Non-citizen suffrage in the United States has been greatly reduced over time and historically has been a contentious issue. [1] [2]
Before 1926, as many as 40 states allowed non-citizens to vote in elections, usually with a residency requirement ranging from a few months to a few years. [3] [4] While federal law does not prohibit noncitizens from voting in state or local elections, no state has allowed noncitizens to vote in statewide elections since Arkansas became the last state to outlaw noncitizen voting in state elections in 1926. [5]
Since 1997, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 has prohibited non-citizens from voting in federal elections, with the threat of fines, imprisonment, inadmissibility and deportation. [6] [7] [8] Exempt from punishment is any noncitizen who, at the time of voting, had two natural or adoptive U.S. citizen parents, who began permanently living in the United States before turning 16 years old, and who reasonably believed that they were a citizen of the United States. [6]
As of December 2022, non-citizen voting is allowed for a handful of local elections, including in Winooski and Montpelier in Vermont, and in eleven cities in Maryland near Washington, D.C. [10] In 2023, D.C. itself started allowing local non-citizen voting. Additionally, the U.S. territories of American Samoa and the Northern Mariana Islands allow non-citizen US nationals to vote, a status granted to all persons born in American Samoa. [11] [12] All persons born in the Northern Mariana Islands automatically become US citizens at birth, as opposed to becoming US nationals at birth. Guam and Hawaii, by contrast, do not allow non-citizen US nationals to vote. Turnout by non-citizens in many of these cities remains very low (sometimes less than 0.5% of voters), with some non-citizens expressing fear about the spotlight and backlash around how voting might hurt their application to become citizens. [13]
In 2006, San Francisco State University political science professor and rights activist Ron Hayduk published a book entitled Democracy For All: Restoring Immigrant Voting Rights in the United States. The book presents additional elements of the historical and present reality of noncitizen voting rights in the United States. [4]
U.S. Representative Jamie Raskin has argued that the blanket exclusion of noncitizens from the ballot is neither constitutionally required nor historically normal. [14]
In 2017, journalist Joe Matthews called for universal suffrage in California. [15] [ importance? ]
While initial research showed that 22 states or territories, including colonies before the Declaration of Independence, have at some time given at least some voting rights to non-citizens in some or all elections, [14] [4] more recent and in-depth studies uncovered evidence of 40 states providing suffrage for non-citizens at some point before 1926. [3] For example, in 1875, the Supreme Court in Minor v. Happersett noted that "citizenship has not in all cases been made a condition precedent to the enjoyment of the right of suffrage. Thus, in Missouri, persons of foreign birth, who have declared their intention to become citizens of the United States, may under certain circumstances vote." [16]
Anti-Irish Catholic sentiment and anti-German Catholic sentiment following the War of 1812 and intensifying again in the 1840s lead many states, particularly in the Northeast, to amend their constitutions to prohibit non-citizens from voting. States that banned non-citizen voting during this time included New Hampshire in 1814, Virginia in 1818, Connecticut in 1819, New Jersey in 1820, Massachusetts in 1822, Vermont in 1828, Pennsylvania in 1838, Delaware in 1831, Tennessee in 1834, Rhode Island in 1842, Illinois in 1848, Ohio and Maryland in 1851, and North Carolina in 1856. [17]
By 1900, nearly half of the states and territories had some experience with voting by non-citizens, and for some the experience lasted more than half a century. [18] At the turn of the twentieth century, anti-immigration feeling ran high, and Alabama stopped allowing non-citizens to vote by way of a constitutional change in 1901; Colorado followed suit in 1902, Wisconsin in 1908, and Oregon in 1914. [19] Just as the nationalism unleashed by the War of 1812 helped to reverse the non-citizen suffrage policies inherited from the late eighteenth century, World War I caused a sweeping retreat from the progressive non-citizen suffrage policies of the late nineteenth century. [20] In 1918, Kansas, Nebraska, and South Dakota all changed their constitutions to purge non-citizen suffrage, and Texas ended the practice of noncitizen voting in primary elections by statute. [19] Indiana and Texas joined the trend in 1921, followed by Mississippi in 1924 and, finally, Arkansas in 1926. [21] In 1931, political scientist Leon Aylsworth noted that "[f]or the first time in over a hundred years, a national election was held in 1928 in which no alien in any state had the right to cast a vote for a candidate for any office – national, state, or local." [22]
1776–1819 [4]
1776–1831 [4]
1789–1799 [4]
1776–1851 [4]
1792–1814 [4]
1776–1820 [4]
1777 New York State Constitution, Article VII: "[E]very male inhabitant of full age, who shall have personally resided within one of the counties of this State for six months immediately preceding the day of election, shall, at such election, be entitled to vote for representatives of the said county in assembly; if, during the time aforesaid, he shall have been a freeholder, possessing a freehold of the value of twenty pounds, within the said county, or have rented a tenement therein of the yearly value of forty shillings, and been rated and actually paid taxes to this State: Provided always, That every person who now is a freeman of the city of Albany, or who was made a freeman of the city of New York on or before the fourteenth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, and shall be actually and usually resident in the said cities, respectively, shall be entitled to vote for representatives in assembly within his said place of residence." [24]
1776–1804 [4]
1704–1856 [4]
1787 Northwest Ordinance (valid until 1803) "Provided, That no person be eligible or qualified to act as a representative unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United States three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless he shall have resided in the district three years; and, in either case, shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple, two hundred acres of land within the same; Provided, also, That a freehold in 50 acres (200,000 m2) of land in the district, having been a citizen of one of the states, and being resident in the district, or the like freehold and two years residence in the district, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an elector of a representative." [25]
1762–1842 [4]
1790–? [4]
1796–1834 [4]
1876–1902 [4]
1863–1890 [4]
1879–? [4]
1865–1921 [4]
1864–1889 [4]
1854–1918 [4]
1848–1864 [4]
1889-1889/1909 [4]
1850–1907 [4]
1848–1914 [4]
1850–1918 [4]
(1853–1889)
(1850–1889)
Unlike the United States's other self-governing territories, American Samoa, an unincorporated, unorganized territory of the United States since 1900, has not been given jus soli birthright citizenship either by incorporation or act of Congress for those born in its borders. As a result, people born in American Samoa or any United States Minor Outlying Islands are not given automatic US citizenship but have instead been given US nationality without citizenship. [49] [50] [51]
Residents of the Northern Mariana Islands gained automatic US citizenship via the Covenant with the United States in November 1986, but also have the option (prior to reaching the age of 18) to reject US citizenship and accept non-citizen US nationality instead. [52]
Under American Samoa law and Northern Mariana Islands law, both US citizens and non-citizen nationals may register to vote, [11] [12] [ non-primary source needed ] making them the only jurisdictions at the state or territorial level that allow non-citizens to vote and making their delegates the only members of Congress voted for by non-citizens (though those members cannot themselves vote in Congress, because territories are not represented there in the Constitution).
Turnout by non-citizens has been very low (sometimes less than 0.5% of voters) in cities where non-citizen voting is legal only for some local elections, with some non-citizens expressing fear that about the spotlight and backlash and fear around how voting might hurt their application to become citizens. [13]
Non-citizen voting for anyone residing in the District at least 30 days was enacted on February 23, 2023. [53] [54] Non-citizen residents of DC may vote in local matters (such as mayor or referendums) but they may not vote in federal elections (such as US president or DC's house delegate). [55] As of April 30, 2024, out of 450,070 registered voters, 372 were noncitizens. [56]
Maryland ended noncitizen voting rights for state and federal elections in 1851, but its constitution recognizes the autonomy of local municipalities and localities on the subject. Localities with non-citizen voting in local elections include:
In November 2016 voters in San Francisco approved a proposal to allow just the parents of children in the San Francisco school system to vote in school board elections regardless of their immigration or citizenship status. [68] 65 non-citizen parents registered for the 2018 election, 36 parents registered for 2020, and 74 parents registered for the 2022 election. [69] Voters rejected similar proposals in 2004 and 2010. [70] It only applies to school board elections. [71]
On July 29, 2022, ordinance 206-21, which allowed noncitizens to vote in San Francisco school board elections, was struck down before being upheld in August 2023 along with a similar measure in Oakland. [72]
Montpelier citizens passed a charter change on November 6, 2018 that would afford full voting rights in municipal elections to any legal non-citizens residing in the city. [73] A similar proposal in Winooski passed in 2020. [74] Approval for all localities was granted by the Vermont state legislature in June 2021, overriding the veto of Governor Phil Scott. [75]
Cambridge approved the right of non-citizens to vote in local elections in 2000, but still needs the state to sign-off on the measure. [76]
The city of Yellow Springs passed a law by referendum in 2019, allowing non-citizens to vote in local elections. This was disallowed by Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose on the grounds that it was unconstitutional. [77] [78] The Ohio constitution was amended in 2022 to specifically exclude non-citizens from voting. [79]
In New York City, noncitizens who have children in public schools could vote in school board elections until 2002 when officials abolished school boards. [80] In 2021, New York City passed a law allowing legal immigrants the right to vote in city and borough elections. [80] This law was struck down in June 2022 as violating the New York State constitution, preventing it from going into effect. [81] An appeals court upheld that decision in February 2024, though the city planned to appeal further. [82] Previously, bills had been submitted at the New York City Council and at the New York State Assembly in 2003, 2005, 2006 and 2010. [83] In March 2025, the New York supreme court rules that noncitizen could not vote in municipal elections. [84]
As of January 10, 2025, sixteen state constitutions explicitly require citizenship for voting:
U.S. Supreme Court precedent is unchanged; states can let noncitizens vote if they choose. While Congress explicitly outlawed noncitizen voting in federal elections, the door remains open for local and state elections. ... And if America is going to call itself a democracy, the country ought to have one state that is an actual democracy.