55] and several Reddit forums such as /r/MensRights and /r/TheRedPill.[56][59][60] Men's rights proponents often use the red pill and blue pill metaphor from the film The Matrix to identify each other online;[53][58] those who accept the idea that men are the oppressed victims of a misandrist society are said to have "taken the red pill".[56][61] While some of the groups have adversarial relationships with one another,[61] they tend to be united in their misogyny, promotion of masculinity, and opposition to feminism.[62][63]
Ideology
Many scholars consider the men's rights movement a backlash[2] or countermovement[64] to feminism. The men's rights movement generally incorporates points of view that reject feminist and profeminist ideas.[44][19] Men's rights activists say feminism has radicalized its objective and harmed men.[19][25][65][66] Men's rights activists believe that men are victims of feminism and "feminizing" influences in society,[67] and that entities such as public institutions now discriminate against men.[68][25]
A central idea of men's rights activism is that feminism has given women unfair advantages in society, causing men to become a disadvantaged group.[69] Men's rights activists dispute that men as a group have institutional power and privilege[44][70] and believe that men are victimized relative to women,[71][72][19][73] including in regard to what had been considered feminist concerns, such as domestic violence, pornography, prostitution, and sexism in mass media.[21] The movement is divided between those who consider sexism equally harmful to both men and women and those who view men as disadvantaged relative to women, who benefit from "female privilege".[74]
Men's rights groups generally reject the notion that feminism is interested in men's problems,[44] and some men's rights activists have viewed the women's movement as a plot to deliberately conceal discrimination against men and promote gynocentrism.[19][75][72]Warren Farrell and Herb Goldberg have argued that women hold the true power in society through their roles as the primary caregivers of children, and that male power is an illusion.[25]
Sociologist Michael Messner states that the early men's rights movement "appropriates the symmetrical language of sex roles" first used by feminists, which implies a false balance of institutional power between men and women.[19] Masculinities scholar Jonathan A. Allan described the men's rights movement as a reactionary movement that is defined by its opposition to women and feminism but has not yet formulated its own theories and methodologies outside of antifeminism.[67]
Men's rights activists seek to expand the rights of unwed fathers in case of their child's adoption.[78][79] Warren Farrell argues that in failing to inform the father of a pregnancy, an expectant mother deprives an adopted child of a relationship with the biological father. He proposes that women be legally required to make every reasonable effort to notify the father of her pregnancy within four to five days.[79] In response, philosopher James P. Sterba agrees that, for moral reasons, a woman should inform the father of the pregnancy and adoption, but this should not be imposed as a legal requirement as it might result in undue pressure, for example, to have an abortion.[80]
Anti-dowry laws
Men's rights organizations such as Save Indian Family Foundation (SIFF) say that women misuse legislation meant to protect them from dowry death and bride burnings.[81] SIFF is a men's rights organization in India that focuses on abuse of anti-dowry laws against men.[82] SIFF has campaigned to abolish Section 498A[83] of the Indian Penal Code, which penalizes cruelty by husbands (and the husband's family) in pursuit of dowry or for driving a wife to suicide.[84][85] SIFF states anti-dowry laws are regularly being abused to settle petty disputes in marriage[86] and that they regularly receive calls from many men who allege their wives have used false dowry claims to imprison them.[87]
Family law is an area of deep concern among men's rights groups. Men's rights adherents argue that the legal system and family courts discriminate against men, especially in regards to child custody after divorce.[88][76][89][90] They believe that men do not have the same contact rights or equitable shared parenting rights as their ex-spouse and use statistics on custody awards as evidence of judicial bias against men.[91] Men's rights advocates seek to change the legal climate for men through changes in family law[citation needed], for example by lobbying for laws that make joint custody the default custody arrangement except in cases where one parent is unfit or unwilling to parent.[92][91] They have appropriated the feminist rhetoric of "rights" and "equality" in their discourse, framing child custody as a matter of basic civil rights.[19][64][93][94] Men's rights activists argue that the lack of contact with their children makes fathers less willing to pay child support.[95] Others cite the discredited parental alienation syndrome (PAS) or parental alienation as a reason to grant custody to fathers; they claim that mothers alienate children from their fathers and make false accusations of abuse in order to seek revenge against fathers.[96][97][98][90]
Scholars and critics assert that empirical research does not support the notion of a judicial bias against men[88] and that men's rights advocates distort statistics in a way that ignores the fact that the majority of men do not seek custody, and the overwhelming majority of custody cases are settled outside of court.[91]
Academics critique the rhetorical framing of custody decisions, stating that men's rights advocates appeal for "equal rights" without ever specifying the legal rights they believe have been violated.[99] Scholars and critics assert that the men's rights rhetoric of children's "needs" that accompanies their plea for fathers' rights is merely to deflect criticism that they are motivated by self-interest and masks men's rights advocates' own claims.[64][100][4] Critics argue that abusive men use allegations of parental alienation to counter mothers' legitimate concerns about their and their chlldren's safety.[97][98][90]Deborah Rhode argues that, contrary to the claims of some men's rights activists, research shows that joint legal custody does not increase the likelihood that fathers will pay child support or remain involved parents.[101]Michael Flood argues that the fathers' and men's rights movement seems to prioritize re-establishing paternal authority over the children, rather than actual involvement, and that they prioritize principles of equality over the positive parenting and well-being of the children.[102]
Observers[who?] have stated that the 'intactivist' movement, an anti-circumcision movement, has some overlap with the men's rights movement.[67][103] Most men's rights activists object to routine neonatal circumcision and say that female genital mutilation has received more attention than male circumcision.[67][104][105][106]
Men's rights groups in the United States began organizing in opposition to divorce reform and custody issues around the 1960s. Up until this time, husbands held legal power and control over wives and children.[117] The men involved in the early organization claimed that family and divorce law discriminated against them and favored their wives.[118] Men's rights leader Rich Doyle likened divorce courts to slaughterhouses, considering their judgements unsympathetic and unreasonable.[119]
Men's rights activists have argued that divorce and custody laws violate men's individual rights to equal protection. Law professor Gwendolyn Leachman writes that this sort of framing "downplays the systemic biases that women face that justify protective divorce and custody laws".[120]
Men's rights groups describe domestic violence committed by women against men as a problem that goes ignored, under-reported,[121][122] and under-researched,[123] in part because men are reluctant to label themselves as victims.[122] They say that women are as aggressive or more aggressive than men in relationships[124] and that domestic violence is gender-symmetrical.[125][126] They cite controversial family conflict research by Murray Straus and Richard Gelles as evidence of gender symmetry.[127][126] Men's rights advocates argue that judicial systems too easily accept false allegations of domestic violence by women against male partners.[128] Men's rights advocates have been critics of legal, policy and practical protections for abused women,[126][129][130] campaigning for domestic violence shelters for battered men[121][122] and for the legal system to be educated about women's violence against men.[121] In the early 21st or late 20th century, the National Coalition for Free Men sued the Minnesota state, calling for funding to women's domestic violence programmes to be removed under the idea that they "discriminate against men".[131]
In response to such claims, family violence scholar Richard Gelles published an article entitled "Domestic Violence: Not An Even Playing Field" and accused the men's rights movement of distorting his research findings on men's and women's violence to promote a misogynistic agenda.[132] Many domestic violence scholars and advocates have rejected the research cited by men's rights activists as flawed,[133][134] disputing their claims that such violence is gender symmetrical,[19][124][135][136] saying that their focus on women's violence stems from a political agenda to minimize the severity of the problem of men's violence against women and children[134] and to undermine services to abused women.[124][136]
Men's rights adherents describe the education of boys as being in crisis, with boys having reduced educational achievement and motivation compared to girls.[137] Advocates blame the influence of feminism on education for what they believe is discrimination against and systematic oppression of boys in the education system.[138][139] They critique what they describe as the "feminization" of education, stating that the predominance of female teachers, a focus on girls' needs, as well as a curricula and assessment methods that supposedly favour girls, have proved repressive and restrictive to men and boys.[137][140]
Men's rights groups call for increased recognition of masculinity, greater numbers of male role models, more competitive sports, and the increased responsibilities for boys in the school setting. They have also advocated clearer school routines, more traditional school structures, including gender-segregated classrooms, and stricter discipline.[140]
One primary characteristic of men's rights groups is the view of boys as a homogeneous group that shares common educational experiences; this means that it fails to account for how responses to educational approaches may differ by age, disability, culture, ethnicity, sexuality, religion, and class.[140]
In Australia, men's rights discourse has influenced government policy documents. Compared to Australia, less impact has been noted in the United Kingdom, where feminists have historically had less influence on educational policy.[138] However, Mary Curnock Cook, the British Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) chief executive, argued that in Britain "despite the clear evidence and despite the press coverage, there is a deafening policy silence on the issue. Has the women's movement now become so normalised that we cannot conceive of needing to take positive action to secure equal education outcomes for boys?"[139]
Governmental structures
Men's rights groups have called for governmental structures to address issues specific to men and boys including education, health, work and marriage.[141][142][143]Men's rights groups in India have called for the creation of a Men's Welfare Ministry and a National Commission for Men, or for the abolition of the National Commission for Women.[141][144][145] In the United Kingdom, the creation of a Minister for Men analogous to the existing Minister for Women, has been proposed by David Amess, MP and Lord Northbourne, but was rejected by the government headed by Prime Minister Tony Blair.[142][146][147] In the United States, Warren Farrell heads a commission focused on the creation of a White House Council on Boys and Men as a counterpart to the White House Council on Women and Girls, which was formed in March 2009.[137][143]
Health
Men's rights groups view the health issues faced by men, and their shorter life spans compared to women globally, as evidence of discrimination and oppression.[76][148] They claim that feminism has led to women's health issues being privileged at the expense of men's.[149] They highlight certain disparities in funding of men's health issues as compared to women's, stating that, for example, prostate cancer research receives less funding than breast-cancer research.[148][150] However, women and minorities had typically been excluded from medical research until the 1990s.[151][152]Viviana Simon states, "Most biomedical and clinical research has been based on the assumption that the male can serve as representative of the species." Medical scholars warn that such false assumptions are still prevalent.[153] Contrary to antifeminist assertions, empirical findings suggest that gender bias against females remains the norm in medicine.[154][155][pageneeded] Farrell argues that industrialization raised the stress level of men while lowering the stress-level of women by pulling men away from the home and the family, and pushing women closer to home and family. He cites this an explanation why men are more likely to die from all 15 leading causes of death than women at all ages. He argues that the U.S. government having an Office of Research on Women's Health but no Office of Research on Men's Health, along with the U.S. federal government spending twice as much money on Women's health, shows that society considers men more disposable than women.[156][timeneeded]
Scholars have critiqued these claims,[134][148][157] stating, as Michael Messner puts it, that the poorer health outcomes are the heavy costs paid by men "for conformity with the narrow definitions of masculinity that promise to bring them status and privilege"[157] and that these costs fall disproportionately on men who are marginalized socially and economically.[157] According to Michael Flood, men's health would best be improved by "tackling destructive notions of manhood, an economic system which values profit and productivity over workers' health, and the ignorance of service providers", instead of blaming a feminist health movement.[158] Genevieve Creighton & John L Oliffe have stated that men engage in positive health practices, such as reducing fat intake and alcohol, to conform to positive masculine ideals.[159] Some have argued that biology contributes to the life-expectancy gap. For example, it has been found that females consistently outlive males among primates. Eunuchs, castrated before puberty, have shown to live with varying differences, more than other males, pointing to testosterone levels playing a role in the life-expectancy gap.[160] Luy and Gast found that the female–male life expectancy gap is primarily due to higher mortality rates among specific sub-populations of men. They therefore state that social programs should be narrowly targeted to those sub-populations, rather than to men as a whole.[161]
Homelessness
Glen Poole, author of the book Equality For Men, argues that homelessness is a gendered issue, saying that in Britain, most homeless people are male.[162] A 2018 study focused on three Pennsylvania emergency departments found little difference in the number of men and women who self-reported as homeless; however, the study did not claim to reflect the homeless population in the United States as a whole.[163][non-primary source needed] In 2022, most homeless individuals were male. [164] Men are also more likely to be unsheltered than women, this may be partly due to the administrators of the homelessness system prioritizing vulnerability, age, or risk of violence over serving men and women equally. But, many reasons are found outside the homelessness system, like men being over-represented in the criminal justice system and more likely to drop out of school than women. [165] For information on the homeless population of the United States as a whole, see Homelessness in the United States.
Men's rights campaigners believe that men receive harsher treatment than women in criminal justice systems around the world. They cite the disproportionate number of men in prison as evidence of this.[166] In the United States,[167] the United Kingdom,[168] Australia,[169] India[170] and across the European Union,[171] 90–95% of prison inmates are male. Studies have shown that, compared with women who commit similar crimes, men are more likely to be incarcerated, receive longer prison sentences, and have to serve a greater portion of their sentences.[172][173][174][175][176][177][178] According to Warren Farrell, a man convicted of murder in the United States is twenty times more likely to receive a death sentence than a woman convicted of murder.[177] There is also evidence that female sex offenders are treated with more leniency than their male counterparts.[179] Farrell believes society considers women to be naturally more innocent and credible, and criticizes battered woman and infanticide defenses.[177] He criticizes conditions in men's prisons and the lack of attention to prison male-to-male rape by authorities.[177]
Men's rights activists argue that the sole military conscription of men is an example of discrimination against men.[76][180] Historically, most societies have only required men to be conscripted. According to David Benatar, "perhaps the most obvious example of male disadvantage is the long history of social and legal pressures on men, but not on women, to enter the military and to fight in war, thereby risking their lives and bodily and psychological health. Where the pressure to join the military has taken the form of conscription, the costs of avoidance have been self-imposed exile, imprisonment, physical assault or, in the most extreme circumstances, execution."[181] Around 80 countries worldwide still use conscription in various forms, and most of these have a male-only draft.[181] As of 2018, only two countries – Norway and Sweden – required women to be conscripted under the same formal conditions as men.[182][183]
In the United States, all males ages 18–25 are required to register for Selective Service. Failure to do so can result in fines, imprisonment, and ineligibility for student loans and federal employment. Women are not required to register. In 1971, draft resisters in the United States initiated a class-action suit alleging that male-only conscription violated men's rights to equal protection under the US constitution.[184][185] When the case, Rostker v. Goldberg, reached the Supreme Court in 1981, they were supported by a men's rights group and multiple feminist groups, including the National Organization for Women.[185] However, the Supreme Court upheld the Military Selective Service Act,[184] stating that 'the argument for registering women was based on considerations of equity, but Congress was entitled, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to focus on the question of military need, rather than 'equity''.[186] The 2016 decision by Defense Secretary Ash Carter to make all combat positions open to women relaunched debate over whether or not women should be required to register for the Selective Service System.[187] In the case National Coalition for Men v. Selective Service System, the Southern District Court of Texas ruled the male-only draft unconstitutional.
Men's and fathers' rights groups interest in "paternity fraud" or mistaken paternity falls into two main categories: men who are compelled to provide financial support for a child that has been proven by DNA testing not to be their biological offspring, and men who have been led to believe that the children they are raising are their own, and have subsequently discovered otherwise.[188] They hold biological views of fatherhood, emphasizing the imperative of the genetic foundation of paternity rather than social aspects of fatherhood.[188][189] They state that men should not be forced to support children fathered by another man,[190] and that men are harmed because a relationship is created between a man and non-biological children while denying the children and their biological father of that experience and knowledge of their genetic history. In addition, they say non-biological fathers are denied the resources to have their own biological children in another relationship.[188]
Men's rights activists support the use of one-parent consent paternity testing to reassure presumed fathers about the child's paternity;[190] men's and fathers' rights groups have also called for compulsory paternity testing of all children.[188][191][192] They have campaigned vigorously in support of men who have been shown by genetic testing not to be the biological father, but who are nevertheless required to be financially responsible for them.[189] Prompted by these concerns, legislators in certain jurisdictions have supported this biological view and have passed laws providing relief from child support payments when a man is proved not to be the father.[188][189] Australian men's rights groups have opposed the recommendations of a report by the Australian Law Reform Commission and the National Health and Medical Research Council that would require the informed consent of both parents for paternity testing of young children,[190] and laws that would make it illegal to obtain a sample for DNA testing without the individual's informed consent.[193]
Estimates of the extent of misattributed paternity vary considerably. Some campaigners claim that between 10% and 30% of children are being parented by men who are unaware that they are not the biological father, but Professor Leslie Cannold writes that these numbers have been inflated by an order of magnitude, with about 1% seen in Australia and the UK, and 3% observed in the US.[188] Sociologist Michael Gilding asserts that men's rights activists have exaggerated the rate and extent of misattributed paternity, which he estimates at about 1–3%.[191][194][195] Gilding opposed as unnecessary calls for mandatory paternity testing of all children.[191] Even the lowest estimates of the prevalence of paternity fraud suggest it affects tens of thousands of men in the US alone.[196]
Men's rights activists believe there are a significant number of false accusations of rape,[197] and have proposed legal changes to protect men in those situations.[198]
Men's rights proponents believe that the naming of the accused while providing the accuser (victim) with anonymity encourages abuse of this kind.[199] Men's rights advocates have also claimed that rape "has been used as a scam."[200] Studies from the United States, Australia, and the Britain have found the percentage of estimated false or unsubstantiated rape allegations to be around 2% to 8%.[201][202][203][204]
Whilst false accusations of rape often receive much online and media attention, the vast majority do not lead to conviction or wrongful jail time despite the claims of some organisations.[205] A study from the British Home Office for example, shows that in the early 2000s, of 216 sexual assault cases that were classified as false allegations, only six led to an arrest and just two led to charges against the accused before ultimately being ruled as false.[205][206][207]
To argue the issue of false accusations of rape, the categories of 'false' and 'unsubstantiated' are often conflated, such as the National Coalition for Men citing reports such as the 1996 FBI summary that finds a rate of 8% for unsubstantiated forcible rape, which is four times higher than the average for all index crimes as a whole.[208][non-primary source needed] Experts emphasize that verified false allegations are a distinct category from unsubstantiated allegations, and conflating the two is fallacious.[209] These figures are widely debated due to the questionable methodology and small sample sizes.[210][211]
Men's rights activists have also raised contention on the issue of sexual violence against men, especially in the context of the stigma surrounding male victims of rape and the legal troubles they face, including being counter-sued for rape, child support (see Hermesmann v. Seyer), and lack of action. Men's rights activists have also criticized the lack of attention towards prison male-to-male rape by authorities.[208][non-primary source needed]
Legislation and judicial decisions criminalizing marital rape are opposed by some men's rights groups in the United Kingdom,[212][213][214][215] the United States[126][216] and India.[217][218] The reasons for opposition include concerns about false allegations related to divorce proceedings,[219][220][221] and the belief that sex within marriage is an irrevocable part of the institution of marriage.[222][223] In India, there has been anxiety about relationships[224] and the future of marriage that such laws have given women "grossly disproportional rights".[225] Virag Dhulia of the Save Indian Family Foundation, a men's rights organization, has opposed recent efforts to criminalize marital rape in India, arguing that "no relationship will work if these rules are enforced".[224]
Critique of men's rights rape discourse
Feminist scholars Lise Gotell and Emily Dutton argue that content on the manosphere reveals anti-feminist arguments, including that sexual violence is a gender-neutral problem, feminists are responsible for erasing men's experiences of victimization, false allegations are widespread, and that rape culture is a feminist-produced moral panic. They contend it is important to engage [this topic] as there is a real danger that MRA (Men's Rights Activism) claims could come to define the popular conversation about sexual violence.[226]
Men's rights campaigners assert that while a woman has several legal avenues to opt out of being a mother after conception (abortion, adoption, safe haven laws), a man has no choice in whether he becomes a father and is at the mercy of the mother's decision.[227][228] Moreover, a man who fathers a child as a result of reproductive coercion or a sexual assault by a woman can still be compelled to support the child financially.[229] Cases in Kansas, California and Arizona have established that a male raped as a minor by a woman can be held legally responsible for a child that results from the assault, a situation the director of the National Center for Men described as "off-the-charts ridiculous" that "wouldn't be tolerated" if the genders were reversed.[230] According to Warren Farrell, "Roe v. Wade gave women the vote over their bodies. Men still don't have the vote over theirs—whether in love or war."[231][third-party source needed]
In consequence, some advocate for "paper abortion", which would allow the biological father, before the birth of the child, to opt out of any rights, privileges, and responsibilities toward the child, including financial support.[citation needed]
In 2006, the American National Center for Men backed Dubay v. Wells, a lawsuit which concerned whether men should have the opportunity to decline all paternity rights and responsibilities in the event of an unplanned pregnancy. Supporters argued that this would allow the woman time to make an informed decision and give men the same reproductive rights as women.[232] The case and the appeal were dismissed, with the U.S. Court of Appeals (Sixth Circuit) stating that neither parent has the right to sever their financial responsibilities for a child and that "Dubay's claim that a man's right to disclaim fatherhood would be analogous to a woman's right to abortion rests upon a false analogy".[233][234]
Social security and insurance
Men's rights groups argue that women are given superior social security and tax benefits than men.[44] Warren Farrell states that men in the United States pay more into social security, but in total, women receive more in benefits, and that discrimination against men in insurance and pensions have gone unrecognized.[235][third-party source needed]
Men's rights activists point to higher suicide rates in men compared to women.[148][149] In the United States for example, the male-to-female suicide death ratio varies, approximately, between 3:1 and 10:1,[236] and some studies have shown a higher suicidal intent in men.[237]
In Australia, 75% of suicides are male,[238][239] with, on average, 6 men killing themselves each day.[240]
Studies have also found an over-representation of women in attempted or incomplete suicides and men in complete suicides.[241] This phenomenon, described as the "gender paradox in suicide," is argued to derive from a tendency for females to use less lethal methods and greater male access and use of lethal methods.[241][242]
Karen DeCrow was an American attorney, author, and activist and feminist, who served as president of the National Organization for Women from 1974 to 1977, she was also a strong supporter of equal rights for men in child custody decisions, arguing for a "rebuttable presumption" of shared custody after divorce.[252] She also asserted that men as well as women should be allowed the decision not to become a parent, and was an avid supporter of father's rights movements, and argued that domestic violence is a "two-way street."[252] As a result, DeCrow found she was "increasingly at odds with the organization she had once led, though she never broke with it."[252]
Marc Angelucci was an American attorney, men's rights activist, and the vice-president of the National Coalition for Men (NCFM).[253] As a lawyer, he represented several cases related to men's rights issues, most prominently National Coalition for Men v. Selective Service System, in which the federal judge declared the male-only selective-service system unconstitutional, and Woods v. Horton, which ruled that the California State Legislature had unconstitutionally excluded men from domestic violence victim protection programs.[254][255]
Warren Farrell is an American educator, activist and author of seven books on men's and women's issues.
Farrell initially came to prominence in the 1970s as a supporter of second wave feminism; he served on the New York City Board of the National Organization for Women (NOW). Generally considered the 'Father of Men's Rights Movement,'" Farrell advocates for "a gender liberation movement, with "both sexes walking a mile in each other's moccasins."[256]
Herb Goldberg was the author of the book What Men Still Don't Know About Women, Relationships, and Love,The Hazards of Being Male: Surviving the Myth of Masculine Privilege (1975), and What Men Really Want and Men's Secrets related to the formative men's movement. He was a professor emeritus of psychology at California State University, Los Angeles and a practicing psychologist in Los Angeles.[257]
Bettina Arndt is an Australian men's right activist who was awarded the Order of Australia for gender equity in 2020.[262] Despite heavy criticism, the Council of the Award of Australia decided not to strip her of the award.[262][undue weight?–discuss]
Reception
Many authors have characterized the men's rights movement as misogynistic.[263] The Southern Poverty Law Center has stated that while some of the websites, blogs and forums related to the movement "voice legitimate and sometimes disturbing complaints about the treatment of men, what is most remarkable is the misogynistic tone that pervades so many."[133][264][265] After further research into the movement, the SPLC elaborated: "A thinly veiled desire for the domination of women and a conviction that the current system oppresses men in favor of women are the unifying tenets of the male supremacist worldview."[10] Other studies have pointed towards men's rights groups in India trying to change or completely abolish important legal protections for women as a form of "patriarchal anxiety" as well as being hostile towards women.[266] In 2024 UN Women described men's rights, anti-gender and gender-critical movements as examples of anti-rights movements and linked them to "hateful propaganda and disinformation to target and attempt to delegitimize people with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities, gender expressions, and sex characteristics."[12]
The venue for the first Men's Rights Conference in the US received death threats, calls, and demonstrations[267] forcing the organizers to raise funds for extra security[268] and eventually change the venue.
Professor Ruth M. Mann of the University of Windsor in Canada suggests that men's rights groups fuel an international rhetoric of hatred and victimization by disseminating misinformation via online forums and websites containing constantly-updated "diatribes against feminism, ex-wives, child support, shelters, and the family law and criminal justice systems."[269] According to Mann, these stories reignite their hatred and reinforce their beliefs that the system is biased against men and that feminism is responsible for a large scale and ongoing "cover-up" of men's victimization. Mann says that although existing legislation in Canada acknowledges that men are also victims of domestic violence, men's rights advocates demand government recognition that men are equally or more victimized by domestic violence, claims not supported by the data.[269] Mann also states that in contrast to feminist groups, who have advocated for domestic violence services on behalf of other historically oppressed groups in addition to women, such as individuals impacted by poverty, ethnicity, disability, sexual orientation, etc., men's rights groups have attempted to achieve their goals by actively opposing and attempting to dismantle services and supports put in place to protect abused women and children.[269]
Other researchers such as Michael Flood have accused the men's rights movement, particularly the father's rights groups in Australia, of endangering women, children, and even men who are at greater risk of abuse and violence.[4][270] Flood states that the men's rights/father's rights groups in Australia pursue "equality with a vengeance" or equal policies with negative outcomes and motives in order to re-establish paternal authority over the well-being of children and women as well as positive parenting.[270]
Clatterbaugh, Kenneth (2007a). "Men's Rights". In Flood, Michael; Gardiner, Judith Kegan; Pease, Bob; Pringle, Keith (eds.). International Encyclopedia of Men and Masculinities. Routledge. pp.430–433. ISBN978-0-415-33343-6. The concept of men's rights embraces a variety of points of view that are overwhelmingly hostile to feminism or pro-feminism.
Doyle, Ciara (2004). "The Fathers' Rights Movement: Extending Patriarchal Control Beyond the Marital Family". In Herrman, Peter (ed.). Citizenship Revisited: Threats or Opportunities of Shifting Boundaries. New York: Nova Publishers. pp.61–62. ISBN978-1-59033-900-8.
Mills, Martin (2003). "Shaping the boys' agenda: the backlash blockbusters". International Journal of Inclusive Education. 7 (1): 57–73. doi:10.1080/13603110210143644. S2CID144875158.
↑ Ruzankina, E.A. (2010). "Men's movements and male subjectivity". Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia. 49 (1). Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe Inc.: 8–16. doi:10.2753/aae1061-1959490101. S2CID144841265.
Reprinted as Bax, E. Belfort (2015). The legal subjection of men (classic reprint). London: Forgotten Books. ISBN978-1-330-65750-8.
1 2 3 4 Malleier, Elisabeth (2003). "Der 'Bund für Männerrechte'. Die Bewegung der 'Männerrechtler' im Wien der Zwischenkriegszeit". Wiener Geschichtsblätter[de]. 58 (3): 208–233.
↑ "Men's Rights League in Vienna". The New York Times. 10 March 1926. p.20. Retrieved 6 June 2013. A 'League for Men's Rights' was founded today to protect men against Austrian feminism, which has grown rapidly since the war.
↑ Healy, Maureen (2004). Vienna and the Fall of the Habsburg Empire: Total War and Everyday Life in World War I. Cambridge UP. p.272. ISBN978-0-521-83124-6. As historians Sigrid Augeneder and Gabriella Hauch explain, legally removing women from traditional male jobs constituted one facet of the return to a 'healthy order' (gesunde Ordnung) in the postwar period. Hauch discusses the somewhat comical 'League for Men's Rights' founded in the 1920s to "protect the endangered existence of men.
1 2 3 4 5 6 Eagle, Jonna (2003). "Men's Movements". In Carroll, Bret (ed.). American Masculinities: A Historical Encyclopedia. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications. p.302. ISBN978-1-4522-6571-1.
↑ Baker, Maureen; Bakker, J. I. Hans (Autumn 1980). "The Double-Bind of the Middle Class Male: Men's Liberation and the Male Sex Role". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 11 (4): 547–561. doi:10.3138/jcfs.11.4.547.
↑ Blank, Renee; Slipp, Sandra (1 September 1994). "The white male: an endangered species?". Management Review. 83 (9): 27–33. GaleA15803282ProQuest206709029.
↑ Lingard, Bob; Mills, Martin; Weaver-Hightower, Marcus B. (2012). "Interrogating recuperative masculinity politics in schooling". International Journal of Inclusive Education. 16 (4): 407–421. doi:10.1080/13603116.2011.555095. S2CID144275951. The concept of recuperative masculinity politics was developed by Lingard and Douglas (1999) to refer to both mythopoetic (Biddulph 1995, 2010; Bly 1990) and men's rights politics (Farrell 1993). Both of these rejected the move to a more equal gender order and more equal gender regimes in all of the major institutions of society (e.g. the family, schools, universities, workplaces) sought by feminists and most evident in the political and policy impacts in the 1980s and 1990s from second-wave feminism of the 1970s. 'Recuperative' was used to specifically indicate the ways in which these politics reinforced, defended and wished to recoup the patriarchal gender order and institutional gender regimes.
↑ Lee, Calinda N. (2003). "Fathers' rights". In Carroll, Bret E. (ed.). American Masculinities: A Historical Encyclopedia. Vol.One. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications. p.167. ISBN978-0-7619-2540-8.
1 2 Hodapp, Christa (2017). Men's Rights, Gender, and Social Media. Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books. p.xv. ISBN978-1-49-852617-3. The manosphere is a group of loosely associated websites, blogs, and forums all concerned with masculinity and men's issues, and includes input from the MRM, pick-up artists, anti-feminists, and fathers' rights activists.
↑ Hodapp 2017, p.8: "The MRM is related to the manosphere, a loose association of websites and organizations promoting certain forms of masculinity and generally expressing a disdain for feminism."
1 2 3 Williams, Rhys H. (1995). "Constructing the Public Good: Social Movements and Cultural Resources". Social Problems. 42 (1): 134–135. CiteSeerX10.1.1.1016.677. doi:10.2307/3097008. JSTOR3097008. Another example of contractual model rhetoric is in the language of the Men's Rights movement. As a countermovement to the feminist movement, it has concentrated on areas generally thought of as family law—especially divorce and child custody laws. The movement charges that maternal preference in child custody decisions is an example of gender prejudice, with men the ones who are systematically disadvantaged... Men's Rights groups... have adopted much of the rhetoric of the early liberal feminist movement... Similarly, along with the appeal to "equal rights for fathers"... the Men's Rights movement also uses a rhetoric of children's "needs"... The needs rhetoric helps offset charges that their rights language is motivated by self-interest alone.
↑ Allen, Jonathan A. (9 March 2015). "Phallic Affect". Men and Masculinities. 19: 22–41. doi:10.1177/1097184X15574338. S2CID147829870. The men's rights movement is distinct from other explorations of masculinity insofar as the movement itself is fundamentally situated in opposition to feminist theory and activism.
1 2 Flood, Michael (2007). "Men's Movement". In Flood, Michael; Gardiner, Judith Kegan; Pease, Bob; Pringle, Keith (eds.). International Encyclopedia of Men and Masculinities. Routledge. pp.418–422. ISBN978-0-415-33343-6– via XYOnline.net.
↑ Clatterbaugh, Kenneth (2007b). "Anti-feminism". In Flood, Michael; Gardiner, Judith Kegan; Pease, Bob; Pringle, Keith (eds.). International Encyclopedia of Men and Masculinities. Routledge. pp.21–22. ISBN978-0-415-33343-6.
↑ Clatterbaugh 1997, p.11: "Indeed the premise of all men's rights literature is that men are not privileged relative to women... Having denied that men are privileged relative to women, this movement divides into those who believe that men and women are equally harmed by sexism and those who believe that society has become a bastion of female privilege and male degradation.
↑ Johnson, Allan G. (2005). The Gender Knot: Unraveling our Patriarchal Legacy. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. p.220. ISBN978-1-59213-383-3. such problems are prominent in many men's lives, but this is no organized male response to the patriarchal system whose dynamics produce much of men's loss, suffering, and grief. Contrary to Bly's claim, it is not a parallel to the women's movement that is merely on a "different timetable." It may be a response to genuine emotional and spiritual needs that are met by bringing men together to drum, chant, and share stories and feelings from their lives. It may help to heal some of the damage patriarchy does to men's lives. But it is not a movement aimed at the system and the gender dynamics that actually cause that damage.
1 2 Melville, Angela; Hunter, Rosemary (2001). "'As everybody knows': Countering myths of gender bias in family law"(PDF). Griffith Law Review. 10 (1): 124–138. Several authors have observed that men's rights groups claim that the family law system and the Family Court are biased against men, despite the lack of supporting empirical research. Also available through HeinOnline.
↑ Pease, Bob (2002). Men and gender relations. Croydon, Vic.: Tertiary Press. p.36. ISBN978-0-86458-218-8.
↑ Coltrane, Scott; Hickman, Neal (1992). "The Rhetoric of Rights and Needs: Moral Discourse in the Reform of Child Custody and Child Support Laws". Social Problems. 39 (4): 400–420. doi:10.2307/3097018. JSTOR3097018.
↑ Ryrstedt, Eva (2003). "Joint decisions – a prerequisite or a drawback in joint parental responsibility?". Australian Journal of Family Law. 17 (2): 155–206. Research has highlighted that it is usually disaffected fathers and men's rights groups, who have masked their own claims behind the rhetoric of the rights of the child to know and be cared for by both parents.
1 2 El-Salam, Seham Abd (2002–2003). "The Importance of Genital Mutilations to Gender Power Politics". Al-Raida. 20 (99): 42. Women's defense of men's right to bodily integrity and their work against MGM will not have a negative impact on their struggle against FGM.
↑ Denniston, George C. (1999). Male and female circumcision medical, legal, and ethical considerations in pediatric practice. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. p.348. ISBN978-0-306-46131-6.
↑ Somerville, M. (2000). "Altering baby boys' bodies: the ethics of infant male circumcision". The Ethical Canary: Science, Society and the Human Spirit. Toronto: Viking Press. ISBN978-0-670-89302-7.
↑ Green, James (2007). The Male Herbal: The Definitive Health Care Book for Men & Boys (2nded.). Berkeley, Calif.: Crossing Press. ISBN978-1-58091-175-7. Circumcision: A Common Form of Disregard for Men's Rights… Glick emphasizes that infants are persons with full civil rights, and therefore no one has the right to impose circumcision on them—not even parents.
↑ Clark PA, Eisenman J, Szapor S (December 2007). "Mandatory neonatal male circumcision in Sub-Saharan Africa: medical and ethical analysis". Med. Sci. Monit. 13 (12): RA205–13. PMID18049444.
↑ Dragiewicz, Molly (2011). "Sex differences". Equality with a Vengeance: Men's Rights Groups, Battered Women, and Antifeminist Backlash. Boston: Northeastern University Press. pp.84–85. ISBN978-1-55553-739-5.
1 2 3 4 Donileen R. Loseke; Richard J. Gelles; Mary M. Cavanaugh (2005). Current controversies on family violence. SAGE. p.92. ISBN978-0-7619-2106-6. Other men's rights advocacy groups use family conflict research to justify demands [...] to eliminate laws defining marital rape as a crime (the Equal Justice Foundation: ww.ejfi.org).
↑ Dragiewicz, Molly (2011). "Introduction / Booth v. Hvass". Equality with a Vengeance: Men's Rights Groups, Battered Women, and Antifeminist Backlash. Boston: Northeastern University Press. pp.3–4, 29. ISBN978-1-55553-739-5.
↑ Kallenbach, Michael (16 June 2000). "Yesterday in Parliament". The Daily Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 12 January 2022. Retrieved 5 May 2010.
↑ Creighton, Genevieve; Oliffe, John L (2010). "Theorising masculinities and men's health: A brief history with a view to practice". Health Sociology Review. 19 (4): 413. doi:10.5172/hesr.2010.19.4.409. S2CID143771206.
↑ Luy, M.; Gast, K. (2014). "Do women live longer or do men die earlier? Reflections on the causes of sex differences in life expectancy". Gerontology. 60 (2): 143–153. doi:10.1159/000355310. PMID24296637. S2CID24794334.
↑ Starr, Sonja B. (29 August 2012). "Estimating Gender Disparities in Federal Criminal Cases". University of Michigan Law and Economics Research Paper. Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network. SSRN2144002.
↑ Stephen Blake Boyd; W. Merle Longwood; Mark William Muesse, eds. (1996). Redeeming men: religion and masculinities. Westminster John Knox Press. p.17. ISBN978-0-664-25544-2. In contradistinction to profeminism, however, the men's rights perspective addresses specific legal and cultural factors that put men at a disadvantage. The movement is made up of a variety of formal and informal groups that differ in their approaches and issues; Men's rights advocates, for example, target sex-specific military conscription and judicial practices that discriminate against men in child custody cases.
↑ "Who's your daddy?". Philadelphia Daily News. 5 October 2005. "I think the best solution is DNA testing at birth," said Glenn Sacks, a syndicated radio talk-show host who focuses on men's issues
↑ Henry, Ronald K. (Spring 2006). "The Innocent Third Party: Victims of Paternity Fraud". Family Law Quarterly of the American Bar Association. 40 (1).
↑ Lisak, David; Gardinier, Lori; Nicksa, Sarah C.; Cote, Ashley M. (December 2010). "False allegations of sexual assault: an analysis of ten years of reported cases". Violence Against Women. 16 (12): 1318–1334. doi:10.1177/1077801210387747. ISSN1552-8448. PMID21164210. S2CID15377916.
↑ Lisak, David; Gardinier, Lori; Nicksa, Sarah C.; Cote, Ashley M. (1 December 2010). "False Allegations of Sexual Assualt[sic]: An Analysis of Ten Years of Reported Cases". Violence Against Women. 16 (12): 1318–1334. doi:10.1177/1077801210387747. ISSN1077-8012. PMID21164210. S2CID15377916.
↑ Diduck, Allison; O'Donovan, Katherine, eds. (2007). Feminist Perspectives on Family Law. London: Routledge. pp.160–164. ISBN978-1-135-30963-3.
↑ Dunphy 2000, p.142 excerpt: "The conservative and unashamedly patriarchal nature of the men's rights lobby ... is well illustrated by some statements by one of its self-proclaimed spokesmen in the UK, Roger Whitcomb .. he reserved particular anger for the House of Lords ruling on marital rape in 1991 ('a long-standing feminist dream')".
↑ Segal, Lynne (1994). Straight Sex: Tethinking the Politics of Pleasure. Berkeley: University of California Press. p.276. ISBN978-0-520-20001-2. It is there that 7 February has been declared International Men's Day by the men's rights groups, celebrated in Kansas City in 1994 as a day for campaigning against the legal recognition of 'marital rape'...
↑ "Why men's rights activists are against inclusion of marital rape". First Post. 6 February 2013. Retrieved 10 March 2013. excerpt: "The Government has not included marital rape in its anti-rape ordinance appealing that it is a complex issue that involves multiple stakeholders... mens rights activists are constantly clamouring that Section 498(A), the Domestic Violence Act is being misused"
↑ Farrell 1994, p.338:"Spousal rape legislation is blackmail waiting to happen. If a man feels he needs to file for divorce, his wife can say 'If you do, I'll accuse you of spousal rape.' Spousal rape legislation is worse than government-as-substitute-husband. It's government in the bedroom"
↑ "Spousal Rape Laws". CNN. 31 July 1992. Tom Williamson, President National Coalition of Free Men: "I don't think that there should be anything called marital rape laws. I don't deny that the elements involved with rape can occur in a marriage. They certainly do. But the problem with the concept of having something called marital rape is that it makes every man vulnerable in a bad situation to blackmail. It makes them vulnerable to false accusations for a variety of motivations that we know exists"
↑ Young, Cathy (1 August 1994). "Complexities cloud marital rape case; William Hetherington has spent nine years in a Michigan prison, but proclaims his innocence – controversial case that pits one person's word against another in accusations of spousal rape". Insight on the News. Much of his support has come from men's rights organizations and conservative Christian groups, which tend to argue that a crime such as marital rape should not be on the books because consent to sex is part of the marriage covenant.
↑ Dhillon, Amrit (1 November 2006). "Women confident law will end culture of abuse". South China Morning Post. Retrieved 11 October 2012. The All India Harassed Husbands Association protested last week at the law. 'It gives such grossly disproportionate rights to women that men won't want to get married,' said member Akhil Gupta
↑ Higdon, Michael J. (14 February 2011). "Fatherhood by Conscription: Nonconsensual Insemination and the Duty of Child Support". University of Tennessee Legal Studies. 139. SSRN1761333.
1 2 Schrijvers, Didier L.; Bollen, Jos; Sabbe, Bernard G.C. (2012). "The gender paradox in suicidal behavior and its impact on the suicidal process – Journal of Affective Disorders". Journal of Affective Disorders. 138 (1–2): 19–26. doi:10.1016/j.jad.2011.03.050. PMID21529962.
↑ Ferguson, Moira; Katrak, Ketu H.; Miner, Valerie (2014) [originally published 1996]. "Feminism and Antifeminism: From Civil Rights to Culture Wars". In Clark, VèVè; Nelson Garner, Shirley; Higonnet, Margaret; Katrak, Ketu (eds.). Anti-feminism in the Academy. Routledge. pp.35–66. doi:10.4324/9781315865898-10 (inactive 1 November 2024). ISBN978-1-317-95907-6.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link)
"CAUT Statement on December 6". Canadian Association of University Teachers. Archived from the original on 18 May 2015. Retrieved 7 May 2015. Disturbingly, we have seen in the past year the rise of misogynist men's rights groups on campuses and in communities across the country – an alarming trend that requires our attention and action.
↑ Lodhia, Sharmila (1 August 2014). ""Stop importing weapons of family destruction!": cyberdiscourses, patriarchal anxieties, and the men's backlash movement in India". Violence Against Women. 20 (8): 905–936. doi:10.1177/1077801214546906. ISSN1552-8448. PMID25238869. S2CID538128.
Feminism is a range of socio-political movements and ideologies that aim to define and establish the political, economic, personal, and social equality of the sexes. Feminism holds the position that modern societies are patriarchal—they prioritize the male point of view—and that women are treated unjustly in these societies. Efforts to change this include fighting against gender stereotypes and improving educational, professional, and interpersonal opportunities and outcomes for women.
Misandry is the hatred of, contempt for, or prejudice against men or boys.
Radical feminism is a perspective within feminism that calls for a radical re-ordering of society in which male supremacy is eliminated in all social and economic contexts, while recognizing that women's experiences are also affected by other social divisions such as in race, class, and sexual orientation. The ideology and movement emerged in the 1960s.
Warren Thomas Farrell is an American political scientist and activist who initially came to prominence in the 1970s as a supporter of second wave feminism. He is the author of nine books on the issues of men, women, fathers, and couples’ communication. He served for three years on the New York City Board of the National Organization for Women (NOW). Farrell advocates for "a gender liberation movement", with "both sexes walking a mile in each other's moccasins".
Gender studies is an interdisciplinary academic field devoted to analysing gender identity and gendered representation. Gender studies originated in the field of women's studies, concerning women, feminism, gender, and politics. The field now overlaps with queer studies and men's studies. Its rise to prominence, especially in Western universities after 1990, coincided with the rise of deconstruction.
The fathers' rights movement is a social movement whose members are primarily interested in issues related to family law, including child custody and child support, that affect fathers and their children. Many of its members are fathers who desire to share the parenting of their children equally with their children's mothers—either after divorce or marital separation. The movement includes men as well as women, often the second wives of divorced fathers or other family members of men who have had some engagement with family law. Most Fathers' rights advocates argue for formal gender equality.
Sex-positive feminism, also known as pro-sex feminism, sex-radical feminism, or sexually liberal feminism, is a feminist movement centering on the idea that sexual freedom is an essential component of women's freedom. They oppose legal or social efforts to control sexual activities between consenting adults, whether they are initiated by the government, other feminists, opponents of feminism, or any other institution. They embrace sexual minority groups, endorsing the value of coalition-building with marginalized groups. Sex-positive feminism is connected with the sex-positive movement. Sex-positive feminism brings together anti-censorship activists, LGBT activists, feminist scholars, producers of pornography and erotica, among others. Sex-positive feminists believe that prostitution can be a positive experience if workers are treated with respect, and agree that sex work should not be criminalized.
Transfeminism, or trans feminism, is a branch of feminism focused on transgender women and informed by transgender studies. Transfeminism focuses on the effects of transmisogyny and patriarchy on trans women. It is related to the broader field of queer theory. The term was popularized by Emi Koyama in The Transfeminist Manifesto.
Pro-feminism refers to support of the cause of feminism without implying that the supporter is a member of the feminist movement. The term is most often used in reference to men who actively support feminism and its efforts to bring about the political, economic, cultural, personal, and social equality of women with men. A number of pro-feminist men are involved in political activism, most often in the areas of gender equality, women's rights, and ending violence against women.
Antifeminism, also spelled anti-feminism, is opposition to feminism. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, antifeminists opposed particular policy proposals for women's rights, such as the right to vote, educational opportunities, property rights, and access to birth control. In the mid and late 20th century, antifeminists often opposed the abortion-rights movement.
Sociology of gender is a subfield of sociology. As one of the most important social structures is status. One of the most important statuses an individual claims is gender. Public discourse and the academic literature generally use the term gender for the perceived or projected (self-identified) masculinity or femininity of a person.
The men's movement is a social movement that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s, primarily in Western countries, which consists of groups and organizations of men and their allies who focus on gender issues and whose activities range from self-help and support to lobbying and activism.
The men's liberation movement is a social movement critical of the restraints which society imposes on men. Men's liberation activists are generally sympathetic to feminist standpoints.
Since the 19th century, men have taken part in significant cultural and political responses to feminism within each "wave" of the movement. This includes seeking to establish equal opportunities for women in a range of social relations, generally done through a "strategic leveraging" of male privilege. Feminist men have also argued alongside writers like bell hooks, however, that men's liberation from the socio-cultural constraints of sexism and gender roles is a necessary part of feminist activism and scholarship.
This is a list of topics related to the issue of masculism, men's liberation, the men's movement, and men's rights:
Masculism or masculinism may variously refer to ideologies and socio-political movements that seek to eliminate discrimination against men, or increase adherence to or promotion of attributes regarded as typical of males. The terms may also refer to the men's rights movement or men's movement, as well as a type of antifeminism.
The manosphere is a varied collection of websites, blogs, and online forums promoting masculinity, misogyny, and opposition to feminism. Communities within the manosphere include men's rights activists (MRAs), incels, Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOW), pick-up artists (PUA), and fathers' rights groups. While the specifics of each group's beliefs sometimes conflict, they are generally united in the belief that society is biased against men due to the influence of feminism, and that feminists promote misandry, or hatred of men. Acceptance of these ideas is described as "taking the red pill", a metaphor borrowed from the film The Matrix.
Feminism in South Africa concerns the organised efforts to improve the rights of the girls and women of South Africa. These efforts are largely linked to issues of feminism and gender equality on one hand, and racial equality and the political freedoms of African and other non-White South African ethnic groups on the other. Early feminist efforts concerned the suffrage of White women, allowing them to vote in elections beginning from 1930s, and significant activism in the 1950s to demand equal pay of men and women. The 1980s were a major turning point in the advancement of South African women, and in 1994, following the end of the apartheid regime, the status of women was bolstered by changes to the country's constitution. Since the end of apartheid, South African feminism is a contribution associated with the liberation and democratization of the country, however, the movement still struggles with the embedded conservative and patriarchal views within some segments of South African society.
Carceral feminism is a critical term for types of feminism that advocate for enhancing and increasing prison sentences that deal with feminist and gender issues. The term criticises the belief that harsher and longer prison sentences will help work towards solving these issues. The phrase "carceral feminism" was coined by Elizabeth Bernstein, a feminist sociologist, in her 2007 article, "The Sexual Politics of the 'New Abolitionism'". Examining the contemporary anti-trafficking movement in the United States, Bernstein introduced the term to describe a type of feminist activism which casts all forms of sexual labor as sex trafficking. She sees this as a retrograde step, suggesting it erodes the rights of women in the sex industry, and takes the focus off other important feminist issues, and expands the neoliberal agenda.
Men Going Their Own Way is an anti-feminist, misogynistic, mostly online community advocating for men to separate themselves from women and society, which they believe has been corrupted by feminism. The community is a part of the manosphere, a collection of anti-feminist websites and online communities that also includes the men's rights movement, incels, and pickup artists.
Nathanson, P.; Young, K.K. (2001). Spreading Misandry: The Teaching of Contempt for Men in Popular Culture. McGill–Queen's University Press. ISBN978-0-7735-2272-5.
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